THE  LIFE  AND 

CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

JAMES   McHENRY 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

Reproduced  in  original  size  from  miniature  owned  by  the  heirs  of 
Dr.  James  McHenry 

(Copyright,  1907,  The  Burrows  Brothers  Company) 


THE  LIFE  AND 
CORRESPONDENCE    OF 

JAMES  McHENRY 

SECRETARY    OF    WAR    UNDER 
WASHINGTON    AND    ADAMS 


BY 

BERNARD  C.  STE1NER 


UNIVERSITY 


Cleveland 

THE  BURROWS  BROTHERS  COMPANY 
I  907 


COPYRIGHT,   1907 
THE  BUKROWS   BROTHERS    COMPANY 


CONTENTS 

Preface    .......  ix 

I.     Early  Years  and  Medical  Study,  1753-1775  1 

II.     Surgeon  and  Prisoner,  1775-1778         .          .  6 

III.     Washington's  Secretary,  1778-1780      .         .  19 

IV.     Lafayette's  Aid,  1780-1781         ...  29 
V.     The  Maryland   Senate   and  the   Confederation 
Congress,  until  Washington's  Resignation  of 

his  Commission  in  December,  1783  .          .  41 
VI.     Marriage    and    Retirement    from    Public    Life, 

1784-1786 75 

VII.     Member  of  the  Federal  Constitutional  Conven 
tion,  17*7- 1788 97 

VIII.  Member  of  the  House  of  Delegates,  1788-1790  114 

IX.  A  Year  of  Retirement,  1790-1791          .          .  128 

X.  Second  Term  in  the  Senate,  1791-1796  .  132 

XI.  Washington's  Secretary  of  War,  1796-1797  .  163 

XII.  A  Year  in  the  War  Department  under  Adams, 

1797-1798 208 

XIII.  The  Provisional  Army  and  the  Strife  over  the 

Generals,  1798-1799         ....         309 

XIV.  Events  after  the  Nomination  of  the  French  En 

voys,  1799-1800  .  .  .  .  370 

Fries 's  Rebellion  and  the  West  in  1798-1800  432 
The  Federalists  in  the  Presidential  Campaign 

of  1800          .          .         .         .         .         .  452 

Retirement  and  Defense  of  his  Administration 

of  the  War  Office,  1801-1803    ...  497 

XVIII.     The  Federalists  in  Opposition,  1803-1812       .  520 

XIX.     McHenry's  Last  Days,  1812-1816           .          .  580 

Appendices        ......  619 

Index  625 


191190 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

Miniature  Portrait  of  Washington,  by  William  Russell 

Birch  .....  Frontispiece 

While  Dr.  James  McHenry  was  Washington's  secretary  of  war,  he 
purchased  a  miniature  portrait  of  Washington,  painted  by  the 
artist  named  above. 

William  Russell  Birch  was  born  in  Warwick,  England,  April  9, 
1755,  and  died  in  Philadelphia  August  7,  1834.  He  studied  enamel 
painting  In  London,  and  in  1784  was  awarded  the  silver  palette  by 
the  Society  of  Arts,  for  the  production  of  a  new  enamel  color — the 
red-brown  that  he  ever  afterwards  used  in  his  backgrounds.  He 
came  to  America  in  1794,  when  he  ceased  to  use  his  middle  name. 
In  regard  to  his  miniatures  of  Washington  he  says  In  his  MS.  auto 
biography  : 

"When  he  [Washington]  was  sitting  for  Stuart  [1795]  he  [Wash 
ington]  told  him  he  had  heard  there  was  another  artist  of  merit 
from  London,  naming  myself ;  that  he  would  sit  for  me  if  I  chose. 
I  thanked  Mr.  Stuart  that  as  he  had  painted  his  picture  it  would 
bo  a  mark  of  the  highest  imposition  to  trouble  the  General  to  sit 
for  me,  but  that  when  I  had  copied  his  [Stuart's]  picture  of  him 
in  enamel,  which  was  my  forte,  that  I  would  show  it  to  the  Gen 
eral  and  thank  him  for  his  kind  offer,  which  when  I  had  done,  I 
waited  xipon  the  General  with  a  note  that  an  artist  waited  the 
honor  of  showing  personally  to  the  General  a  specimen  of  his 
talrnts.  When  I  saw  the  General  I  put  the  picture  into  his  hands ; 
.  he  looked  at  it  steadfastly,  but,  from  a  peculiarity  of  solid  (stolid?) 
habit  of  manner,  left  me  to  look  at  him  as  solid  (stolid?)  till 
feeling  myself  awkward  I  began  the  history  of  enamel  painting 
which  by  the  time  I  had  got  through  he  complimented  me  upon  the 
beauty  of  my  work.  I  then  told  him  how  much  he  was  beholden 
to  Mr.  Stuart  for  the  correctness  of  his  likeness.  I  copied  one 
enamel  from  it  which  was  purchased  by  Mr.  McHenry.  From  this 
portrait  I  made  a  correct  drawing,  the  copying  of  which  in  enamel 
supplied  me  in  work  for  a  considerable  time.  I  painted  about 
sixty  portraits  of  it  from  $30  tc  $100  each." 

The  above  information  was  supplied  by  Mr.  Charles  Henry  Hart, 
the  recognized  authority  on  historical  portraiture  in  America,  and 
supplements  very  completely  such  information  as  had  previously 
been  possessed  by  the  family  and  Dr.  Bernard  C.  Steiner,  our 
editor. 

Mr.  Hart  further  states  that  Birch  brought  with  him  from  Eng 
land  but  one  letter  of  introduction  and  that  was  from  Benjamin 
West,  the  Pennsylvania  president  of  the  Royal  Academy  of  Arts 
in  London  to  William  Bingham  of  Philadelphia.  It  was  for  Bing- 
ham  that  Stuart  painted  his  first  portrait  of  Washington  which 
is  now  in  the  collection  of  Marsden  J.  Perry,  Esq.,  of  Providence, 
R.  I.  Tills  is  the  one  that  Birch  copied  in  enamel. 
Harper's  Magazine  for  August,  1896,  in  an  article  on  Stuart's 
Lansdowne  portrait  of  Washington,  says :  "When  William  Birch 
desired  to  make  an  enamel  portrait  of  Washington,  .Stuart  gave 
him  his  first  head  to  copy  and  Washington  stamped  it  with  his 
approval. " 

This  portrait  Is  at  present  owned  by  the  heirs  of  Dr.  James  Mc 
Henry. 

Miniature  Portrait  of    Margaret    Caldwell    McHenry 

(Mrs.  James  McHenry)  .  .          .         facing    76 

At  present  owned  by  the  heirs  of  Dr.  James  McHenry  of  Baltimore. 


viii  Illustrations 

Miniature  Portrait  of  Dr.  James  McHenry       .         facing  160 

Military  secretary  to  Washington  during  part  of  the  Revolutionary 
war.     .Secretary    of    war    1796-1800.      In    his    honor    Fort    McHenry, 
Baltimore,    was    named. 
Owned  at  present  by  the  heirs  of  Dr.  James  McHenry. 

Portrait  of  George  Washington       .          .          .         facing  420 

Reproduction,  reduced  in  size,  of  the  Birch  miniature  of  Washington  which 
appears  in  colors  as  frontispiece. 

Profile  Portrait  of  Dr.  James  McHenry  .         facing  580 

Reproduction  much  reduced  in  size.     The  artist  is  supposed  to  have 
been    St.    Memin.     Owned   by   the  heirs   of  Dr.   James   McHenry. 


PREFACE 

THE  heirs  of  Dr.  James  McHenry  have  placed  in  my 
hands  a  trunk  containing  the  correspondence  and 
other  manuscripts  of  their  ancestor,  with  the  request 
that  I  use  these  papers  in  the  preparation  of  his  biography. 
An  examination  of  the  collection  showed  its  richness  in 
unpublished  letters  written  by  the  greatest  men  of  the  period 
of  the  American  revolution  and  revealed  the  affection  felt  for 
McHenry  by  his  many  friends.  The  varied  relation  to  public 
affairs  which  McHenry  held  during  his  life  also  made  the 
papers  of  extraordinary  interest.  He  came  to  the  British 
North  American  colonies  from  the  north  of  Ireland  and  had 
just  completed  a  course  of  study  in  medicine  under  Dr.  Benja 
min  Rush  of  Philadelphia,  when  the  war  of  independence  broke 
out.  As  a  surgeon,  a  prisoner  of  war,  a  member  of  Washing 
ton's  military  family,  and  an  aid  to  Lafayette,  McHenry  saw 
service  throughout  that  great  conflict  and,  at  its  close,  became  a 
legislator,  being  a  member  at  the  same  time  of  the  Maryland 
Senate,  and  of  the  Confederation  Congress.  In  partnership 
with  his  father  and  brother  in  a  successful  mercantile  business 
in  Baltimore,  he  early  accumulated  a  competence.  In  1787, 
he  served  in  the  Constitutional  Convention  at  Philadelphia  and, 
in  succeeding  years,  was  a  Federalist  member  of  the  Maryland 
legislature,  serving  in  both  House  of  Delegates  and  Senate. 
Washington  called  him  to  become  Secretary  of  War  in  January 
1796,  and,  in  that  position,  McHenry  continued  during  most 
of  Adams's  administration.  He  retired  to  private  life  in 
May,  1800,  and  spent  the  sixteen  years  which  still  remained 
of  his  life  as  a  private  citizen,  keeping  a  keen  interest  in 
politics  and  maintaining  an  active  correspondence  with 
Federalist  leaders  in  Congress.  Throughout  his  whole  life, 
he  showed  himself  a  pure  minded,  high  spirited,  courteous, 
Christian  gentleman.  He  was  a  man  of  rare  charm  and 
attractiveness,  who  gained  and  kept  the  love  of  the  best  men 
of  his  time.  A  mere  list  of  names  of  his  intimate  friends, 
scores  of  whose  letters  are  here  published  for  the  first  time, 
proves  the  nobleness  and  loveliness  of  his  character.  Wash- 


x  Preface 

ington  loved  him,  as  he  loved  few  men.  The  men  with  whom 
McIIenry  was  associated  in  the  Revolutionary  army,  such  as 
Hamilton,  Lafayette  and  Tallmadge,  never  lost  the  esteem 
they  there  learned  to  feel  for  him.  Among  the  men  he  met 
in  later  public  life,  he  gained  the  warm  friendship  of  persons 
of  such  diverse  characteristics  as  Pickering,  William  Vans 
Murray,  and  Uriah  Tracy.  The  correspondence  of  men  wrho 
played  so  prominent  a  part  in  affairs  reveals  much  of  import 
ance  upon  the  history  of  the  times.  I  have  been  fortunate 
enough  to  be  able  to  consult  the  papers  of  Washington  and 
Hamilton,  while  these  papers  were  in  the  custody  of  the  De 
partment  of  State  in  Washington,  and  the  papers  of  Pickering 
in  the  library  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  and,  so  to 
have  seen  both  sides  of  the  noteworthy  correspondence  of 
McHenry  with  those  men.  It  is  a  privilege  to  have  studied 
the  life  of  so  attractive  and  upright  a  man  as  McIIenry  —  one 
who  compelled  friendship  and  was  faithful  in  the  performance 
of  every  duty  committed  to  his  care. 

BERNARD  C.  STEINER. 


X   CHAPTER     I 

EARLY   YEARS  AND   MEDICAL   STUDY 

1753-1775 

AMONG  the  Scotch  Irish  Presbyterian  settlers  who  came 
to  America  in  the  eighteenth  century  were  a  father  and 
two  sons  from  Ballymena,  near  Belfast,  county  Antrim, 
Ireland.  The  elder  of  the  sons,  James  McHenry,  came  first  in 
1771,  sent  out  on  a  voyage  to  the  colonies,  because  his  health 
had  become  impaired  by  too  close  application  to  studies  at  a 
classical  academy  in  Dublin.  He  was  a  youth  of  less  than 
twenty  years  and  was  placed  under  the  care  of  Captain  William 
Allison,  of  Philadelphia,  whose  stepdaughter,  Margaret  Cald- 
well,  he  subsequently  married.  The  date  of  James  McHenry 's 
birth  is  uncertain.  It  is  usually  given  as  November  16,  1753, 
but  the  family  records  give  the  year  as  1752,  and  in  a  letter  to 
Timothy  Pickering  in  June,  1813,  McHenry  gave  it  as  Novem 
ber  25, 1751.  The  first  is  probably  the  correct  date,  as  his  only 
sister,  Anna,  who  died  in  1771,  was  born  in  1751.  The  parents 
of  James  McHenry  were  named  Daniel  and  Agnes  and  the 
family  traditions  state  that  Daniel  had  been  a  merchant  in 
Ireland  and  that  the  McHenrys  had  been  settled  at  Ballymena 
for  many  generations.  Daniel  McHenry  was  born  in  1725, 
and,  in  1772,  was  induced  to  emigrate  to  America  through  the 
representations  of  his  son  James.  With  him,  came  his  wife 
and  his  younger  son,  John,  the  only  remaining  members  of  his 
family.  In  the  autumn  of  1773,  Daniel  McHenry  established 
himself  in  business  in  Baltimore,  together  with  his  son  John, 
under  the  firm  name  of  Daniel  McHenry  &  Son.  In  the 
newspapers  of  the  day,  they  announce  that  they  have  just 
laid  in  a  large  and  various  assortment  of  merchandise  suitable 
to  the  season  in  the  last  vessels  from  London,  Liverpool, 
Ireland,  etc.,  consisting  of  Dry  Goods,  Cloths,  Hardware, 
Groceries,  Spiceries,  Wines,  Teas,  and  Brandies.  The  store 
was  on  the  east  side  of  Calvert  street,  south  of  Market  now 


2  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP.  1 

Baltimore  street,  within  two  doors  of  the  corner.  Mrs.  Agnes 
Mcllenry  died,  aged  forty-six  years,  on  August  16,  1774. 

Daniel  McHenry  continued  in  business  with  his  son  with 
considerable  financial  success  and  died  November  3,  1782,  aged 
fifty-seven  years.  The  newspapers  describe  him  as  "a  gentle 
man  of  respectable  character."  He  does  not  seem  to  have 
purchased  any  real  estate  in  Baltimore  Town  but  had  a  country 
seat,  probably  in  Anne  Arundel  county,  as,  in  May,  1779,  he 
advertised  in  the  "Maryland  Journal"  $100  reward  for  a  horse 
stolen  from  his  plantation,  eight  miles  from  Dorsey's  Ferry. 
John  McHenry,  who  was  born  in  1755,  and  was  only  eighteen 
when  the  business  was  founded,  continued  it  with  success 
until  his  death  on  May  7,  1790,  when  the  mercantile  house 
ceased.  In  1780,  he  began  buying  town  property  in  connection 
with  his  brother  and  in  1785,  he  acquired  the  block  upon 
which  the  postoffice  now  stands.  As  he  never  married,  his 
property  passed  to  his  brother  James. 

James  McHenry, l  with  whom  we  are  chiefly  concerned,  is 
found  in  1772,  at  Newark,  Delaware,  in  connection  with  the 
academy  there,  probably  as  a  student.  The  Reverend  Patrick 
Allison  and  the  Reverend  Francis  Allison,  both  connections  of 
Captain  William  Allison,  were  among  the  incorporators  of  this 
academy,  which  fact,  doubtless,  explains  McHenry 's  presence 
there.  Verses  are  still  preserved  which  he  wrote  during  his 
residence  at  Newark.  His  earlier  biographer  speaks  of  these 
verses  as  "attributable  perhaps  rather  to  youth  and  rural 
surroundings  than  to  any  decided  inspiration."  This  taste 
for  versification  continued  throughout  his  life  and,  though  he 
is  not  known  to  have  printed  any  of  his  verses,  he  left  a  port 
folio  filled  with  them,  some  of  which  we  shall  quote. 

The  Newark  verses  were  sent  to  the  "Pennsylvania 
Packet,"  on  October  12,  1772,  and  are  an  imitation  of  Milton's 
L 'Allegro,  a  quotation  from  which  was  prefixed  to  them. 

Fled's  the  philosophic  train, 
Now's  the  blithe  vacation's  reign ; 
To   yon   owl   I   give   my   thesis, 
Whilst  I  wheel  these  chance-cut  mases. 


1  Much  of  this  family  history  was  kindly  given  by  Mr.  Wilson  Miles 
Gary.  A  sketch  of  Dr.  McHenry  by  Frederick  J.  Brown  in  the  Md.  Hist. 
Soc.  Fund  Pub.  has  also  proved  of  value.  McHenry  speaks  of  being  twenty 
when  his  wife  was  twelve.  If  this  is  correct  he  was  born  in  1753,  as  she 
was  born  in  1762.  A  sketch  of  McHenry,  which  speaks  of  him  as  "of  wide 
information  and  of  respectable  talents  but  not  of  great  abilities,"  is  found 
in  Ingersoll's  History  of  the  War  Department,  422,  and  is  based  on  Brown. 
Portraits  of  McHenry  with  brief  sketches  of  his  life  are  to  be  found  in 
Carson's  History  of  the  Celebration  of  the  Hundredth  Anniversary  of  the 
Constitution  in  Mag.  Am.  Hist.,  xiii,  104,  and  ibid.,  vii,  104. 


1753-1775]  of  James  McHenry  3 

I  have   read   of  Cam's   fair  rill, 

Shady  Windsor,  Cooper's  hill, 

And  of  London,  where  is  seen,  (and  of  London  where  I  ween) 

Stars,  and  garters,  and  the  queen;   (all  antiquity  is  seen) 

And  can  spell  of  every  stream 

That  to  music  owes  its  name. 

Let   the   curious   visit   those, 
With,   thee,   New-Ark,   I'll  repose, 
Shun  a  city's  circling  life, 
Study  nature,   but  not  strife. 

Friendly    Flaccus    me   excuse, 
'Till   I    round    these   speaking   views. 
Dull   is  Plato,   dry  his   morals, 
To  the  forest's  floating  carols, 
To  the  woodman's  weighty  stroke 
Lev'ling  low   the  distant  oak, 
To  the  nymphs  with  rustic  tresses, 
Dancing  round  the  apple  presses. 
To   the  plowman's   healthful   toil. 
Curling  o'er  the  fallow  soil ; 
Now  his  lusty   meal   appears, 
Now  unyoked  his  sweating  steers : 
Bounteous  heav'n  twice  he  blesses, 
Twice  bestows  the  .bearer  kisses. 

Some  are   climbing  chestnut  trees, 
Others,  busy  as  the  bees, 
Culling  from  the  roguish  vine 
Subject  for  their  winter's  wine.  — 
Boys  with  berry-ting§d  cheeks, 
Boats  a  rustling  thro'  the  creeks, 
Flails  resounding  to  the  beaches, 
Maids  with  aprons  full  of  peaches,  — 
Grant  me  oft  these  scenes  to  view 
Distant  from   the  artful  crew ; 
Near  my   Whitcclay's  virgin   stream, 
To  enjoy  the  mid-day  dream ; 
And  with  New-Ark  will  I  live 
Whilst   her   plains   these   pleasures  give. 

McHenry 's  best  work  is  seen  in  brief  lyrics  and  epigrams, 
like  the  following: 

Of  love,  let  fair  Delia  beware; 

'Tis  a  charm  that's  destructive  to  ease. 
That  heaps   on   the  heart  but   despair, 

While  it  seems  to  do  nothing  but  please. 

Tho'  it  comes  in  a  form  th'  most  mild, 

'Tis  a  quest  that  is  sure   to  'betray ; 
Tho'   rob'd  like  an  innocent  child 

It  has  wings   that   soon  waft   it  away. 

But  if  it  can  pleasure  impart 

To   know   that  your  passion    is  known, 
Then  know  you  have  pierc'd  Damon's  heart 

With  a  flame  that  does  equal  your  own. 


What  beauty  could  do  Amarillis  would  try. 
Would  know  by  her  absence  how  many  must  die; 
So  ordered  her  band-box,  and  footman  and  chair. 
Determined  to  pass  through  a  town  in  despair.  — 
'But  Venus,  who  sometimes  to   mortals  is  kind 
The  scheme  to  defeat  kept  her  sister  behind. 


4  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP.  I 

When  Cloe  shone  forth,  what  a  Syren  said  I. 

She'll  murder  a  score  at  a  stroke ; 
She  opened  her  lips,  I  was  ready  to  die, 

But  love  flew  away  when  she  spoke. 

The  radiance  of  beauty  Corinna  could  boast 

But  managed  the  thing  without  art : 
To  be  lov'd  by  a  crowd,  or  to  be  the  first  toast 

.She   gave,   till   she   lost   every  heart. 

From  Newark,  he  returned  to  Philadelphia  and  took  up 
the  study  of  medicine  under  the  famous  Dr.  Benjamin  Rush. 
Between  the  teacher  and  pupil  a  warm  attachment  sprang  up, 
as  is  shown  by  the  letters  which  were  exchanged  in  later  years. 
There  is  no  evidence  that  McHenry  ever  practiced  medicine, 
save  during  his  service  as  surgeon  in  the  army.  His  letters 
show  no  trace  of  a  love  for  the  profession,  while  his  easy 
financial  circumstances  did  not  force  him  to  earn  a  livelihood 
from  his  medical  knowledge.  Dr.  Rush  was  a  friend  of  George 
Washington  and  it  has  been  thought  that,  through  the  former's 
influence,  McHenry  first  formed  that  acquaintance  with  the 
latter  which  was  destined  to  exercise  so  great  an  influence  over 
the  life  of  the  subject  of  this  work. 

The  patriotic  fever  of  the  times  seized  the  young 
physician  and,  shortly  after  Washington  went  to  Cambridge, 
McHenry  prepared  to  follow  him  l  and  drew  up  an  informal 
will.  The  paper  shows  clearly  the  devoutness  of  McHenry 's 
religious  faith  and  the  depth  of  his  affection  for  his  family. 

"Being  about  to  set  off  for  the  head  Quarters  in  New 
England,  to  serve  as  a  volunteer,  or  Surgeon,  in  the  American 
Army,  raised  by  order  of  the  Continental  Congress  and 
Provincial  Conventions,  to  defend  the  liberties  of  Americans 
and  mankind,  against  the  enemies  of  both  —  I  therefore, 
resign  the  disposal  of  myself  and  soul,  in  ail  sincerety  and 
lowly  reverence  to  their  first  giver.  And  should  the  events 
of  war  number  me  with  the  dead,  in  the  name  of  the  disposer  of 
these  and  all  other  events,  I  will  and  bequeath  by  this  writing, 
all  my  portion  of  earthly  possessions  in  the  manner  following. 

' '  In  the  first  place  I  hereby  will,  order,  and  devise  that  the 
one  third  of  the  Principal,  and  the  one  third  of  the  proffits 
arising  from  my  partnership  with  my  Father  Daniel  McHenry 
and  John  McHenry  my  Brother,  both  of  Baltimore  Towii, 
Maryland,  be  equally  and  impartially  divided  between  the 
said  Daniel  McHenry  my  Father,  and  John  McHenry  my 
Brother.  I  moreover  bequeath,  to  my  dear  and  well  beloved 

Inhere  is  a  poem  of  McHenry's  "To  Mrs.  M.  on  leaving  Philadelphia 


1753-1775]  of  James  McHenry  5 

Brother,  John  McHenry  aforesaid  —  all  my  wearing  apparel 
—  military  habiliments  —  books  —  and  physical  materials,  to 
be  disposed  of  as  he  may  think  proper.  Preserving  only  out 
of  this  bequest  'Beattie  on  the  nature  and  immutability  of 
truth'  for  my  good  and  worthy  patron  and  friend  Capt. 
William  Allison  of  Philadelphia  as  a  slender  memorial  of  my 
gratitude  and  friendship  Also  to  my  much  esteemed  and 
bosom  friend  James  Dunlap,  now  apothecary  to  the  Pennsyl 
vania  Hospital,  the  eighteen  volumes  of  'Van  Sweeten 's  Com 
mentaries  on  the  Aphorisms  of  Boerhaave. ' 

"As  to  the  manuscript  poetry  and  other  rude  sketches  in 
my  chest  &c  I  earnestly  desire  and  request  that  they  may  be 
all  burnt. 

"I  enter  not  into  the  formalities  of  a  will,  because  the 
tender  affections,  and  strong  affinities  of  Father,  Son,  and 
Brother,  render  it  unnecessary.  May  every  form  of  success 
attend  the  struggles  of  liberty,  and  every  possible  felicity  my 
dear  Father  and  Brother.  Amen. 

"Philadelphia  29  July  1775 

"JAMES  MCHENRY 
"Witness  present 
"Will  Blair" 


CHAPTER     II 

,/'        SURGEON  AND  PRISONER 

1775-1778 

McHENRY'S  first  service  seems  to  have  been  without  a 
regular  commission  and  we  know  little  of  his  activities, 
save  that  he  was  in  attendance  in  the  hospitals  in 
Cambridge  in  January,  1776,  whence  he  thus  wrote  his  brother : 

"My  very  dear  Brother 

"Am  I  to  conclude  by  my  not  hearing  from  you  since  the 
30th.  Deer.  Ulto.  that  your  desire  of  serving  America  in  a 
military  capacity  has  subsided  for  the  present.  Had  I 
known  some  time  ago  that  your  thought  turned  this  way,  I 
could  have  procured  you  a  captaincy  here.  But  I  imagined  you 
were  of  opinion  with  myself  that  one  out  of  our  little  family 
was  its  full  share.  I  must  confess  that  I  had  much  rather 
see  you  pursuing  the  less  hazardous  business  you  have  been 
accustomed  to  than  engaged  in  the  army.  I  do  not  suppose 
that  the  cause  stands  peculiarly  in  need  of  your  assistance. 
You  must  consider  yourself  as  the  head  of  a  family.  Your 
conduct,  ought,  therefore  be  such  as  may  be  productive  of  the 
best  and  most  advantageous  consequences.  These  I  apprehend 
cannot  be  obtained  by  adopting  the  military  plan.  Do  but 
reflect  on  the  relation  in  which  you  stand  and  how  much  some 
people  depend  on  your  management  and  prudence.  During 
the  remainder  of  the  suspension  of  our  trade,  our  capital 
cannot  be  much  diminished.  Trade  must  soon  be  again  opened, 
with  other  powers  if  not  with  European.  A  declaration  of 
Independency  may  not  be  far  off.  And  France  —  Holland 
&c  &c  will  hardly  abstain  from  a  commerce  which  must  show 
a  very  large  balance  in  their  favour. 

"As  to  your  scheme  of  going  home,  I  also  confess  that  as 
yet  I  have  not  been  able  to  enter  into  its  propriety.  We  can 
hardly  suppose  a  reconciliation  between  England  and  America. 
Both  are  too  far  engaged  to  recede.  Our  terms  of  accommoda- 


1775-1778]  of  James  Me  Henry  7 

tion  would  be  too  humiliating  to  the  false  dignity  of  Britain, 
find  their 's  too  ignominious  for  the  sons  of  freedom.  Strength 
must  decide  the  present  dispute.  I  have  few  fears  of  the 
scales  turning  against  us.  We  have  within  ourselves  materials 
for  carrying  on  a  war  of  any  duration :  We  have  many  more 
natural  resources  than  the  ministry  will  confess.  And  may, 
if  wanted,  have  foreign  assistance.  Under  such  circumstances, 
it  would  be  foolishness  in  the  extreme  to  accept  of  less  than 
absolute  independency.  For  in  short  we  are  only  to  be 
subjugated  by  pusillanimity  and  disunion.  I  would  ask  you 
if  it  is  not  advisable  to  stay  where  you  are,  and  content 
yourself  in  doing  a  little  till  a  change  of  times  put  it  in  your 
power  to  do  more,  or  go  home  with  a  greater  certainty  of 
answering  the  purposes  of  trade.  If  for  the  present  you  can 
keep  the  old  stock  together  we  may  be  fully  content.  In  all 
probability  the  merchant  will  soon  find  his  usual  employment. 
New  manufactures  —  and  trades  will  rise  out  of  our  confu 
sions,  and  the  calamities  of  war,  in  a  short  time  be  more  than 
counterbalanced  by  a  long  train  of  blessings  and  advantages. 

' '  But  I  would  not  have  you  think  from  what  I  have  said, 
1hat  I  mean  to  damp  your  military  ardor.  I  am  willing  as 
soon  as  the  cause  demands  it  to  give  up  my  fraternal  feelings. 
If  you  suppose  this  to  be  the  period,  when  engaged  in  the 
service,  do  your  duty  faithfully  and  when  called  into  action 
let  not  the  justice  of  our  glorious  cause,  or  the  spirit  of  a 
freeman  forsake  you.  But  I  am  sure  these  will  not.  And  if 
you  have  joined  the  army  I  doubt  not  but  that  you  have  put 
our  affairs  in  proper  order  and  proper  hands,  as  you  must  be 
uncertain  when  or  where  you"may  be  called. 

"If  on  the  other  hand  you  determine  to  cross  the  Atlantic 
I  also  expect  you  to  make  such  arrangement  and  disposition 
of  things  as  I  mentioned  in  my  last  letter  to  you,  thro'  the 
medium  of  Capt.  Allison.  But  as  I  said  there,  take  the 
opinion  of  people  who  have  more  leisure  to  consider  the  step 
and  a  more  extensive  knowledge  of  the  subject  or  consequences 
than  I  have. 

' '  I  must  beg  that  in  your  future  letters  you  will  be  more 
particular  and  less  desultory.  This  will  lead  to  a  just  habit 
of  writing  as  well  as  thinking.  You  might  ere  now  have  told 
me  a  variety  of  things  which  I  want  to  know.  You  have 
mentioned  my  father's  family.  Pray  have  I  any  sisters  or 
brothers  in  it?  But  how  many  or  can  you  find  time  to  give 
me  some  idea  of  them?  I  thank  my  father  for  his  compli- 


8  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP.  II 

ments  and  beg  you  to  return  him  mine,  with  the  inclosed  letter. 
You  tell  me  that  he  lives  happily.  I  am  heartily  glad  of  it. 
He  has  met  with  some  heartaches  in  his  time,  so  that  I  am 
pleased  to  think  he  is  likely  to  finish  his  last  act  in  peace  and 
serenity. 

"I  cannot  conclude  this  long  letter,  without  telling  you 
how  much  I  am  chagrined  and  disappointed  at  your  writing 
so  seldom.  At  your  not  discharging  what  some  may  imagine  a 
duty  which  you  owe  in  a  peculiar  manner,  your  *  *  and  tend 
erly  affectionate  brother. 

"JAMES  MCHENRY 

"I  wish  that  you  would  see  about  getting,  making  and 
forwarding  the  shirts,  if  my  father  cannot.  I  could  buy  linen 
but  it  is  a  most  extravagant  price  *  *  that  which  you  sold 
when  last  with  you  at  *  *  *  is  above  a  dollar  per  yd. ' ' 

He  evidently  continued  with  the  army  after  the  close  of 
the  siege  of  Boston,  for,  on  July  26,  1776,  Washington  gave 
written  consent  to  his  application  for  a  week 's  leave  of  absence 
before  going  to  Canada.  The  trip  to  Canada  was  probably 
given  up  and  McHenry  continued  as  a  volunteer  with  the 
army.  On  August  27,  his  preceptor,  Dr.  Rush,  sent  him  the 
following  letter,  transmitting  a  very  commendatory  resolution 
of  the  continental  congress: 

"Congress  Aug  26  1776 

' '  Resolved  that  Congress  have  a  proper  sense  of  the  merit 
and  services  of  Doctor  McHenry  and  recommend  it  to  the 
Directors  of  the  different  hospitals  belonging  to  the  United 
States  to  appoint  Doctor  McHenry  to  the  first  vacancy  that 
shall  happen  of  a  surgeon 's  birth  in  any  of  the  said  hospitals. 
' '  Extract  from  the  minutes 

"CHAS  THOMSON  Sec'y." 

"Dear  Sir 

' '  The  above  resolution  of  Congress  does  you  as  much  honor 
as  if  they  had  made  you  a  director  of  a  hospital.  I  need  not 
hint  to  you  after  this  how  unjust  it  will  be  in  you  to  desert 
their  Service  especially  at  the  present  juncture.  You  will 
please  to  furnish  Dr.  Morgan,  Dr.  Stringer,  and  the  other 
Directors  of  the  hospitals  of  the  States  with  a  copy  of  the 
above  resolution.  If  there  is  at  present  a  vacancy  in  any  of 


1775-1778]  of  James  McHenry  9 

these  departments,  you  are  authorised  to  demand  a  warrant 
for  it.  Wishing  you  my  dear  McHenry  much  health,  honor 
and  happiness  I  am  with  great  regard  your  most  Affectionate 
humble  Servant 

"B.  RUSH" 

On  August  10,  McHenry  had  been  appointed  surgeon  of 
the  Fifth  Pennsylvania  Battalion,  commanded  by  Colonel 
Robert  McGaw,  and  stationed  at  Fort  Washington.  McHenry 
remained  with  the  command  until  the  fort  was  taken  by  Sir 
William  Howe  on  November  16,  1776.  He  was  one  of  five 
surgeons  taken  prisoners  among  the  2000  Americans  who  were 
included  in  the  capitulation.  Shortly  after  his  captivity  began 
he  wrote  Dr.  Rush: 

"My  very  dear  Sir 

"In  my  last  from  F.  Washington  I  vainly  amused  myself 
with  a  prospect  of  seeing  you  in  a  short  time.  But  the  events 
of  war  are  uncontrolable  and  have  taught  me  of  how  little 
avail  the  wisdom  and  hardihood  of  a  few  are  against  the  coun 
cils  and  courage  of  the  many. 

"I  have  not  as  yet  reflected  so  deeply  on  the  fate  of  a 
prisoner  as  to  make  me  unhappy.  And  perhaps  I  shall  not. 
For  I  am  no  admirer  of  that  philosophy  which  is  constantly 
in  tears  or  beating  itself  to  pieces  against  the  impassable  bars 
of  its  prison.  Methinks  I  feel  something  within  me  like  that 
kindly  resignation  which  when  duly  attended  to  never  fails 
to  befriend  the  unfortunate.  But 

"Altho'  I  am  resigned  with  regard  to  my  own  fate,  yet  it 
were  to  be  wished  that  an  exchange  of  prisoners  could  be 
brought  about  as  soon  as  possible.  The  officers  thro'  the 
goodness  of  his  Excellency  General  Howe  —  have  the  liberty 
of  the  City  —  but  the  privates  are  crouded  into  Churches 
and  the  like.  Prodire  tenus,  si  non  datur  ultra. 

"Col  Magaw  is  ill  of  a  fever,  tho'  in  my  opinion  not 
dangerous.  I  am  at  private  lodgings  with  him,  Col.  Miles, 
Atley,  Swoope  &c.  Their  evening  and  morning  devotions 
begin  and  end  with  Horace's  0  rus,  quando  ego  te  aspiciam. 

"I  am  Sir  yours  most  respectfully  sincerely  and  affec 
tionately  JAMES  MCHENRY. 

"New  York  21st  Novr  1776" 

On  this  letter,  McHenry  endorsed  the  following  reason 
why  it  was  not  sent: 


10  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  n 

"The  commissary  of  prisoners  Mr.  Loring  rejected  this 
letter  It  would  not  pass" 

Of  his  experience  in  captivity,  we  learn  from  a  letter  he 
wrote  in  Philadelphia  to  Washington  on  June  22,  1777 : 

"Observing  it  asserted  in  Gen.  Howe's  letter  to  your 
Excy  of  the  21st  April  Ult.  that  'one  half  of  the  sick  pris 
oners  were  rec  'd  into  the  British  Hospitals  —  that  the  re 
mainder  were  attended  in  their  different  places  of  confinement 
by  their  own  Surgeons  and  lastly  that  these  Surgeons,  with 
out  restriction  were  supplied  with  medicines  for  this  purpose 
until  it  was  discovered  that  they  disposed  of  large  quantities 
by  private  sale ; '  I  conceive  it  incumbent  on  me  to  give  your 
Excellency  what  information  I  can  on  this  subject,  the  better 
to  ascertain  its  credibility,  and  that  it  may  have  its  proper 
influence  in  the  settlement  of  the  proportion  of  prisoners  to  be 
accounted  for. 

"In  the  first  place  I  would  observe  to  your  Excelly  that 
Gen  Howe  seems  to  have  fallen  into  a  mistake  in  using  the 
term  B.  II .  in  the  sense  in  which  he  would  have  it  understood. 
If  it  be  not  appropriated  to  amuse,  his  information  must  have 
come  from  persons  whose  interest  it  is  that  he  himself  should 
be  deceived.  For  your  Excellency  is  by  no  means  to  suppose 
that  any  of  our  sick  prisoners  were,  at  any  one  time  whilst 
I  was  in  N.  Y  received  into  the  B.  II.,  or  treated  in  the  same 
manner  as  their  own  sick  and  wounded. 

' '  That  great  numbers  of  our  sick  and  wounded  were  sep- 
erated  from  the  rest,  and  put  into  houses  provided  for  their 
reception  is  not  to  be  doubted.  But  here  they  wanted,  the 
necessary  attendance,  comforts,  and  conveniencies  which  con 
stitute  a  hospital :  either  'through  design,  or  neglect  of  reason 
able  and  practicable  care,'  Whilst.  On  the  other  hand  no 
patients  could  be  better  taken  care  of,  or  better  provided,  than 
those  in  B.  Hospitals.  Had  ours  received  a  similar  treatment 
no  cause  of  complaint  could  possibly  have  arisen  on  this  head. 
But  a  detail  [of]  some  of  their  sufferings,  and  what  was 
attempted  for  their  relief  in  comparison  to  our  Enemies  will 
better  shew  the  discrimination.  I  enter  upoa  it  with  pain  and 
reluctance. 

' '  The  condition  of  the  prisoners  in  gen.  the  want  of  such 
assistance  as  G.  II.  had  it  in  his  power  to  supply,  &  wch  was 
compatible  with  yr  situation  was  at  several  times  represented 
to  Gen :  Howe  by  letters  from  our  field  officers.  No  answer 
Was  received.  In  December,  r^eir  distresses  became  more 


1775-1778]  of  James  McHenry  11 

peculiarly  interesting.  Heretofore  the  sick  were  under  the 
care  of  Dr  Antil  a  refugee  from .  But  from  this  per 
iod  to  their  leaving  N.  Y.  they  were  principally  under  the 
direction  of  a  person  who  called  himself  Dr  Louis  Debute 
a  man  of  a  most  infamous  and  abandoned  character. 

' '  And  It  was  now  tho  't  advisable  to  acquaint  Doctor  Mallet 
(Surg.  Gen.  and  provider  to  the  B.  H.)  with  their  singular 
distresses.  Accordingly  in  the  presence  of  Col.  Miles,  I  laid 
before  him,  and  the  commissary  for  Prisoners  (Mr.  Jos. 
Loring)  their  present  condition.  Mentioned  their  want  of 
Hospital  bed-bunks,  bedding,  and  coverings  —  the  almost 
total  want  of  fire,  in  consequence  of  which  several  of  their 
limbs  had  mortified  —  but  more  particularly  their  want  of 
nurses  and  tenders  to  give  cleanliness  to  the  place  and  prepare 
and  give  them  their  drinks  and  nourishment  at  proper  times. 
In  short  that  they  in  a  manner  wanted  every  thing  that  could 
contribute  to  their  comfort  or  recovery. 

"Dr.  Mallet  reply 'd  the  account  was  affecting,  and  he  was 
very  sorry  to  hear  it.  He  would  look  into  the  matter.  But  in 
the  mean  while  could  assure  me  that  they  were  allowed  the 
same  as  the  patients  in  the  B.  H.  And  because  it  was  thought, 
that  it  would  please  our  officers  better,  they  were  under  the 
care  of  one  of  our  own  Doctors.  If  things  were  peculated  or 
misapplied  —  it  was  not  his  fault.  This  complaint,  I  an 
swered  was  made  to  him,  and  Mr  Loring  because  it  was 
imagined,  it  came  more  immediately  under  their  cognizance. 
My  state  of  their  cruel  sufferings  was  a  true  one.  The  evi 
dence  was  no  further  off  than  the  Quaker  meeting  house 
where  they  lay.  That  Louis  Debute  who  seemed  to  be  chiefly 
intrusted  with  their  treatment  did  not  belong  to  us,  nor  had 
ever  been  in  our  service,  as  I  could  learn.  That  he  was  notor 
ious  for  crimes,  and  had  been  pillored  some  time  before  we 
evacuated  N.  York.  Moreover  That  Dr.  Oliver  who  had  the 
management  of  our  wounded  had  lately  dismissed  him  upon 
its  being  discovered  that  he  disposed  of  their  medicines  and 
necessaries.  To  this  Dr.  Mallet  replied  —  that  he  was  found 
amongst  our  people;  and  he  supposed  him  one  of  ourselves. 

' '  Dr  Mallet  then  requested  me  to  take  the  direction  of  the 
house  upon  myself,  and  said  that  if  I  could  procure  nurses 
(which  I  had  remarked  they  wanted  more  than  medicines)  ho 
would  willingly  pay  them.  To  this  I  answered,  that  he  must 
be  sensible  my  situation  in  N.  York  was  by  no  means  cal 
culated  to  procure  nurses.  But  if  nurses  or  even  proper 


12  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  n 

tenders  were  provided,  and  Debute  turned  off,  I  would  imme 
diately  undertake  the  business.  But  altho'  bound  as  well  by 
profession  as  duty  to  render  the  sick  service  in  my  power,  yet 
the  superior  regard  which  I  owed  my  character,  must  deter 
mine  me  from  the  undertaking  so  long  as  he  was  continued. 

"Mr  Loring  said  Debute  should  not  be  suffered  to  pre 
scribe,  but  as  he  was  a  useful  fellow,  might  still  be  employed 
as  an  understrapper.  I  could  not  engage  in  the  affair,  I 
replied,  until  he  was  totally  dismissed. 

"Notwithstanding]  this  he  was  continued;  tho'  a  Dr 
Hawkins,  mate  in  the  Gen.  Hospital,  came  now  and  then  to 
prescribe.  But  of  his  attendance  or  care  they  were  little  the 
better.  And  Debute  was  suffered  to  carry  on  his  inhumanities 
and  deceptions  as  usual  'till  a  more  glaring  act  of  cruelty 
rendered  his  dismission  unavoidable. 

"An  officer,  prisoner  on  Long  Island,  came  to  our  lodgings 
to  inform  Cols  McGaw  &  Miles  that  the  Doctor  who  had  charge 
of  our  sick,  had  that  morning  in  his  presence  given  one  of 
them  a  blow  with  his  stick,  in  consequence  of  which  the  man 
died  15  minutes  after. 

"Upon  this  I  renewed  my  complaints  to  Dr  Mallet  with 
this  additional  circumstance  of  Debute 's  barbarity:  and  beg 
ged,  as  the  officer  was  willing  to  swear  to  the  fact,  that  he 
might  be  tryed  for  the  murder.  The  Doctor  expressed  much 
concern,  and  accompanied  me  to  Debute.  The  fellow  after  some 
little  hesitation  confessed  that  he  had  that  morning  struck  one 
of  his  patients ;  but  argued  that  it  was  the  man  who  lay  next  to 
him  who  died.  The  first  detatchment  of  our  officers,  in  the 
mean  while  was  ordered  over  to  Long  Island,  and  unfortunate 
ly  amongst  them  the  person  who  was  to  evidence  this  fact.  And 
the  murdered  man  was  already  buried  with  a  number  of 
others,  so  that  no  testimony  could  be  had  from  inspection. 

"Now  Debute  was  dismissed  from  his  office  and  com 
manded  never  more  to  be  seen  near  the  sick.  This  compre 
hends  a  period  of  six  week  time  their  crowded  situation  — 
the  effects  of  severe  cold  on  their  limbs  —  the  strong  symptoms 
of  a  long  deprivation  of  water  expressed  in  many  of  their 
countenances  —  Exclamations  for  drink  and  food,  from  such 
as  had  strength  left  to  speak  —  the  groans  of  the  dying  —  the 
looks  of  the  dead  that  lay  mixed  with  the  living  —  and  the 
insufferable  impurity  of  the  house,  made  up  altogether  a 
scene  more  affecting  and  horrid  than  the  carnage  of  a  field  of 
battle  wherein  no  quarter  is  given. 


1775-1778]  of  James  McHenry  13 

"These  things  made  impressions  too  strong  to  be  forgot 
ten.  And  I  question  whether  the  resentment  of  the  few  who 
survived  can  end,  but  with  their  feelings. 

"But  from  this  description  which  includes  a  period  of  6 
weeks  I  would  in  some  manner  discriminate  the  wounded,  who 
were  lodged  in  a  different  part  of  the  Town;  in  houses  pro 
vided  with  fire  places,  and  under  the  direction  of  Dr  Oliver, 
a  refugee  from  Boston.  I  also  make  some  distinction  between 
the  usage  of  the  sick  under  Dr.  Antil  who  had  charge  of  them 
before  Debute.  But  even  under  these  gentlemen  their  state 
was  often  grievous  and  distressing  to  contemplate. 

' '  Debute  left  the  sick  in  such  a  condition  that  nothing  save 
their  immediate  removal  from  N.  York  afforded  the  smallest 
prospect  of  a  single  patients  recovery.  Wherefore  all  I  could 
do,  was  to  procure  that  application  to  Gen.  Howe  which  got 
them  out  on  parole;  a  copy  of  wrhich  I  inclosed  to  your  Ex 
cellency  the  latter  end  of  Jany  last  dated  from  Hyde's  Town 
Jersey. 

' '  I  come  now  to  Gen.  Howe 's  allegation  against  our  Sur 
geons.  I  imagine  that  upon  proper  enquiry  it  will  be  found 
unsupported  by  admissible  evidence:  or  to  depend  upon  an 
equivoque  of  the  same  nature  as  that  on  which  the  assertion 
of  our  sick  being  reed  into  the  B.  H.  is  grounded.  How  far 
the  following  facts  may  serve  to  clear  up  the  matter  may  not 
be  difficult  to  ascertain. 

"Doctor  Hugh  Hodge  and  myself  made  several  applica 
tions  for  medicine  for  our  sick  officers,  but  were  always  re 
fused.  We  were  obliged  to  buy  them  for  their  use.  An 
ounce  or  two  of  salts  and  a  few  nitre  powders  from  Drs 
Oliver  and  Antil  were  all  we  ever  reed.  And  these  we  had 
in  consideration  of  our  profession,  not  because  they  had  orders 
to  deliver  any.  For  the  latter  Gent,  told  Dr.  Hodge  that  Dr. 
Mallet  had  positively  forbidden  medicines  to  be  given  for 
patients  out  of  his  own  care.  Moreover  when  Debute  had 
charge  of  our  sick  I  bought  from  Dr.  Brownjohn,  and  destri- 
buted  amongst  them  medicines  in  his  presence  from  time  to 
time.  I  except  here  the  dressings  &c  —  which  Dr.  Oliver 
from  time  to  time  furnished  the  wounded  officers,  who  were 
attended  at  their  own  lodgings.  Besides  Dr.  Hodge  and  my 
self  there  were  4  or  5  Surgeons  prisoners  belonging  to  Penn 
sylvania  and  the  New  England  States.  It  is  natural  to  sup 
pose  that  those  were  also  refused.  But  as  I  was  not  acquainted 
with  them,  do  not  affirm  it. 


14  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  n 

"But  had  medicines  been  allowed  without  restriction  for 
the  use  of  our  sick  remaining  in  their  prisons  —  wherefore  pre 
vented  from  visiting  them?  Between  the  20  November  and 
middle  of  January,  I  attempted  it  several  times  but  never 
obtained  admission  except  in  one  instance,  when  I  had  reason 
to  believe  that  the  guard  had  mistaken  me  for  a  British  Surgn 

"But  further  med.  to  men  circumstanced  as  they  were, 
could  answer  no  one  salutary  purpose.  It  is  even  illiberal 
to  suppose  that  any  rational  person  would  have  prescribed 
them  to  men  so  totally  unfurnished  with  those  conveniences 
and  necessaries,  without  which,  they  are  useless,  if  not  hurtful. 
This  would  have  been  carrying  cruelty  to  its  utmost  limits. 
And  it  ought  really  to  be  considered  as  a  mark  of  G.  H. 
humanity,  that  such  a  thing  was  not  ordered  to  be  done. 

"This  may  serve  as  a  commentary  to  G.  Howe's  third 
fact.  I  cannot  be  mistaken  in  a  single  assertion.  In  every  part 
of  the  testimony  I  am  clear,  however  it  may  stand  contrasted 
with  Sir  William  Howes.  You  will  therefore  use  it  as  may 
best  answer  the  course  of  justice.  For  'Tis  well  I  am  G. 
Howes  prisoner  But  this  cannot  prevent  me  from  discharg 
ing  the  obligations  I  am  under  to  truth.  With  all  due 
respect  I  have  the  honor  to  remain  your  Exl  most  obt  and 
very  humble  servt" 

On  January  27,  1777,  Surgeon  McHenry  was  paroled, l 


1  A  roug-h  draft  of  the  report  made  by  McHenry  to  Loring,  the  com 
missary  of  prisoners  in  New  York,  is  among:  the  McHenry  papers.  Two 
of  the  letters  sent  Howe  with  reference  to  the  prisoners  here  follow : 

"To  his  Excy.  Sir  Wm.  Howe  commander  in  chief  of  his  majesty'3 
forces  in  N.  America  may  it  please  your  Excelly. 

"We  being  informed  by  several  persons  that  the  severity  of  the 
contagion  in  the  prisoners'  hospital  is  such  as  to  encrease  every  disease 
and  leave  little  or  no  probability  of  the  unfortunate  patient's  recovery 
while  confined  in  that  place.  And  notwithstanding  the  severity  of  the 
season  we  are  assured  by  some  of  the  physicians  that  their  removal  will 
be  attended  with  less  danger  than  their  continuance  there.  We  therefore 
take  the  liberty  of  requesting  that  your  Excy.  will  be  pleased  to  give  orders 
for  these  to  be  sent  away  as  soon  as  convenient  under  the  care  of  some 
of  their  Doctors,  as  it  appears  the  only  thing  that  can  be  done  in  their 
favor.  Signed  by 

"Col.  Miles 

"Rawllins 

"And  Maj.  Williams" 

"To  his  Excellency  General  Howe  commander  in  chief  of  his  magesties 
forces  in  North  America. 

"We  should  not  have  presumed  one  moment  on  your  Excellency's  time 
were  we  not  called  upon  by  the  most  powerful  of  motives.  The  state  of 
the  sick  and  wounded  prisoners  is  of  too  melancholy  a  kind  for  recital 
and  the  consequences  of  a  general  contagion  to  be  dreaded.  We  as 
witnesses  of  their  situation  feel  every  principle  within  us  interested  in 
their  favour,  and  would  beg  leave  to  recommend  them,  in  particular,  as 
objects  not  unworthy  of  your  Excellency's  clemency.  This  winter  will 


1775-1778]  of  James  McHenry  15 

as  we  learn  from  a  letter  writen  by  him  to  Washington  four 
days  later  from  Hydestovra: 

' '  In  consequence  of  the  inclosed  application  to  Gen :  Howe 
the  sick  privates  and  those  who  remained  of  the  well  were 
ordered  off  on  parole  under  my  care  as  Doctor,  and  the  con 
duct  of  a  british  officer  &c.  But  as  the  officer  leaves  them 
here,  he  gets  no  receipt.  Six  have  died  since  our  leaving  New- 
York;  But  I  flatter  myself,  should  the  weather  moderate  a 
little  that  most  of  the  remainder  will  recover.  There  is  now 
Twenty  five. 

"May  I  hope  that  your  Excellency  will  free  me,  as  soon 
as  convenient  from  the  restrictions  of  a  parole.  I  have  the 
honour  to  be  your  Excellency's  most  obedient  and  most  humble 
servant. ' ' 

Over  a  year  passed,  however,  before  he  was  released  from 
parole.  During  this  time  he  probably  resided  in  Baltimore. 
Then  McHenry  received  a  letter,  written  by  his  friend  Hamil 
ton  on  March  5,  1778 : 

"It  gave  me  pleasure  to  inform  you  that  Mr.  Boudinotte 
has  been  able  to  effect  your  exchange  for  a  Doctor  Mentzes. 
Allow  me  to  congratulate  you  on  the  event. 

"We  are  again  on  the  business  of  a  general  cartel  with 
Mr.  Howe.  He  seems  inclined  to  meet  us  on  fair  ground. 

' '  Commissioners  from  us  meet  on  equal  numbers  from  him 
the  10th.  instant.  One  great  and  preliminary  point  to  be  set 
tled  is  the  proportion  of  prisoners  that  we  ought  to  account 
for.  To  assist  our  judgment  in  this  point  —  we  shall  be  much 
obliged  to  you  by  the  return  of  this  express,  and  without  a 
moments  loss  of  time  to  send  us  your  deposition,  to  the  best  of 
your  knowledge,  on  the  actual  state  of  the  prisoners  sent  out 
at  the  time  of  the  delivery;  and  whatever  else  may  serve  to 
throw  light  upon  the  subject, 

"I  am  Sir 

"Your  most  obedt. 

"A  HAMILTON  Esq." 

On  the  same  day,  Dr.  James  Hutchinson,  who  was  a 
Philadelphia  surgeon,  wrote  McHenry  from  "Moorhall  near 
headquarters,  Valley  Forge : ' ' 

assuredly  place  them  beyond  reach  of  human  charity.  We  would  therefore, 
whilst  a  parole  can  be  of  any  service  entreat  that  a  proper  place  may  be 
agreed  to  >by  your  Excy.  and  Gen.  W — n  where  the  sick  and  wounded  may 
be  conveyed  they  pledging  their  faith  to  continue  unactive  untill  regularly 
exchanged  or  laid  under  such  restrictions  and  limitations  as  may  be  tho't 
necessary  by  your  Excellency  and  Gen.  Washington.  We  beg  that  we 
may  be  heard  and  are  your  Excellency's  most  obedient  —  humble  servts." 


16  Life  and  Correspondent  [CHAP.  H 

"I  would  have  wrote  you  long  since,  but  was  uncertain 
where  you  were  to  be  found,  and  now  I  only  think  it  probable 
that  you  may  be  at  Baltimore ;  therefore  dispatch  an  Express 
thither,  after  you  to  carry  this  letter,  and  one  which  his 
Excellency  has  desired  me  to  send  you,  on  matters  of  import 
ance.  I  sincerely  congratulate  you  on  your  exchange,  Mr. 
Boudinot  has  your  parole  in  his  possession,  and  you  are  once 
more  at  liberty  to  serve  your  Country,  in  such  manner  as 
your  qualifications  render  you  eminently  capable;  however  I 
will  say  more  to  you  on  this  subject  when  I  have  the  pleasure 
of  seeing  you,  at  which  time  I  shall  have  an  opportunity  of 
talking  over  the  variety  of  scenes,  which  have  passed  since  I 
saw  you  in  Philadelphia,  and  since  I  have  entered  the  army. 

"I  beg  you  to  repair  hither  as  soon  as  you  possibly  can, 
the  Express  who  carries  this  has  orders  to  ride  night  and  day 
till  he  meets  you,  if  you  should  be  at  Baltimore,  his  Excellency 
has  Business  with  you  of  the  greatest  importance,  and  it  is  of 
the  utmost  consequence  that  you  should  be  in  Camp  in  four 
days  from  this  date ;  I  have  fifty  things  to  say  to  you,  but  am 
desired  not  to  delay  the  Express,  I  have  therefore  no  time  to 
write  half  I  wish  to  or  to  look  over  what  I  have  already 
wrote. ' ' 

McHenry  now  took  up  duties  in  the  hospital  and  on 
May  17,  Dr.  Rush  addressed  a  letter  to  him  as  "Senior  Sur 
geon  of  the  Flying  Hospital,  Valley  Forge,"  in  which  letter 
he  says : ' '  It  gives  me  pleasure  to  see  one  whom  I  had  any  hand 
in  educating  filling  an  honorable  and  useful  post  in  the  line 
of  his  profession  in  the  army.  May  you  continue  to  merit 
the  esteem  of  your  friends  and  the  approbation  of  your  coun 
try."  On  May  15,  he  was  appointed  secretary  to  the  com- 
mander-in-chief.  McHenry  hesitated  somewhat  before  he 
accepted  the  position  and  wrote  his  father  to  ask  his  prefer 
ence  in  the  matter: 

' '  I  find  myself  much  embarrassed  to  know  how  to  inform 
you  of  a  matter  in  which  my  inclinations  are  deeply  con 
cerned;  but  in  which  I  am  not  at  liberty  to  proceed  without 
your  concurrence.  Circumstances  of  some  delicacy  put  it  out 
of  my  power  at  present  to  be  as  explicit  as  I  wish  witty  a 
father  —  however,  I  hope  to  make  it  in  some  measure  under 
stood,  so  far  as  may  be  necessary  to  obtain  your  opinion  and 
consent. 

1 '  I  do  not  forget  the  tenderness  of  our  parting,  your  last 


1775-1778]  of  James  McHenry  17 

injunctions,  nor  my  promise  to  avoid  all  places  of  danger 
not  strictly  connected  with  the  duties  of  my  profession.  It 
is  the  observation  of  those  which  prevents  me  from  entering 
into  a  post  of  some  danger  till  I  can  obtain  your  approbation. 
The  post  in  contemplation  is  one  not  only  of  the  most  hon 
ourable  but  the  most  flattering  to  a  young  man  of  any  mili 
tary  views ;  or  who  wishes  to  be  distinguished  by  the  first  in 
the  military  line.  The  idea  of  my  being  of  use  in  my  present 
station  I  trust  will  not  be  a  reason  with  you  why  I  should  not 
change  it  for  one  more  agreeable  to  my  wishes.  But  I  must 
not  influence  you  in  a  matter  which  your  own  feelings  must 
determine.  I  would  only  just  beg  to  observe  that  those  who 
believe  in  a  superintending  God  can  have  little  to  fear  from  a 
change  of  situation.  We  are  all  under  his  eye,  and  under 
his  particular  providence,  whether  in  the  walks  of  private  em 
ployment,  or  amidst  the  hurry  and  confusion  of  war  and 
battle.  We  cannot  die  without  his  knowledge,  nor  live  with 
out  his  protection. 

' '  It  now  rests  upon  you  to  say  what  I  shall  do.  Whether 
accept  of  a  post  of  danger  honourable  beyond  my  deserving- 
ness —  or  continue  in  a  physical  station  wherein  I  think  I 
can  be  very  useful  to  the  army. 

"Be  good  enough  to  write  me  by  return  of  this  express 
and  believe  me  to  be  —  with  all  due  regard  and  affection  your 
dutiful  child." 

Daniel  McHenry 's  answer  has  not  been  preserved,  but 
must  have  been  favorable  to  McHenry 's  acceptance  of  the 
new  post  offered  him.  As  secretary,  he  took  an  oath  of 
allegiance  to  the  United  States  and  renunciation  of  the  Eng 
lish  king  before  General  Nathaniel  Greene  on  June  9.  With 
the  appointment  as  secretary,  McHenry  gave  up  medical  prac 
tice  for  the  rest  of  his  life.  Save  for  an  interesting  prescrip 
tion  given  Hamilton  on  the  following  21st  of  September,  we 
hear  of  no  more  medical  work  by  McHenry.  His  advice  to 
Hamilton  was  as  follows: 

"In  order  to  get  rid  of  your  present  accumulations  you 
will  be  pleased  to  take  the  pills  agreeable  to  the  directions; 
and  to  prevent  future  accumulations  observe  the  following 
table  of  diet. 

"This  will  have  a  tendency  also  to  correct  your  wit. 

' '  I  would  advise  for  your  breakfast  two  cups  of  tea  sweet 
ened  with  brown  sugar,  and  coloured  with  about  a  teaspoon- 


18  Life  ujid  Correspondence  [CHAP,  n 

ful  of  milk.  I  prefer  brown  sugar  to  loaf  because  it  is  more 
laxative.  And  I  forbid  the  free  use  of  milk  until  your  stom 
ach  recovers  its  natural  powers.  At  present  you  would  feel 
less  uneasiness  in  digesting  a  pound  of  beef  than  a  pint  of 
milk. 

"You  will  not  drink  your  tea  just  as  it  comes  out  of  the 
pot;  let  it  have  time  to  cool.  The  astringuency  of  the  tea  is 
more  than  counterbalanced  by  the  relaxing  quality  of  hot- 
water. 

' '  For  your  dinner  let  me  recommend  about  six  ounces  of 
beef  or  mutton,  either  boiled  or  roasted,  with  eight  or  ten 
ounces  of  bread.  Cut  the  meat  from  the  tenderest  part  with 
little  or  no  fat.  Use  the  natural  juice,  but  no  rancid  oily 
gravy  whatsoever.  For  some  time  I  would  prefer  the  beef, 
because  it  contains  more  of  a  natural  animal  stimulus  than 
mutton.  Once  or  twice  a  week  you  may  indulge  in  a  thin 
slice  of  ham.  Your  best  condiment  will  be  salt. 

' '  You  must  not  eat  as  many  vegitables  as  you  please  —  a 
load  of  vegitables  is  as  hurtful  as  a  load  of  any  other  food. 
Besides  the  absurdity  of  crouding  in  a  heap  of  discordant 
vegitables  with  a  large  quantity  of  meat  too  much  of  itself  for 
the  digestive  powers.  You  may  eat  a  few  potatoes  every  day. 

"Water  is  the  most  general  solvent  the  kindliest  and  the 
best  assistance  in  the  process  of  digestion.  I  would  therefore 
advise  it  for  your  table  drink.  When  you  indulge  in  wine 
let  it  be  sparingly.  Never  go  beyond  three  glasses  —  but  by 
no  means  every  day. 

"I  strictly  forbid  all  eatables  which  I  do  not  mention 
principally  because  a  formula  of  diet  for  your  case  should  be 
simple  and  short. 

"Should  this  table  be  strictly  observed,  it  will  soon  be 
come  of  little  use,  because  you  will  have  recovered  that  degree 
of  health  which  is  compatable  with  the  nature  of  your  consti 
tution.  You  will  then  be  your  own  councellor  in  diet  for  the 
man  who  has  had  ten  years  experience  in  eating  and  its  con 
sequences  is  a  fool  if  he  does  not  know  how  to  choose  his 
dishes  better  than  his  Doctor. 

' '  But  in  case  you  should  fall  into  a  debauch  —  you  must 
next  day  have  recourse  to  the  pills.  I  hope  however  that  you 
will  not  have  recourse  to  them  often.  The  great  Paracelsus 
trusted  to  his  pills  to  ^destroy  the  effects  of  intemperance  — 
but  he  died  if  I  forget  not  about  the  age  of  30  notwithstand 
ing  his  pills.  Lewis  Cornaro  the  Italian  was  wiser  —  he 
trusted  to  an  egg,  and  I  think  lived  to  about  ninety." 


CHAPTER   III 

WASHINGTON'S  SECRETARY 
1778-1780 

McHENRY  now  took  up  a  position  he  was  to  fill  for  two 
years  and  which  determined  his  future  life.  He  was 
a  member  of  Washington's  " military  family,"  in 
close  association  with  such  men  as  Hamilton,  Lafayette,  and 
Benjamin  Talmadge,  all  of  whom  became  his  friends  for  life, 
and  in  such  relations  to  "the  General,"  as  McHenry  always 
called  Washington,  that  McHenry  grew  to  be  one  of  the  few 
with  whom  that  austere  man  could  unbend.  McHenry 's  sin 
cerity  and  purity  of  soul  and  his  ' '  easy  and  cheerful  temper 
attracted  the  great  man  and,  though  Washington  ever  re 
mained  a  hero  to  his  secretary,  yet  the  intimacy  showed  itself 
in  the  easy  and  often  playful  style  in  their  letters.  McHenry l 
was  at  the  battle  of  Monmouth  on  June  28,  1778,  and  was 
then  sent  to  the  rear  to  look  after  the  baggage,  in  case  the 
result  of  the  battle  should  be  unfavorable  to  the  American 
forces.  Before  the  battle,  he  met  Lee  on  the  march  towards 
the  enemy  and  asked  him  if  he  had  any  information  to  send 
back  to  General  Washington.  Lee  said  the  enemy  did  not 
appear  well  to  understand  the  roads  and  that  he  expected  to 
fall  in  with  the  rear  of  the  enemy,  with  great  certainty  of 
cutting  them  off.  McHenry  started  with  this  message,  when 
Lee  called  him  back  and  added,  "with  fixed  and  firm  tone  of 
voice  and  countenance,"  that  General  Wayne  and  Colonel 
Butler  are  amusing  them  with  a  few  loose  cannon  shot,  that 
the  enemy  are  constantly  changing  their  front,  which  is  a 
usual  thing  with  those  who  retreat.  After  the  conflict,  Mc 
Henry  was  present,  when  Washington  asked  Lee  the  cause 
of  the  retreat  and  noticed  his  confusion.  A  third  time,  he 
saw  Lee  at  Englishtown  later  in  the  day,  when  Lee  was 
observing  to  a  number  of  gentlemen  that  it  was  mere  folly 

1  Tower's  Lafayette  in  the  Revolution,  391,  Lee  Papers,  N.  Y.  Hist. 
Soc.,  ill.  77,  191. 


20  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  in 

to  make  attempts  against  the  enemy  where  they  possessed  so 
great  a  superiority  in  cavalry.  1 

While  the  army  was  in  winter  quarters,  on  December  10, 
Samuel  Smith  of  Baltimore  wrote  McHenry  from  that  town : 

' '  I  arrived  here  Safe  on  Thursday  last,  my  Stay  in  Phil- 
ada.  was  but  7  days.  I  was  astonish 'd  with  the  Luxuries  & 
extravagances  of  that  once  Federal  City,  it  is  true  the  At 
tention  they  pay  to  officers,  flatters  &  pleases  us.  but  Such 
prodigality  of  our  Money  depreciates  it  &  in  the  end  bids  farr 
to  destroy  it.  they  talk  of  thousands  as  we  do  of  Doll-ars  in 
Camp.  I  lamented  our  Situation,  &  to  enforce  it,  assur'd  as 
an  instance  of  the  Impossibility  of  our  staying  longer  in  the 
Service,  that  my  half  years  pay  was  spent  on  my  Journey 
home.  I  was  laughed  at  for  my  parsimony.  I  was  mistaken 
it  cost  me  50  Dr.  more.  —  I  hope  Balto  was  not  so  bad.  here 
it  is  true  their  living  is  not  luxurious,  but  the  Money  is  of  as 
little  value,  what  think  you  of  J.  M'  Lure  betting  200  D.  on 
the  throw  of  a  Die.  one  thousand  Dolls,  to  lose  or  win  in  a 
Night  is  peddling.  —  The  consequence  of  this  will  be  very  soon 
felt  by  the  Army.  Pennsylvania  says  it  can  supply  no  flour, 
on  this  place  a  very  chief  dependance  is  plac'd  by  the  Com- 
misary  General,  his  deputy  has  made  frequent  attempts  to 
purchase,  but  to  very  little  purpose,  So  Soon  as  he  gives  a  price 
the  Speculators  give  a  higher  until  at  length  it  has  got  to 
£7.10  &  £10  &  none  buying  for  the  public.  A  Law  has  pass'd 
this  State  but  it  will  have  very  little  Effect,  it  prevents  Monop- 

1  After  Hamilton's  death,  McHenry  defended  his  reputation  while  in 
the  Revolutionary  army  in  the  following  communication  to  "Yundt  & 
Brown's  Gazette" : 

"In  the  Aurora  of  the  twenty  ninth  ulto.  the  following  was  inserted 
as  an  anecdote. 

"  'When  Colonel  Hamilton  aid  de  Camp  to  General  Washington  forced 
General  Charles  Lee  to  the  field,  for  ridiculing  that  General's  abilities 
Lee,  received  his  fire;  but  refused  either  to  retract  what  he  had  said  or 
to  return  a  shot. 

You  may  fire  at  me  all  day  Sir,  (said  Lee)  if  it  will  amuse  you; 

what  I  have  said  I  am  not  disposed  to  recall ;  —  but  I  should  conceive  you 
do  your  patron  no  great  honour  by  thus  assuming  his  cause ;  and  as  for 
returning  your  fire,  I  beg  to  >be  excused.  Gen.  Lee  can  acquire  no  honour 
by  the  death  of  Colonel  Hamilton."  ' 

"We  have  the  authority  of  a  gentleman  whose  situation  in  the  army, 
during  the  revolutionary  war,  and  intimacy  with  the  deceased  Gen. 
Hamilton,  gave  him  an  opportunity  of  knowing  whether  the  fact  related 
in  the  above  anecdote  took  place,  to  state,  that  General  Hamilton  never 
did  call  General  Charles  Lee  or  any  other  officer  of  the  revolutionary 
army  to  the  field  for  any  cause.  It  is  possible  our  informant  thinks  that 
the  mistake  may  have  originated  in  the  following  circumstance.  Col. 
John  Laurens  and  Colonel  Hamilton,  were  at  the  same  time  aids  to 
General  Washington,  The  latter  Col.  Laurens  did  call  General  Lee  to  the 
field.  This  gentleman  was  a  son  of  Henry  Laurens,  the  well  remembered 
President  of  Congress,  and  was  surpassed  by  few  men  in  genius,  aibility 
and  gallantry.  He  fell  in  a  skirmish  in  South  Carolina  fighting  for  his 
native  country." 


1778-1780]  of  James  McHenry 21 

olizers  but  does  not  prevent  Millers  from  forestalling  nor 
farmers  from  keeping  up  their  grain.  Good  Men  with  a  part 
of  the  Army  had  been  Cantoon'd  in  Maryland.  I  fear  it  will 
again  want  flour,  its  Distance  from  the  flour  Country  is  very 

great 

"The  Situation  of  the  Officers  is  truly  distressing  they 
not  only  have  the  Mortification  to  See  every  thing  live  except 
themselves,  but,  they  see  their  private  fortune  wasting  away 
to  make  fat  those  very  Miscreants,  they  See  their  Country 
altho  yet  wanting  their  Assistance  refuse  to  make  any  future 
provision  for  them,  or  even  to  give  them  the  Necessary  Sup 
plies,  which  their  Small  pittance  of  pay  will  not  purchase. 
Congress  feels  not  for  us,  our  Countrymen  will  soon  avoid  us, 
that  they  may  not  be  troubled  with  our  Complaint  &  lest  we 
should  want  to  borrow  their  Money  from  them.  I  cannot 
bear  to  resign  &  yet  what  Can  I  do.  my  Fathers  opulent 
fortune  is  reduced  to  Nothing,  it  was  chiefly  in  cash,  exclusive 
of  my  Love  for  my  Country  &  the  Service,  my  attachment  to 
his  Excelly.  makes  me  wish  to  remain  &  nothing  but  dire 
necessity  Shall  make  me  resign." 

After  Washington  and  his  military  family  reached  Hav- 
erstraw,  McHenry  wrote  an  account  of  the  march  which  gives 
glimpses  of  the  pleasant  side  of  the  campaign. 

"In  our  route  to  Paramus,  where  part  of  the  army  had 
encamped  in  order  to  rest  and  refresh,  we  visited  the  falls  of 
Pasaic  [on  July  10].  We  crossed  the  river  at  an  old  bridge 
in  very  bad  repair  and  in  half  a  mile  reached  the  falls. 

"The  rock  to  which  they  owe  their  birth  is  of  considerable 
compass  (covered  in  general  with  herbage,  some  trees  and 
shrubbery).  But  besides  the  chasm  into  which  the  water 
throws  itself  there  are  several  other  fissures  and  deep  dismem 
berments,  formed  as  it  would  seem  by  nature  in  some  of  her 
violent  operations.  The  falls  tho'  curious  in  themselves  derive 
additional  beauties  from  those  objects  with  which  they  are 
connected. 

' '  The  Pasaic  appears  to  be  about  30  or  40  yards  broad  — 
but  the  water  does  not  cover  at  the  falls  near  this  extent. 
There  a  smooth  and  gentle  sheet  tumbles  down  into  a  deep 
aperture  or  cleft  of  the  rock,  which  crosses  the  channel,  while, 
at  the  same  time,  several  lesser  portions  seem  to  steal  thro* 
different  openings,  rudely  encountering  each  other  in  their 
descent,  till  they  arrive  at  the  bottom  where  they  all  mix  to- 


22  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  ill 

gether.  This  conflict  and  the  dashing  of  the  water  against 
the  asperities  and  contrasted  sides  of  the  rock  produces  a  fine 
spray  that  issuing  from  the  cleft  appears  at  a  distance  like 
a  thin  body  of  smoke.  Near  the  bottom  of  the  falls  it  exhibits 
a  beautiful  rainbow  in  miniature.  The  aperture  into  which 
the  water  falls  does  not  seem  to  be  more  than  from  21  to  22 
feet  wide,  and  about  30  feet  in  depth,  tho'  further  down  and 
towards  where  the  river  takes  a  new  turn  the  distance  between 
the  walls  of  rock  is  much  greater  and  the  perpendicular 
depth  perhaps  not  less  than  70  feet.  Here  the  water  com 
poses  itself  as  in  a  large  basin  of  solid  stone  and  then  spreads 
into  a  pretty  broad  channel,  continuing  its  course  uninter 
rupted  to  New- York  bay. 

' '  A  little  above  the  falls  the  water  glides  over  some  ledges 
of  rock  of  about  3  or  4  feet  perpendicular  in  a  very  pretty 
manner. 

"It  is  observable  that  all  the  clefts  and  dismemberments 
in  the  several  parts  of  the  rock  run  in  the  samq  direction. 
You  may  descend  into  some  of  them  by  means  of  earth  and 
stones  with  which  their  entrance  is  made  gradual  and  easy. 
On  each  side  of  these  fissures  is  a  perpendicular  wall  of  rock, 
overgrown  with  moss.  There  one  enjoys  a  delightful  cool 
ness  under  an  intermixture  of  ruins  and  the  branches  of 
trees  that  form  a  fine  shade. 

"After  viewing  these  falls  we  seated  ourselves  round  the 
General  under  a  large  spreading  oak  within  view  of  the  spray 
and  in  hearing  of  the  noise. 

' '  A  fine  cool  spring  bubled  out  most  charmingly  from  the 
bottom  of  the  tree.  The  travelling  canteens  were  immediately 
emptied  and  a  modest  repast  spread  before  us,  of  cold  ham, 
tongue  and  some  biscuit.  With  the  assistance  of  a  little  spirit 
we  composed  some  excellent  grog.  Then  we  chatted  away  a 
very  cheerful  half  hour  —  and  then  took  our  leave  of  the 
friendly  oak  —  its  refreshing  spring  —  and  the  meek  falls 
of  Pasaic  —  less  noisy  and  boisterous  than  those  of  Niagara, 
or  the  more  gentle  Cohoes  or  the  waters  of  the  Mohawk. 

"From  hence  we  passed  thro  a  fertile  country  to  a  place 
called  Paramus.  We  stopped  at  a  Mrs.  Watkins  whose  house 
was  marked  for  head  Quarters.  But  the  General  receiving 
a  note  of  invitation  from  a  Mrs.  Provost  to  make  her  Her 
mitage,  as  it  was  called,  the  seat  of  his  stay  while  at  Paramus, 
we  only  dined  with  Mrs.  Watkins  and  her  two  charming 
daughters,  who  sang  us  several  pretty  songs  in  a  very  agree- 


1778-1780]  of  James  Me  Henry  23 

able  manner.  At  Mrs.  Provost  we  found  some  fair  refugees 
from  New  York  who  were  on  a  visit  to  the  lady  of  the  Her 
mitage  ;  with  them  we  talked  —  and  walked  —  and  laughed  — 
and  danced  and  gallanted  away  the  leisure  hours  of  four  days 
and  four  nights  and  would  have  gallanted  —  and  danced  and 
laughed  and  talked  and  walked  with  them  till  now  had  not 
the  General  given  orders  for  our  departure.  We  left  them 
however  in  the  spirit  of  modern  soldiership  without  much 
sighing  in  pursuit  of  the  dangers  of  war  and  pleasures  of 
variety. 

"It  was  about  6  o'clock  in  the  (15  July)  morning  when 
we  bade  adieu  to  the  Hermitage  —  coasting  it  thro '  narrow 
&  stony  roads  to  a  place  called  Haverstraw  in  Orange  County 
the  state  of  New  York. 

"Our  quarters  was  engaged  at  a  Col  Hay's.  The  house 
stands  about  a  mile  from  the  North  River  on  an  eminence 
commanding  a  large  extent  of  water  and  a  view  of  a  consid 
erable  compass  of  Chester  County  on  the  opposite  shore,  and 
some  of  the  heights  of  Duchess. 

' '  After  dinner  I  took  a  ride  to  a  pond  or  lake  —  about  half 
a  mile  from  the  West  side  of  the  North  River.  The  lake  is 
greatly  elevated  above  the  level  of  the  river  and  affords  some 
excellent  fish,  sun  fish,  carp  &c.  &c. 

"It  is  formed  in  a  bason  of  very  high  and  commanding 
ground  —  there  are  several  farm  houses  along  its  banks  — 
which  adds  greatly  to  the  view.  To  get  to  it  you  ride  around 
the  base  of  a  large  chain  of  rocks  —  which  border  on  the  North 
River.  We  began  to  ascend  these  very  gradually  after  3  miles 
riding  —  and  in  a  little  time  came  to  a  fine  level  and  cultivated 
piece  of  country. 

"On  this  elevated  ground  the  lake  forms  a  very  pretty 
bason. ' ' 

The  harder  side  of  the  campaign  is  revealed  in  McIIenry  's 
letter  to  his  father  written  from  headquarters  on  August  15. 

"My  very  dear  Father. 

"I  yesterday  received  your  letter  dated  the  28  of  last 
month,  your  writing  me  tkus  yourself  I  take  very  kindly  and 
shall  consider  it  as  a  great  satisfaction  if  you  will  but  write 
me  oftener  —  and  by  post,  as  this  conveyance  is  the  most 
constant  and  certain. 

"The  questions  you  have  proposed  to  me  with  so  mucfi 
cordiality  of  inquiry  I  shall  answer  with  very  great  pleasure. 


24  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  in 

* '  I  cannot  say  that  the  fatigues  of  our  late  march  has  beeii 
of  any  disservice  to  my  constitution  —  in  sleeping  in  the  open 
fields  —  under  trees  exposed  to  the  night  air  and  all  changes 
of  the  weather  I  only  followed  the  example  of  our  General. 
Tho'  long  in  the  army  I  was  but  a  hospital  soldier.  When 
I  joined  his  Excellency's  suite  I  gave  up  soft  beds  —  undis 
turbed  repose  —  and  the  habits  of  ease  and  indulgence  which 
reign  in  some  departments  —  for  a  single  blanket  —  the  hard 
floor  —  or  the  softer  sod  of  the  fields  —  early  rising  and  al 
most  perpetual  duty.  These  habitudes  however  I  prefer  to 
those  of  idleness  and  inactivity  —  they  are  more  consistent 
with  the  profession  of  a  soldier  and  repetition  has  now  made 
them  agreeable. 

"This  however  is  a  description  of  all  in  the  General's 
family.  You  will  certainly  suppose  that  men  under  these 
circumstances  have  small  demands  for  money.  This  is  really 
the  case:  with  few  or  no  opportunities  to  spend  it,  a  very 
little  serves  our  turn.  And  this  too  is  one  capital  reason  why 
I  have  no  occasion  to  make  use  of  your  kind  offer  —  of  a 
supply.  I  may  however  perhaps  claim  it  some  other  time  when 
I  have  nothing  to  do  but  invent  the  most  agreeable  and  in 
structive  ways  of  spending  it. 

"As  you  extended  your  charitable  inquiries  to  my  horses 
I  can  do  no  less  than  let  you  into  their  history.  At  present 
they  lead  a  very  lazy  and  indolent  kind  of  life.  Tom  feeds 
them  well  and  I  ride  them  but  little.  Perhaps  once  in  the 
two  days  a  circuit  of  a  few  miles  to  the  different  places  of 
parade  or  round  the  encampment:  so  that  upon  the  whole 
you  see  the  two  animals  have  a  very  comfortable  time  of  it 
and  are  much  happier  than  their  master  if  idleness  and  ease 
can  make  them  so. 

"I  need  not  tell  you  what  real  and  cordial  satisfaction  1 
would  feel  in  a  change  of  situation  for  a  few  weeks;  but  I 
fear  I  must  go  many  miles  further  from  Baltimore  before  I 
can  see  you.  The  English  have  not  yet  left  the  United  States 
and  if  they  had,  still  the  war  would  be  unfinished.  We  may 
therefore  be  separated  much  longer  than  present  appearances 
indicate  or  than  either  of  us  wish.  I  hope  however  that  we 
will  end  our  days  not  far  from  each  other,  and  that  the  society 
of  your  sons  will  serve  to  make  your  evening  hours  not  the 
most  unhappy  of  your  life. 

' '  My  brother  was  kind  enough  to  write  me  from  Philada. 


1778-1780]  of  James  McHenry 25 

but  I  have  no  reason  to  expect  the  pleasure  of  seeing  him  at 
camp. 

"There  has  been  no  accounts  from  Rhode  Island  since 
the  10th  inst.  Should  any  arrive  before  the  post  sets  out 
which  will  be  to-morrow  evening  you  will  have  it  in  another 
letter. 

"I  am  dear  father  yours  most  dutifully  and  affectionately. 

''P.  S.  You  desire  to  know  if  I  want  shirts.  I  would 
wish  to  have  half  a  dozen  with  stocks,  sent  by  the  first  safe 
conveyance.  There  is  a  little  lace  somewhere  in  my  trunk 
wrapped  up  I  believe  in  a  remnant  of  linen." 

During  the  whole  of  the  remainder  of  the  year,  McHenry 
remained  with  the  army  at  Fishkill. 

The  contrast  between  life  in  Philadelphia  and  in  the 
camp,  shown  by  Smith's  letter,  is  also  brought  before  us  by  a 
letter  sent  McHenry  at  Middlebrook  by  Tench  Tilghman  from 
Philadelphia  on  January  25,  1779: 

"Dear  Mac 

' '  I  believe  I  am  two  or  three  letters  in  your  debt,  which  F 
think  is  no  great  deal,  considering  you  love  scribbling,  and 
have  time  to  indulge  it.  I  have  hunted  in  vain  for  Justa- 
monds  translation  of  Abbe  Reynell.  I  have  seen  a  copy  in 
the  hands  of  a  private  Gentleman,  but  am  told  there  is  not  a 
set  for  sale  in  the  city.  I  suppose  you  think  we  must  be, 
by  this  time,  so  wedded  to  sweet  Philada.  that  it  will  break  our 
hearts  to  leave  it.  Far  from  it  I  assure  you  my  Friend.  I  can 
speak  for  myself,  and  I  am  pretty  certain  I  can  answer  for  all, 
when  I  say,  that  we  anxiously  wait  for  the  moment  that  gives 
us  liberty  to  return  to  humble  Middle  Brook.  Philada.  may 
answer  very  well  for  a  man  with  his  pockets  well  lined,  whose 
pursuit  is  idleness  and  dissipation.  But  to  us  who  are  not 
in  the  first  predicament,  and  who  are  notj  upon  the  latter 
errand,  it  is  intolerable.  We  seem  to  work  hard,  and  yet  we 
do  nothing ;  in  fact  we  have  no  time  to  do  any  thing  and  that 
is  the  true  reason  why  a  great  assembly  do  so  little.  A  morn 
ing  visit,  a  dinner  at  5  o'clock  —  Tea  at  8  or  9  —  supper  and 
up  all  night  is  the  round  die  in  diem.  Does  not  the  Republic 
go  on  charmingly?  By  the  Body  of  my  father  as  honest 
Sancho  used  to  swear,  we  have  advanced  as  far  in  luxury  in 
the  third  year  of  our  Indepeny.  as  the  old  musty  Republics 
of  Greece  and  Rome  did  in  twice  as  many  hundreds :  But  we 


20  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  in 

Americans  are  a  sharp  people.  And  we  are  in  more  senses 
than  one ;  and  if  we  do  not  keep  a  sharp  look  out  we  shall  be 
little  the  better  for  the  profusion  of  money  and  no  small 
quantity  of  Blood  that  has  been  spent.  All  cry  out  that  noth 
ing  but  Oeconomy  can  save  us,  and  yet  no  one  allows  that 
he  or  she  is  extravagant.  I  will  not  touch  upon  politics. 
They  are  too  valuable  to  trust  to  paper  and  Wax.  You  shall 
hear  much  when  we  fill  the  sociable  Bunks,  where  all  is  under 
the  secure  lock  and  key  of  Friendship.  Now  for  domestic 
matters,  for  we  begin  to  look  towards  home.  Say  to  Major 
Gibbs  that  we  have  heard  with  infinite  pleasure  of  good  Mrs. 
Thompson's  arrival  at  Camp  and  as  His  Excellcy  has  her 
ease  and  convenience  this  Winter  much  at  heart,  he  wishes 
she  may  have  a  warm  comfortable  apartment  built  for  her 
sole  use  and  behoof  in  such  place  as  he  the  major  shall  upon 
due  deliberation  and  consultation  with  the  sage  matron  judge 
most  proper.  This  will  be  absolutely  necessary,  as  Mrs.  Wash 
ington  will  want  the  Chamber,  we  at  first  occupied,  for  a 
drawing  Room,  and  we  remove  to  the  small  back  Chamber 
which  Gibbs  lodged  in. 

''Make  my  compliments  to  all  at  home  and  in  the  neigh 
borhood  and  believe  me  with  sincerity  Dear  Mac 

"Affecty.  Yours 

"TENCH  TILGHMAN. " 

Life  in  the  camp  was,  however,  not  all  hardship.  Of  its 
pleasant  side  we  catch  a  glimpse  in  a  letter  Lord  Stirling,  on 
December  24,  1778,  wrote  McHenry,  that  he  will  be  glad  to  see 
Lieutenant  Clive  this  afternoon,  but  "it  is  so  cold  that  for 
his  own  sake  I  could  wish  he  would  delay  the  visit  till  tomor 
row  &  that  both  he  &  you  would  come  &  take  Christmas  din 
ner  with  me." 

From  headquarters  at  West  Point,  on  August  20,  1779, 
McHenry  wrote  to  his  future  brother-in-law,  John  Caldwell, 
showing  he  already  was  interested  in  Margaret  Caldwell,  now 
a  girl  of  seventeen,  whom  McHenry  married  four  years  and  a 
half  later: 

"My  dear  Jack 

"Since  I  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  till  today,  there 
have  been  no  military  occurrences  worth  mentioning.  I  did 
not  therefore  think  it  necessary  to  trouble  you  with  a  letter. 
Besides,  Jack,  we  have  no  time  to  spare  for  letters  of  cere- 


1778-1780]    qf  James  McHenry 27 

mony,  and  very  little  even  to  those  of  friendship.  You  will 
not  however  I  am  persuaded,  esteem  mine  the  less,  for  not 
writing,  nor  determine  the  number  of  your  letters  by  those 
from  me. 

"I  mix  my  rejoicings  with  yours  on  our  late  accounts 
from  Europe  and  the  success  of  our  ally  in  the  West  Indies, 
and  let  me  add  for  the  capture  of  above  160  of  the  garrison  of 
Powles  Hook,  by  major  Lee,  on  the  night  of  the  18th  instant. 
This  was  an  enterprise  of  great  risque  —  conducted  with  great 
judgment,  and  completed  with  the  most  inconsiderable  loss. 
But  you  will  see  the  particulars  from  Congress. 

"I  take  too  much  interest  in  your  studies  not  to  inquire 
into  them.  I  suppose  them  agreeable,  and  that  you  are  sen 
sible  your  reputation  and  future  figure  in  the  world,  will  de 
pend  on  the  acquirements  you  now  make,  and  the  conduct 
you  may  observe  for  some  years  to  come.  Let  nothing  pre 
vent  you  from  prosecuting  them. 

' '  Should  your  sister  come  to  reside  in  town,  she  will  natur 
ally  claim  some  of  your  attention.  The  pleasure  of  giving  a 
turn,  or  proper  bent,  to  her  studies  and  amusements,  must  be 
very  agreeable  to  a  mind  like  yours.  I  envy  you  the  enjoy 
ment.  Suppose  she  cannot  have  every  thing  she  deserves,  yet 
with  your  care  she  may  have  enough  to  appear  very  amiable. 
I  would  not  have  you  forget,  on  any  occasion,  that  whatever 
you  want  to  obtain  either  in  your  or  her  favor  —  must  be 
attempted  with  prudence  and  caution.  Your  father  may  be 
persuaded  —  but  he  will  not  be  forced.  On  this  scale  every 
thing  in  reason  will  be  granted,  with  a  little  chiding. 

' '  You  will  remember  me  to  the  family  —  to  your  sister  — 
and  believe  me  yours  very  affectionately 

' '  JAMES  MCHENRY.  ' ' 

We  are  ignorant  of  McHenry's  life  in  1779,  apart  from 
this  letter,  except  that  he  was  busy  drafting  orders  for  Wash 
ington  and  carrying  out  his  commands.  1 

Dr.  Rush  wrote  McHenry  on  January  19,  1780,  that  he 
might  have  to  come  to  attend  the  trial  of  Dr.  Shippen  and  if 
he  does  "shall  be  happy  in  spending  as  much  time  as  can  be 
spared  from  the  Court  in  your  company!" 

1  On  the  manuscript  of  one  of  Washington's  plans  of  campaign, 
McHenry  wrote :  "The  General's  usual  mode  of  giving  notes  to  his 
secretaries  or  aids  for  letters  of  business.  Having  made  out  a  letter  from 
such  notes,  it  was  submitted  to  the  General  for  his  approbation  and 
correction  —  afterwards  copied  fair,  when  it  was  again  copied  and  signed 
by  him." 


28  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  in 

From  headquarters  on  March  18,  1780,  McHenry  wrote 
a  jesting  letter  to  Hamilton,  then  at  Amboy  as  a  commissioner 
for  negotiating  an  exchange  of  prisoners : 

"The  family  since  your  departure  have  given  hourly 
proofs  of  a  growing  weakness.  Example  I  verily  believe  is 
infectious.  For  such  a  predominance  is  beauty  establishing 
over  their  hearts,  that  should  things  continue  to  wear  as 
sweet  an  aspect  as  they  are  now  beheld  in,  I  shall  be  the  only 
person  left,  of  the  whole  household,  to  support  the  dignity  of 
human  nature.  But  in  good  earnest  God  bless  both  you,  and 
your  weakness,  and  preserve  me  your  sincere  friend." 

All  this  time,  as  McHenry  wrote  Washington  on  July  18, 
' '  I  have  acted  without  pay  &  it  is  my  intention  to  receive  none 
in  future,  unless  some  alteration  in  my  circumstances  render 
it  necessary,"  but  now  he  desires  other  rank  than  secretary; 
thinks  of  going  to  Europe,  and  wishes  to  be  a  volunteer  in  one 
of  the  regiments.  These  plans  he  did  not  carry  out,  but  the 
secretaryship  was  nearly  over.  x 

1  A   letter  from   McHenry   to   his   friend   Dr.    Binney   speaks   of    this 
thought  of  a  European  trip. 


CHAPTER   IV 

LAFAYETTE'S  AID 
1780-1781 

IN  August,  1780,  McHenry  was  transferred  to  Lafayette's 
staff  where  he  remained,  until  his  resignation  from  the 
army  in  the  autumn  of  1781. 

John  McHenry,  a  nephew  of  Dr.  McHenry,  left  record1 
that  he  had  been  told  by  his  uncle,  later  in  life,  that  "Wash 
ington  feared  lest  the  youthful  ardor  of  the  Marquis,  entrusted 
when  not  quite  23  years  of  age  with  an  important  command, 
might  outrun  his  discretion  &  that  he,  accordingly,  took  the 
precaution  of  placing  near  him,  one  whom  he  knew  to  be  a 
prudent  adviser. ' '  It  seems  that  Washington 's  opinion  of  the 
young  secretary  must  have  been  that  of  McHenry 's  grand 
son,  Ramsay  McHenry,  who  wrote  a  century  later  of  his 
grandfather :  ' '  His  sagacity  was  very  great,  his  intellect  very 
clear  and  of  a  considerable  compass.  He  was  vivacious,  exact 
and  active  in  business,  benevolent,  prudent,  and  wise. ' ' 

McHenry  wrote  to  Otto  Holland  Williams  from  Orange- 
town  on  August  12.  In  September,  Hamilton  married  Gen 
eral  Philip  Sclmyler's  daughter  and  McHenry  went  to  Albany 
for  the  wedding  and  wrote  the  following  verses  to  his  friend 
on  the  morning  after  the  ceremony: 

'Tis  told,  my  friend,  In  poets  lore. 
The    muse    has    an    exhaustless    store 
From  which  she  draws  with  wond'rous  skill 
Of  choicest  fancies  what  she  will. 
With  these  she  decks  the  heroes'  hearse 
Or  forms  with  these  immortal  verse. 
'Last  night  I   sought  her  dear  retreat 
And  laid  me  at  the  fair  one's  feet. 
She  knew  my  errand,  sway'd  her  wand, 
Then  pointed  to  a  rising  stand, 
From  whence  the  fairy  world  was  seen 
And  you   embosomed  with  your  Queen. 
(As  thus  ye  lay  the  happiest  pair 
A   rosy  scent   enriched   the   air 
While  to  a  music  softly  sounding 
Breathing,    panting,    slow,    rebounding) 


1  Brown's   McHenry,   13. 


30  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  iv 

Love  arose  with  pow'rful  spell, 
Hence,  he  cried,  to  dismal  dell 
Imps  who  haunt  the  gloomy  breast 
Ever  jealous  —  never  blest ; 
This   is   ground   for  holy   feet 
Here  the  sports  and  pleasures  meet. 
Then  in  whispers  caught  the  ear 
What  the  gifted  only  hear. 
"Chains  of  Priests  or  modes  of  art 
"Weakly  hold   the   human  heart, 
"Hence  my  Bloisa  said 
"Give  me  those   that  love  has  made." 
Now    his    fluttering    wings    out    spread 
Three  times  he  bless'd  the  bridal  bed, 
While  o'er   it   Faith  her   mantle   threw 
And  said  small  care  would  keep  it  new. 

Last   Prudence   came,    in  sober  guise 
With  Pilgrim's  pace,   and  wisdom's  eyee; 
Forth  from  his  stole  a  tablet  took 
Which  you  received  with  thankful  look. 
Genius  had  deeply  mark'd  the  ground, 
And   Plutus  finely  edg'd   it  round. 
This  done,  he  bade  you  long  improve 
In  all  the  sweets  of  mutual  love. 

And  now  would  friendship's  voice  prevail 
To  point  the  moral  of  the  tale. 
Know  then,  dear  Ham,  a  truth  contest 
Soon  beauty  fades,   and  love's  a  guest. 
Love  has  no  settled  place  on  earth ; 
A    very   wan'rer   from   his    birth ; 
And  yet  who  happiness  would  prove, 
Like  you  must  build  his  hopes  on  love. 
When  love  his  choicest  gifts  has  giv'n 
He  flies  to  make  another  heav'n ; 
But  as  he  wheels  his  rapid  flight 
Calm  joys  succeed  and  pure  delight. 
Faith  adds  to  all ;    for  works  we're  told 
Is  love's  alloy,  and  faith  the  gold. 

Now  genius  plays  the  lovers  part ; 

Now  wakes  to  many  a  throb  the  heart ; 

With  ev'ry  sun  brings  something  new. 

And  gaily  varies  every  view ; 

Whilst  Prudence  all  his  succour  lends 

To  mark  the  point  where  pleasure  ends. 

For,  borne  beyond  a  certain  goal, 

The  sweetest  joys  disgust  the  soul. 

He  too  instructs  us  how  to  use, 

What's  more  a  blessing  than  the  muse  [wealth]  ; 

For  well  he  knows,   deprived  of  this 

That  toil  and  care  is  human  bliss. 

All  these  attendants  Ham  are  thine, 
Be't  yours  to  treat  them  as  divine ; 
To  cherish  what  keeps  love  alive ; 
What  makes  us  young  at  sixty  five. 
What  lends  the  eye  its  earliest  fires; 
What  rightly  managed  still  inspires. 

To  which  Hamilton  answered  as  follows: 

"I  thank  you  Dear  Mac  for  your  poetry  and  your  confi 
dence.  The  piece  is  a  good  one  —  your  best.  It  has  wit, 
which  you  know  is  a  rare  thing.  I  see  by  perseverance  all 
ladies  may  be  won.  The  Muses  begin  to  be  civil  to  you,  in 
spite  of  Apollo  and  my  prognosis. 


1780-1781]  of  James  McHenry  31 

"You  know  I  have  often  told  you,  you  wrote  prose  well 
but  had  no  genius  for  poetry.  I  retract.  Adieu 

"Sep.  12.     [1780]  A  HAMILTON" 

Shortly  after  this  time,  McIIenry  sought  a  more  definite 
military  rank  and  Hamilton  wrote  to  General  Schuyler  in  his 
behalf.  Schuyler  answered  on  September  16,  asking  Mc- 
Henry  to  write  to  him  directly.  "Schuyler  can  obtain  from 
the  Governor  of  New  York  the  appointment  of  Lieutenant 
Colonel  in  the  State  levies,  which  will  give  McHenry  rank, 
when  the  militia  is  in  the  field.  While  the  Governor  is  well 
disposed  towards  McHenry,  he  can  not  make  him  even  a  lieu 
tenant  in  the  regular  forces,  unless  all  the  ensigns  are  pro 
vided  for." 

On  September  24,  McHenry  was  with  Lafayette  as  aid 
and,  leaving  Washington  and  Lafayette  to  go  on  and  examine 
the  redoubts  about  West  Point, 1  he  rode  with  another  aid  up 
to  Arnold's  headquarters  to  make  Washington's  apologies  to 
Mrs.  Arnold  for  delaying  breakfast.  Before  breakfast  was 
over,  came  that  fateful  message  to  Arnold  that  his  treason 
was  discovered,  which  led  him  to  take  his  horse  and  flee  to 
the  British  lines. 

A  short  time  after  this,  Greene  -  was  sent  to  the  south 
to  take  command  of  the  armies  there  and  McHenry  was  anx 
ious  to  go  with  him.  Greene,  who  had  known  McHenry  for 
some  time,  "cherished  an  earnest  wish  to  have  him,"  but 
McHenry  insisted  that,  if  he  went,  he  must  not  lose  rank. 
So  Greene  wrote  to  the  president  of  congress,  on  November  2 : 
"Nothing  but  a  majority  will  engage  him  in  the  service," 
and,  ' '  if  the  indulgence  can  be  consistently  granted,  it  will  lay 
me  under  particular  obligations."  It  was  not  granted  and 
so  McHenry  took  no  part  in  the  southern  campaign.  Greene 
recurred  to  the  matter,  3  in  a  letter  he  wrote  Washington, 
May  1,  1781,  saying:  "When  I  was  appointed  to  the  com 
mand  of  this  army,  I  solicited  Congress  to  give  Dr.  McHenry 
a  majority,  that  he  might  serve  me  in  the  character  of  Aid. 
This  they  refused.  I  was  persuaded,  when  I  made  the  appli- 

1  Brown's  McHenry,  15.     CJiastellux  Travels,  i,  108,  112.     On  Novem 
ber  23,  M.  de  Chastellux,  traveling  through  America,  met  Lafayette  at  his 
camp  near  Haverstraw  and  thence  was  conducted  by  McHenry  to  Wash 
ington's  headquarters  about  two  miles  to  the  north.     Chastellux  saw  with 
McHenry.  on  his  way,  a  great  cataract,  which  much  impressed  him  and 
remarked  that  he   did   not   find  his  companion   "much  versed   in  natural 
history." 

2  Greene's  Greene,  iii,  44. 

3  Brown's  McHenry,  14. 


32  Life  and  Correspondence  CHAP.  IV 

cation,  of  the  necessity  &  since  have  felt  it  most  sensibly. 
Your  Excellency  can  scarcely  tell  how  happy  you  are  in  your 
family,  &,  therefore,  can  hardly  judge  of  my  situation.  I 
cannot  make  a  second  application  to  Congress  on  the  subject, 
nor  should  I  have  hopes  of  succeeding  if  I  did;  but  I  shall 
esteem  it  a  peculiar  mark  of  your  Excellency's  friendship  & 
esteem,  if  you  will  interest  yourself  in  the  matter  &  get  him 
a  majority.  Your  Excellency  will  judge  of  the  propriety  of 
my  request." 

This  time  the  effort  was  successful  and,  on  May  30,  1781, 
McHenry  was  granted  a  commission  as  major  to  date  from 
October  30,  1780. 

Meanwhile,  McHenry  was  serving  as  the  "confidential 
friend"  in  Lafayette's  military  family,  of  whom  the  ardent 
Frenchman  had  an  "affecting  recollection"  over  forty  years 
later.  l  In  February,  he  was  at  home  in  Baltimore,  whither 
Lafayette  addressed  him  the  following  interesting  letter,  com 
paring  French  and  English  liberty. 

"New  Windsor,  February  the  15th  1781. 
"Dear  Sir 

"After  a  Debate  on  french  and  British  Liberty,  I  was 
Collecting  a  few  Comparisons  in  a  Letter  to  a  private  friend, 
When  Happening  to  See  them  you  thought  they  Might  Be 
Useful,  And  I  Gave  to  You  what  I  Had  Already  writen  — 
.  You  are  pleased  to  Request  A  Continuation,  But  Having  No 
Copy  of  the  part  in  your  possession,  And  Many  Months  Being 
elapsed  Since  it  came  out  of  My  Mind,  I  can  only  add, 
therefore,  Broken  ideas,  and  do  not  pretend  to  Be  Answerable 
for  Repetitions 

"I  Have  Been,  I  think  Speaking  of  French  Parliaments, 
and  (Correcting  the  Mistake  Which  is  often  Made  from  A 
Resemblance  of  Names)  I  Said  that  Parliamentary  opposition 
was  no  where  essential,  And  that  in  France  it  was  More 
Collectively  And  More  Freely  Expressed  —  These  French 
Courts  of  Justice  Called  Parliaments  Must,  in  My  opinion,  Be 
Commended  for  two  Advantages  —  the  1st.  that  they  form 
Several  Distinct  Bodies,  Most  of  whom  Are  Situated  in 
removed  Provinces  where  they  Can  See  the  Social  Disadvan 
tages  of  Measures  they  Mean  to  oppose,  where  they  more 
immediately  Can  Collect  the  Sentiments  of  the  people,  where 
they  keep  More  Distant  from  Court  Influence  And  Corruption 

' '  The  2d  is  that  Men'in  Parliament  form  a  kind  of  Sepa- 

1  Scharf's  Chronicles  of  Baltimore,  411. 


1780-1781]  of  James  McHcnry  33 

rate  Class  the  Greatest  part  of  which  Have  independant  for 
tunes,  and  Not  Many  Belong  to  Court  Families  —  By  their 
Station  they  Are  excluded  from  Emploiements  At  Court,  in 
the  Navy,  in  the  Army,  From  Almost  every  Appointment 
Which  in  England  Becomes  Means  of  Corruption  —  From  the 
Duties  of  their  profession  they  Renounce  the  Pleasures  of  Dis 
sipation,  their  very  dress  imposes  upon  them  A  Sober  Way  of 
Living  Which  still  Renders  them  More  independent,  While 
As  a  Body  they  Become  Formidable  And  are  Supported  By 
Illustrious  Families  Which  ever  kept  Some  of  their  Branches 
in  Parliamentary  and  Senatorial  profession 

"Many  Great  inconveniences  are  found  in  the  French 
Mode  of  Rendering  Justice,  And  Juries  are  Not  Without  Some 
—  I  far  prefer  the  Later,  And  You  Know  theyr  Advantages  — 
It  might  However  Be  Said  that  French  Judges  Must  Be  More 
Enlightened,  More  Used  to  Business  and  more  strangers  to 
Local  Little  Cabals,  That  if  one  of  the  parties  think  any  form 
Has  Been  Neglected,  these  are  revoked  By  a  Superior  And 
Different  Board  Called  the  Great  Council  —  But  upon  the 
whole,  the  Mode  By  Juries  Seems  to  Be  Preferable  —  Let  us 
now  Consider  A  still  more  Important  Point  Viz  —  The  Basis 
itself  of  Justice,  The  Law  Upon  which  the  fate  of  citizens  Must 
Be  Litteraly  Decided  in  Both  Countries 

"In  France  Crimes  Are  Seldom  Capital  or  imprisonments 
Permitted  to  what  they  are  in  the  Laws  of  Great  Britain  — 
These  Seem  to  Have  Rather  Trifled  with  the  life  of  Men  and 
personal  Liberty,  While  Both  in  the  French  Laws  Have  Been 
Most  Deliberately  treated  —  Next  to  Personal  Laws  comes 
Relligious  Tolerance,  and  Here  Also  France  Has  the  Advan- 


"  Tolerance  is  Much  Commended  in  English  writings,  and 
No  where  Less  practiced  than  in  that  Country  —  and  every 
other  protestant  Society  are  persecuted  By  the  Church  to 
which  their  King  Presides  —  Catholics  are  still  More  partic 
ularly  A  prey  to  fanaticism  And  the  Greater  part  of  the 
inhabitants  in  Ireland  are  for  Relligion  Sake  trampled  Upon 
By  the  minority  of  their  Country  Men  —  The  Last  Riots  in 
London  Have  Been  A  Wonder  to  All  europe,  and  By  their 
Violence  and  Indecency  Equal  Any  thing  that  Disgraced  the 
Barbarous  Ages  of  Ignorance  And  Superstition 

"In  France  there  is  also  A  predominant  Relligion,  But 
persecution  Has  long  Since  Vanished,  and  protestants  are 
quiet  in  every  part  of  the  Kingdom  —  From  an  Ancient 


34  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  iv 

Institution  the  Military  Order  of  St.  Louis  Requires  a  profes 
sion  of  Catholicism,  But  an  other  Ribband  to  Similar  purposes 
with  Similar  Advantages  Has  Been  Long  Ago  located  for 
Protestant  officers  —  Great  places  in  the  Kingdom  are  filled 
By  them,  And  the  Present  Minister  of  France  is  a  Calvinist 
—  you  know  how  it  is  in  England  with  Regard  to  Catholics 
Many, Among  their  Generals  and  their  troops  are  protestants, 
and  few  Catholics  are  to  be  found  in  the  regiment  of  Deux 
Ponts  now  in  Rhode  Island  —  Jews  are  admitted  to  buy 
manors  while  they  of  course  Appoint  Catholic  Clergymen  to 
Churches  "Within  theyr  possession  —  And  to  Give  You  an  in 
stance  of  French  Tolerance,  there  is  now  A  Church  in  th« 
Large  City  of  Strasburg  Which  Belongs  Both  to  a  protestant 
and  A  Catholic  Society,  Where  the  Catholic  service  is  per 
formed  Every  Sunday,  And  when  it  is  over  the  Protestants 
Congregation  Come  in  to  Worship  the  Same  God  in  a  Dif 
ferent  Way 

"An  Additional  Circumstance  is  that  in  England  the 
popular  cry  and  the  popular  maxims  are  pointed  towards  the 
Exclusion  of  Tolerance,  While  to  France  the  Voice  of  the 
people  and  the  omnipotent  Influence  of  Society  are  Bent  to  its 
admission,  and  are  Every  Day  Checking  the  Remaining  priv 
ileges  of  A  predominant  Relligion,  In  Support  of  measures 
Which  Are  Conductive  to  the  most  perfect  Relligious  Liberty 

' '  Thus  far  My  Dear  Sir,  I  will  go  for  the  present,  And  if 
any  other  Matter  Occurs  to  My  Mind,  An  other  Letter  will 
soon  Follow  this  to  Baltimore  —  Good  News  Are  Coming 
generally  from  the  South  Ward  And  as  you  will  know  the 
disaster  of  the  British  Fleet,  as  Partout  's  affairs  at  Mauricinia 
must  Have  Reached  the  Banks  of  Chesapeake,  My  gazette  of 
this  Day  will  be  very  insipid.  —  Every  Body  Says  You  are 
Going  to  get  into  the  Governor's  Council  —  If  You  quit  the 
House  for  the  field,  I  shall  Be  Very  Happy  to  obtain  the 
preference  in  Your  Military  employment  And  Hoping  You 
know  my  tender  friendship  and  Affectionate  Regard  for  You, 
Will  not  lengthen  this  letter  with  assurances  from  my  Heart 
While  the  Heart  itself  must  be  known  to  You 

' '  I  intend  to  write  to  You  Again  in  a  few  Days  and  with 
every  Sentiment  of  Attachment  and  Esteem  Have  the  Honor 
to  be 

"Yours 

"LAFAYETTE 
"I  Have  Been  Happy  to  Hear  of  the  Success  Which  our  friend 


1780-1781]  of  James  McHenry  35 

General  Greene  Has  obtained  —  The  first  Letter  I  receiv'd 
from  Him  was  intended  to  Give  me  his  state  of  things  and  of 
Cource  Discourage  my  coming  —  The  second  Has  Been  to 
announce  the  Affairs  of  Morgan,  and  to  tell  me  that  the  Glory 
Reaching  from  it  did  not  Blind  Him  on  His  true  Situation" 

At  New  Windsor,  just  about  this  time,  came  the  rupture 
between  Washington  and  Hamilton  because  of  the  stiff  pride 
of  the  young  aid  de  camp.  On  February  18,  Hamilton  wrote 
of  it  to  his  friend  McHenry. 

"I  have,  Dear  Mac,  several  of  your  letters.  I  shall  soon 
have  time  enough  to  write  my  friends  as  often  as  they  please. 

"The  Great  man  and  I  have  come  to  an  open  rupture. 
Proposals  of  accomodation  have  been  made  on  his  part,  but 
rejected.  I  pledge  my  honor  to  you  that  he  will  find  me 
inflexible.  He  shall  for  once  at  least  repent  his  ill-humour. 
Without  a  shadow  of  reason  and  on  the  slightest  grounds — • 
he  charged  me  in  the  most  affrontive  manner  with  treating 
him  with  disrespect.  I  answered  very  decisively  'Sir,  I  am 
not  conscious  of  it,  but  since  you  have  thought  it  necessary  to 
tell  me,  so  we  part ! '  I  wait  till  more  help  arrives,  at  present 
there  is  besides  my  self  only  Tilghman,  who  is  just  recovering 
from  a  fit  of  illness,  the  consequence  of  too  close  application 
to  business. 

"We  have  often  spoken  freely  our  sentiments  to  each 
other.  Except  to  a  very  few  friends  our  difference  will  be  a 
secret,  therefore  be  silent. 

"I  shall  continue  to  support  a  popularity  that  has  been 
essential  —  is  still  useful. 

"Adieu  my  friend.  May  the  time  come  when  characters 
may  be  Known  in  their  true  light.  A.  H. 

"Madame  sends  her 
friendship  to  you." 

McHenry  had  not  been  wasting  time  in  Baltimore.  On 
his  southward  route  to  take  command  of  the  continental 
troops  in  Virginia,  Lafayette  wrote  Washington  from  the  head 
of  Elk  on  March  7,  "The  State  of  Maryland  have  made  me 
every  offer  in  their  power.  Mr.  McHenry  has  been  very  active 
in  accelerating  the  measures  of  his  State."  The  day  before 
this,  McHenry  wrote  the  merchants  of  Baltimore, l  asking 

1  Scharf s  Maryland,  li,  437.  See  Sparks's  Letters  to  Washington, 
ill,  255.  McHenry  himself  gave  $110.76^. 


36  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  iv 

them  to  form  a  committee  to  give  effect  and  furtherance  to 
the  measures  taken  by  the  public  for  Lafayette's  expedition. 
The  general  was  greatly  disappointed  by  the  delays  which  had 
already  occurred  and,  without  general  exertions,  the  expedition 
might  be  defeated  in  its  commencement.  ' '  Such  is  the  deranged 
state  of  our  treasury  affairs  that  public  officers  find  a  thousand 
inconveniences  &  obstacles  in  the  execution  of  their  duty. 
Scarce  a  wagon  can  be  put  in  niotion,  without  adding  to  the 
powers  of  government  that  of  private  assistance.  In  such  a 
situation,  it  becomes  the  duty  of  individuals  &  of  particular 
societies  of  men  to  contribute  a  certain  support,  beyond  what 
may  be  considered  their  proper  proportion.  This  is  looked 
for  under  all  government,  but  expected  more  particularly  in 
the  republican.  I  need  not  select,  as  an  instance,  the  Philadel 
phia  merchants,  who  have  so  long  kept  the  northern  army 
supplied  with  provisions  *  *  *  The  Marquis  cannot  write  you 
himself,  in  the  first  instance,  nor  before  he  knows  your  dispos 
ition  or  arrangements.  If  you  do  anything,  I  pray  it  may  be 
instant,  that  we  may  have  it  to  say  to  ourselves,  the  expedition 
has  not  failed  for  want  of  what  support  we  could  give  it. 

' '  As  it  is  probable  another  detachment  will  follow  this,  we 
shall  want  more  vessels.  Your  assistance  may  also  become 
essential  during  the  whole  course  of  our  operations." 

The  merchants  called  a  public  meeting  in  consequence 
of  this  letter  and  appointed  a  committee,  composed  of  Robert 
Purviance,  William  Patterson,  and  Mathew  Ridley  to  co-oper 
ate  with  Major  McIIenry  in  procuring  supplies  of  clothing, 
money,  etc.  On  the  9th,  the  committee  answered:  "We  are 
authorized  to  assure  you,  in  their  [i.  e.  the  merchants]  names, 
that  no  exertions,  within  the  compass  of  their  abilities,  shall  be 
wanting  to  expedite  the  enterprise  of  Major  General  the 
Marquis  de  Lafayette  &  the  military  subordinate  to  him, 
they  being  warmly  disposed  to  aid  &  give  immediate  energy 
to  his  operations  against  the  common  enemy." 

The  story  is  told  that l  Lafayette  stopped  in  Baltimore  at 
this  time  and,  at  a  ball  given  him,  was  sad,  because  so  many 
of  his  soldiers  were  in  want  of  clothes.  Learning  this  fact, 
the  ladies  set  to  work  to  provide  for  this  deficiency  and 
Lafayette  warmly  thanked  them  in  a  letter  he  sent  to  Baltimore 
by  McHenry  some  time,,  later. 

McHenry  went  to  Annapolis  during  March,  and  labored 
to  the  same  purpose,  though  impeded  by  illness.  He  kept  in 

1  Scharf's  Chronicles  of  Baltimore,  194. 


1780-1781]  of  James  McHenry  37 

close  touch  with  the  merchants,  and  it  was  doubtless  partly  due 
to  his  efforts  l  that  Governor  Thomas  Sim  Lee  wrote  the  mer 
chants,  on  March  20,  that  the  state  will  repay,  with  interest, 
the  money  advanced  by  them  and  said :  ' '  We  very  much  ap 
plaud  the  zeal  &  activity  of  the  gentlemen  of  Baltimore  & 
think  their  readiness  to  assist  the  executive,  at  a  time  when 
they  were  destitute  of  the  means  of  providing  those  things 
which  were  immediately  necessary  for  the  detachment  under 
the  command  of  the  Marquis  de  la  Fayette,  justly  entitle 
them  to  the  thanks  of  the  public."  2  On  April  14,  McHenry 
wrote  from  Baltimore  to  "Washington  about  the  Virginia  ex 
pedition.  McHenry  seems  to  have  been  with  Lafayette  dur 
ing  the  whole  of  the  campaign,  but  we  know  nothing  of  his 
services.  In  1785,  he  furnished  Dr.  William  Gordon,  who  was 
writing  a  history  of  the  United  States,  with  an  account  of  the 
part  taken  by  Lafayette  in  the  Revolution,  but  the  published 
history  contains  no  mention  of  McHenry,  though  it  gives 
some  anecdotes  which  were  probably  taken  from  McHenry 's 
sketch. 

Greene's  friendship  and  esteem  for  McHenry  continued 
and  letters  passed  between  them  from  time  to  time,  especially 
as  Lafayette's  command  was  nominally  under  Greene's  orders, 
as  chief  of  forces  in  the  southern  department. 

Greene  wrote  McHenry  from 

''Camp  near  Guilford 
Court  House  March  22  1781 
"My  dear  friend 

"Nothing  could  afford  me  greater  pleasure  than  the 
arrival  of  the  Marquis  in  this  department,  but  I  am  afraid  his 
stay  will  be  short.  If  we  could  form  a  junction  of  all  our 
forces  great  things  might  be  effected.  I  wish  the  Marquis  may 
have  a  latitude  equal  to  my  wishes.  A  few  Months  may  effect 
a  great  change  in  this  quarter. 

' '  I  must  beg  leave  to  refer  you  to  Col  Morris  for  the  par 
ticulars  of  the  Southern  operations.  God  bless  you  with 
health  and  make  you  as  happy  as  I  wish  you  to  be 

"Yours  Aff 

"Doctor  McHenry  "N  GREENE 

Aide  de  Camp  to  the 
Marquis  De   la   Lafayette." 

On   July   8,   McHenry   wrote   Greene3    from   Ambler's 

1  Vide  letter  to  him  from  J.  B.  Cutting  of  March  29,  1781. 

2  Scharf's  Maryland,  ii,   437. 

3  McHenry's  letter  is  printed  in  Mag.  of  Hist.,  ii,  362   (Nov.,  1905). 


38  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  iv 

Plantation  (opposite  James  Island)  telling  of  a  brave  attack 
by  General  Wayne's  command  on  the  British  forces.  This 
letter  was  answered  by  Greene  from  the 

"High  Hills  Santee 

July  24  1781 
"Dr  Major 

"Your  letter  by  Mr  Carlyle  and  those  of  the  12th  giving 
an  account  of  the  Skirmish  at  James  town  all  come  safe  to- 
hand.  Upon  the  whole  I  am  not  sorry  for  the  late  action,  tho 
I  confess  if  I  have  a  proper  Idea  of  the  strength  and  constitu 
tion  of  the  Marquis's  Army  the  maneuver  was  hazardous. 
However  in  war  you  must  always  risque  something  and  too 
much  caution  sometimes  begets  contempt  and  brings  us  into 
the  very  evils  we  wish  to  avoid.  I  am  persuaded  the  enemy 
from  their  movements,  have  a  proper  respect  for  you.  But 
be  careful,  for  you  may  be  assured,  his  Lord  ship  is  a  modern 
Hannibal  and  is  seeking  for  some  capital  advantage.  I  confess 
I  am  puzzled  not  a  little  by  his  movements  on  this  side  of  the 
river.  When  he  was  returning  on  the  other  side  I  did  not 
think  it  proceeded  from  fear;  or  from  a  desire  to  avoid  an 
action,  but  from  the  operations  going  on  against  New  York. 
But  his  latter  movements  seem  to  contradict  that  opinion. 
What  are  they  about  to  the  Northward;  and  what  is  your 
opinion  of  the  plan,  is  it  serious  or  only  a  diversion? 

' '  I  wish  you  with  me  exceedingly ;  but  there  is  no  incon 
venience  to  which  I  will  not  subject  my  self  to  oblige  the  Mar 
quis.  I  am  persuaded  you  are  useful  to  him,  in  moderating 
his  military  ardor,  which  no  doubt  is  heated  by  the  fire  of  the 
Modern  hero,  who  by  the  by  is  an  excellent  officer;  and  had 
he  been  here  lately  would  have  done  something  glorious. 

"Dont  let  your  partiallity  deceive  you,  there  is  no  danger 
of  my  character  rising  so  high  as  to  be  difficult  to  support. 
We  have  done  nothing  splendid  and  it  is  only  the  sensible  that 
will  give  us  credit,  and  those  are  more  steady  and  uniform  in 
their  Sentiments  through  all  changes  of  fortune.  — 

"Yours  Affectionately 

"N.  B.  I  shall  pay  N.  GREENE 

particular  attention  to 
Mr  Carlyle." 

While  with  Lafayette  at  Malvern  Hill  on  July  30,  1781, 
McHenry  wrote  Thomas  Sim  Lee,  governor  of  Maryland,  as 


1780-1781]  of  James  Me  Henry  39 

follows:  "The  intelligence  which  remains  after  the  General's 
letter  is  fit  only  to  excite  conjecture.  On  the  27th.  19  flat 
bottomed  boats,  with  horse  and  foot,  crossed  from  Portsmouth 
to  Norfolk,  the  troops  there  marched  towards  King's  landing. 
The  day  after,  2  companies  of  Hessians  took  the  same  rout. 
This,  one  would  say,  looks  to  the  southward.  We  have 
nothing  official  from  Gen.  Greene,  but  it  is  reported  that 
affairs  are  again  in  his  favor.  His  fortune  is  a  perfect 
resemblance  of  life,  Gen.  Wayne  and  Gen.  Morgan  are  at 
Good 's  bridge  on  the  South  Side  of  James  River  Col.  Moylan 
and  one  regiment  of  light  infantry  will  cross  to-day  to  take  a 
post  in  front,  the  militia  and  the  remainder  of  the  infantry  on 
this  side."  Lee  forwarded  McHenry's  letter  to  the  congress 
and  wrote  that  body  on  August  4,  ' '  The  State  is  making  every 
exertion  to  collect  such  a  force  as  with  the  regulars  here, 
amountingto  about  600,  under  skilful  and  experienced  officers, 
will  enable  us  to  confine  them  within  very  narrow  limits. 
Our  people  are  resolute  and  determined,  they  feel  that  animat 
ing  spirit  which  diffused  itself  through  all  ranks  at  the 
commencement  of  this  contest.  The  approach  of  the  enemy 
apparently  has  banished  every  sordid,  avaricious,  and  selfish 
view  and  we  trust  our  people  will  act  like  men,  sensible  of  the 
blessings  they  are  struggling  for  and  the  miseries  which,  by  an 
abject  and  dastardly  conduct,  they  most  deservedly  will  feel." 
He  requested  help  towards  the  arming  of  the  militia  and 
reminded  congress  that  it  had  not  often  been  troubled  with 
applications  from  this  state  and  "we  flatter  ourselves  the 
exertions  of  our  people  upon  all  occasions  merit  every  assist 
ance  that  can  be  afforded." 

McHenry  was  present  with  the  army  at  Yorktown.  whence 
he  wrote  Otho  Holland  Williams. 

"Camp  before  York 

7th  Octtr.  1781. 

"My  dear  Williams.  We  cannot  speak  sufficiently  of  you, 
Howard  and  our  brave  troops.  How  happy  I  am  at  all  that 
has  happened ;  that  you  are  safe ;  and  that  every  one  of  your 
army  deserves  everything  from  our  country. 

"This  seiging  work  is  very  serious  business.  We  go  on 
however  very  briskly.  Last  night  we  broke  ground  upon  our 


/ 


40  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  iv 

first  parallel  and  this  morning  we  are  under  cover;  but  we 
shall  not  open  our  trenches  for  some  days.     When  we  do  it,  it 
will  be  with  about  eighty  pieces  of  cannon  and  mortars. 
"Col.  Morris  is  setting  out.     He  will  tell  you  the  rest. 

"Adieu 

"JAMES  MCHENRY" 

At  the  surrender  of  Cornwallis  he  was  also  present  and 
among  his  papers  is  a  return  of  the  number  of  those  who 
capitulated.  The  service  at  this  siege  was  the  last  of  Mc- 
Henry's  military  life. 


CHAPTER    V 

THE   MARYLAND   SENATE   AND   THE   CONFEDERATION   CONGRESS. 
UNTIL  WASHINGTON'S  RESIGNATION  OP  HIS  COM 
MISSION  IN  DECEMBER,   1783 

OX  September  17,  1781,  when  he  must  have  been  still 
in  the  army  before  Yorktown,  McIIenry  was  elected 
to  the  senate  of  Maryland.  The  senate  at  that  time 
consisted  of  fifteen  members:  nine  from  the  western  shore 
and  six  from  the  eastern  shore  of  the  Chesapeake  Bay,  and 
was  elected  for  a  term  of  five  years,  by  a  body  of  thirty-eight 
electors,  chosen  by  the  people  in  the  counties  of  the  state. 
McHenry  held  his  new  post  until  he  resigned  early  in  1786. 

The  acceptance  of  the  senatorship,  a  noteworthy  honor, 
considering  how  little  McHenry  had  resided  in  the  state,  was 
followed  by  his  resignation  from  the  army  on  December  3. 
Washington  wrote  him  1  on  December  11,  that  his  resignation 
was  delivered  to  the  secretary  at  war  and  added,  "I  am  con 
vinced  your  transition  from  the  military  to  the  civil  line 
will  be  attended  with  good  consequences,  as  you  will  be  able 
to  communicate  that  kind  of  information  to  the  body  of 
which  you  are  now  a  member,  which  they  often  stand  in  need 
of,  in  times  like  the  present."  Washington  promised  to  cor 
respond  with  McHenry  on  public  affairs  and  with  "the  high 
est  opinion  of  the  good  will  &  vigor'1  of  the  Maryland  leg 
islature,  urged  McHenry  to  impress  upon  them  ' '  that  to  make 
a  good  peace,  you  ought  to  be  well  prepared  to  carry  on  the 
war. ' ' 

January,  1782,  found  McHenry  at  Annapolis  in  atten 
dance  upon  the  senate.  On  the  20th,  as  the  session  closed,  2 
he  wrrote  Washington  that  the  "only  novelty  which  it  has 
given  birth  to,  is  a  man  called  Intendant,  whom  we  have 
vested  with  great  powers  &  who  is  to  destroy  that  disorder 

1  Ford,   ix,    418. 

2  On    January    19    and    21,    McHenry   wrote    to    Hamilton    and    Major 
Edward  Giles   refusing  to   tell    the   name  of   Publius,    but   adding   that  he 
would  send  Publius,  who  is  not  an  inhabitant  of  the  state,  the  proceedings 
of  the  house  of  delegates,   in  the  case  of  Cadwalader  against  Chase,  and 
will  tell  Publius's  name,  only  In  case  he  is  willing  to  retract. 


42  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  v 

in  our  affairs,  which  has  arisen  chiefly  from  a  bad  money 
&  a  want  of  money.  You,  who  know  the  confusion  which 
reigns  very  generally  through  out  the  States,  will  suppose 
that  Daniel  of  St.  Thomas  Jenifer,  the  Maryland  Intendant, 
must  have  a  very  embarrassing  time  &  that  he  shall  be  un 
commonly  fortunate,  should  his  administration  be  success 
ful."1 

This  letter  of  McHenry's  was  sent  by  a  lady  and  was 
answered  by  Washington  on  March  12,  from  Philadelphia.  2 
He  expresses  the  hope  that  "good  laws,  ample  means,  &  suf 
ficient  powers  were  given  the  intendant,"  and  speaks  of  the 
"anxious  state  of  suspense,"  in  which  all  were  with  refer 
ence  to  affairs  in  the  West  Indies.  "Never,  since  the  com 
mencement  of  the  present  Revolution,  has  there  been,  in 
my  judgment,  a  period,  when  vigorous  measures  wrere  more 
consonant  to  sound  policy  than  the  present."  He  thinks 
the  British  ministry  "will  obtain  supplies  for  the  current 
year,  prepare  vigorously  for  another  campaign,  &  then  prose 
cute  the  war,  or  treat  of  peace,  as  circumstances  &  fortuitous, 
events  may  justify;  &  that  nothing  will  contribute  more  to 
the  first,  than  a  relaxation  or  apparent  supineness  on  the 
part  of  these  States."  Men  and  money  are  much  needed  and 
it  is  idle  now  to  "count  merely  on  voluntary  enlistment." 
There  is  no  other  "effectual  method  to  get  men  suddenly, 
but  that  of  classing  the  people  &  compelling  every  class 
to  furnish  a  recruit.  Here  every  man  is  interested;  every 
man  becomes  a  recruiting  officer." 

On  April  5,  McIIenry  answered  from  Baltimore  that  he 
agreed  with  Washington  that  the  prosecution  of  the  war  is 
intended,  but  feared  that  Maryland  will  not  class  the  people, 
in  default  of  which  recruiting  goes  on  slowly.  Matters  were 
worse  on  July  14,  when  McHenry  wrote  Washington,  regret 
ting  the  French  defeat  in  the  West  Indies  and  saying:  "I 
do  not  calculate  upon  anything  decisive  on  our  coast  from 
the  operations,  at  least  this  season,  &  how  we  are  to  provide 
&  carry  on  the  war  next  year,  if  we  receive  no  foreign  money, 
is  to  me  a  great  political  mystery."  Public  affairs  are  in  a 
most  alarming  situation  for  want  of  exertion  on  the  part  of 
the  states.  Congress  asks  Maryland,  as  her  quota,  to  give 
nearly  a  million  dollars  and  the  .state  treasury  has  barely 
£2000. 


1  See  Sparks's  Writings  of  Washington,  viii,  254.     He  asks  for  news 
and  speaks  of  the  recruiting  bill. 

2  Ford,   ix,   459;    Sparks,  viii,   254. 


1781-1783]  of  James  McHenry  43 

The  particular  request  McIIenry  makes  is  of  a  more 
pleasing  character.  Mr.  Lindsay,  the  manager  of  the  Balti 
more  Theatre,  bears  the  letter  and  asks  that  the  band  of  music 
among  the  prisoners  at  Frederick  be  paroled  to  Baltimore, 
where  Lindsay  will  employ  them  on  a  salary.  This  favor 
will  increase  the  pleasures  of  Baltimore  and  satisfy  the  anxie 
ties  of  the  ladies. 

Washington  answered  this  letter  1  on  the  18th,  stating 
that  he  referred  the  request  to  the  secretary  at  war  and  had 
"no  doubt  of  his  acquiescence,"  adding:  "If  the  ladies 
should  derive  as  much  additional  pleasure  from  the  allure 
ment  of  this  band,  as  I  wish  them,  they  will  be  soon  at  the 
summit  of  happiness."  "At  present  we  are  enveloped  in 
darkness,"  because  of  the  naval  engagement.  "Providence 
has  done  much  for  us  in  this  contest;  but  we  must  do  some 
thing  for  ourselves,  if  we  expect  to  go  triumphantly  through 
with  it." 

McHenry  was  subject  to  fever,  probably  of  a  malarial 
type,  and  had  been  ill  this  summer,  but  was  now  recovered. 
Washington  suggests :  ' '  As  your  fever  has  been  obstinate, 
may  not  change  of  air  be  of  service  to  you?  Whether  for 
this  or  other  purposes,  allow  me  to  add  that  I  should  be  very 
happy  in  your  spending  some  time  with  us  at  head  quarters. ' ' 

McHenry  seems  to  have  been  as  yet  uncertain  as  to  his 
future,  as  is  shown  by  a  letter  to  Hamilton: 

"Baltimore  llth.  Aug.  1782. 

"If  you  are  not  in  the  humor  to  read  a  long  letter,  do, 
prithee,  give  this  to  the  child  to  play  with  and  go  on  with 
your  amusement  of  rocking  the  cradle.  To  be  serious,  my 
dear  Hamilton,  I  have  been  thinking  of  late  upon  my  own 
situation  &  this  has  led  me  as  often  to  think  of  yours.  Some 
men,  I  observe,  are  so  born  &  tempered,  that  it  is  not  till  after 
long  bustling  &  battling  it  in  the  world  (and  some  scarcely 
then)  that  they  come  to  learn  a  little  prudence.  Much  I  be 
gin  to  suspect  that  you  &  I  want  a  great  deal  of  this  quality 
to  bring  us  on  a  level  with  our  neighbors  and  to  carry  us 
cheerfully  through  life.  Have  we  not  both  of  us  continued 
long  enough  in  the  service  of  the  public?  Should  not  I  exer 
cise  my  profession  or  some  profitable  business  &  should  not 
you,  putting  off  the  politician,  exert  yourself  only  to  acquire 
a  profession?  I  find  that  to  be  dependent  on  a  father  is 
irksome,  because  I  feel  that  it  is  in  my  power  to  be  indepen- 

1  Ford,  x,  49. 


44  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  v 

dent  by  my  own  endeavours.  I  see  that  the  good  things  of 
this  world  are  all  to  be  purchased  with  money  and  that  the 
man  who  has  money  may  be  whatever  he  pleases. 

"Hamilton,  there  are  two  lawyers  in  this  Town,  one  of 
which  has  served  the  public  in  the  General  Assembly  for 
three  years  wTith  reputation  and  to  .the  neglect  of  his  practice. 
The  other  has  done  nothing  but  attend  to  his  profession,  by 
which  he  has  acquired  a  handsome  competency.  Now  the 
people  have  taken  it  into  their  heads  to  displace  the  lawyer 
which  has  served  them  till  he  is  become  poor,  in  order  to 
put  in  his  stead  the  lawyer  who  has  served  himself  &  become 
rich.  Let  me  add  to  this  anecdote  a  bon  mot  of  our  friend 
Fleury  's.  Talking  to  me  the  other  day.  '  You  are  a  Senator, ' 
said  he,  'pray  what  is  your  salary.'  I  told  him  it  might 
perhaps  defray  about  two  thirds  of  our  expenses  while  at 
tending  the  Senate,  and  that  we  were  only  paid  during  our 
attendance,  provided  one  was  unmarried  &  lived  frugally. 
'Then,'  said  he,  'I  pity  Maryland,  for  her  Senate  must  be 
composed  chiefly  of  rich  fools.'  What  is  the  moral  of  all 
this,  my  dear  friend,  but  that  it  is  high  time  for  you  and  I 
to  set  about  in  good  earnest,  doing  something  for  ourselves. 

"I  hear  you  are  chosen  a  delegate  to  Congress.  Will 
you  forgive  me  for  saying  that  I  would  rather  have  heard 
that  you  had  not  been  chosen.  If  you  accept  of  the  office, 
there  is  a  stop  to  any  further  studying  of  the  law,  which  I 
am  desirous  you  should  finish,  because  a  few  years  practice 
at  the  bar  would  make  you  independent,  and  do  you  more 
substantial  good  than  all  the  fugitive  honors  of  Congress. 
This  would  put  it  in  your  power  to  obtain  them  and  to  hold 
them  with  more  certainty  should  you  still  be  inclined  to 
risque  in  a  troubled  sea.  The  moment  you  cease  to  be  a  can 
didate  for  public  places,  the  people  will  lament  your  loss  and 
wait  with  impatience  till  they  can  persuade  a  man  of  your 
abilities  to  serve  them.  In  the  mean  time,  you  will  be  doing 
justice  to  your  family.  Besides,  you  know  that  there  is  noth 
ing  at  present  to  be  had  worthy  your  acceptance.  The  nego 
tiators  for  peace  have  been  long  since  appointed.  The  great 
departments  of  Government  are  all  filled  up.  Our  foreign 
ministers  sit  firm  in  their  seats.  It  is  not  to  be  expected  that 
any  new  ministers  will  be  created  before  a  peace.  And  when 
this  comes,  be  assured,  "long  residence  and  large  possessions 
in  this  country  will  prelude  superior  merits. 

"I  wish,  therefore,  my  dear  friend  that  I  could  prevail 


1781-1783]  of  James  McHe.nry 45 

upon  you  to  avoid  a  disappointment  &  a  loss  which  I  think 
I  foresee.  For,  should  you  go  to  Congress,  you  will  lose  an 
other  year  of  time  that  is  become  more  precious  than  ever  and 
retire,  perhaps  in  disgust,  to  renew  your  studies  and  to  those 
domestic  endearments  which  you  will  regret  to  have  forsaken. 
How  would  it  vex  me  to  learn  that  you  had  exclaimed  in  the 
stile  of  an  English  Cardinal  —  If  I  had  best  served  my  family 
as  faithfully  as  I  have  the  public,  my  affairs  would  have 
been  today  in  a  very  different  order. 

1 '  It  appears  to  me,  Hamilton,  to  be  no  longer  either  nec 
essary  or  a  duty,  for  you  and  I  to  go  on  to  sacrifice  the  small 
remnant  of  time  that  is  left  us.  We  have  already  immolated 
largely  on  the  altar  of  liberty.  At  present,  our  country 
neither  wants  our  services  in  the  field  or  the  cabinet,  so  that 
it  is  incumbent  upon  us  to  be  useful  in  another  line.  By 
pushing  your  studies  to  a  conclusion,  you  at  once  perfect  your 
happiness.  But  I  wonder,  nor  recollect,  whilst  my  own  life 
runs  on  in  idleness  and  small  follies  that  I  stand  in  most  need 
of  the  advice  which  I  am  presuming  to  offer.  You  have  a 
wife  and  an  increasing  offspring  to  urge  you  forward,  but 
I  am  without  either  —  without  your  incitements  to  begin  a 
reform  or  your  perseverance  to  succeed.  Write  me  then,  what 
you  are  doing  —  What  you  have  done  and  what  you  intend 
to  do,  that  I  may  endeavour  to  follow  your  example.  And 
be  full,  for  I  really  intend  to  be  wise  and  you  shall  be  my 
Apollo. 

"I  have  been  a  second  time  on  the  point  of  gaining  im 
mortality  by  a  fever.  It  seized  me  a  little  after  the  arrival 
of  the  French  troops  here  and  has  only  permitted  me  to  come 
abroad  a  few  days  since.  Mrs.  Carter  &  Miss  Peggy  are  with 
us  and  of  course  you  will  think  I  have  been  often  with  them. 
But  I  must  tell  you  something  of  your  relations.  Mr.  Carter 
is  the  mere  man  of  business  and  I  am  informed  has  riches 
enough,  with  common  management,  to  make  the  longest  life 
very  comfortable.  Mrs.  Carter  is  a  fine  woman.  She  charms 
in  all  companies.  No  one  has  seen  her,  of  either  sex,  who 
has  not  been  pleased  with  her  and  she  pleased  every  one, 
chiefly,  by  means  of  those  qualities  which  made  you  the  hus 
band  of  her  sister.  Peggy,  though  perhaps  a  finer  woman, 
is  not  generally  thought  so.  Her  own  sex  are  apprehensive 
that  she  considers  them  poor  things,  as  Swift's  Vanessa  did, 
and  they,  in  return,  do  not  scruple  to  be  displeased.  In  short, 
Peggy,  to  be  admired  as  she  ought,  has  only  tb  please  the 


46  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  v 

men  less  and  the  ladies  more.  Tell  her  so.  I  am  sure  her 
good  sense  will  soon  place  her  in  her  proper  station. 1 

"My  dear  Hamilton,  adieu.  Remember  a  man  who  lives 
in  this  world,  without  being  satisfied  with  it.  Who  strives 
to  seem  happy  among  a  people  who  cannot  inspire  happiness, 
but  who  thinks  it  unbecoming  the  dignity  of  man  to  leave 
his  part,  merely  because  it  does  not  please  him.  I  am  melan- 
cholly  you  perceive.  This  plaguy  fever  has  torn  me  to  pieces 
and  my  mind  yet  shares  in  the  weakness  of  my  body.  But 
I  will  recover  spirits,  as  I  recover  strength.  In  the  mean 
while  do  not  fail  to  write  me.  Again  my  friend  &  philosopher 
adieu.  JAMES  McHENRY 

"I  wrote  you  between  my  fevers  on  the  affair  of  Chase, 
which  letter  I  inclosed  to  Secretary  Turnbull.  Has  it  been 
received?  It  contains  what  vou  asked  for." 


Four  days  later,  Washington  addressed  two  letters  to 
McIIenry.  One  of  these  hitherto  unpublished,  in  playful 
vein,  chides  him  for  not  informing  him  as  to  matters. 

"Newburgh  15th  Aug.,  1782. 
"My  dear  McHenry, 

"Let  me  congratulate  you,  and  I  do  it  very  sincerely, 
on  your  restoration  to  health.  I  was  in  pain  for  you.  I  was 

in  some  for  myself  —  and  wished  for  my  P  T  of  M ; 

and  both  my  P e  L in  I ;  resolving  (like  a  man 

in  the  last  agony)  not  to  follow  the  trade  &  occupation  of  a 
G .  any  more. 

"I  attributed  all  the  delays,  &  my  disappointments  in 
this  business,  to  your  sickness;  for  otherwise  I  should  de 
nominate  you  an  unfeeling  —  teasing  —  Mortal.  In  proof 
of  it,  I  would  assert  that  in  March  last,  I  committed  a  mat 
ter  to  your  care  of  which  you  took  no  notice  till  July  follow 
ing —  and  then  in  such  a  way,  as  to  set  afloat  a  thousand 
ideas;  which  resolved  themselves  into  almost  as  many  anxious 
questions.  These  again,  you  acknowledged  the  rect.  of  on  the 
26th  of  July,  —  and  on  the  3d.  of  August  promise  an  answer 
—  when?  three  or  four  Weeks  from  that  date;  during  this 
time  my  imagination  is  left  on  the  rack.  —  I  remain  in  the 
field  of  conjecture.  —  unable  to  acct.  for  causes  of  somethings, 
or  to  judge  of  their  effect ;  —  In  a  word,  I  cannot  develop 


1  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Carter  are  John  Carter  Church,  an  Englishman,  and 
General  Philip  Sohuyler's  eldest  daughter,  Angelica,  who  eloped  with 
Church,  then  known  as  Carter,  in  July,  1777.  Lossing*s  Schuyler.  ii,  206. 


1781-1783]  of  James  McHenry  47 

some  misteries,  the  appearance  of  which  gave  rise  to  those 
queries  which  were  made  the  contents  of  a  letter. 

"Do  not  my  Dear  Doctor  tease  your  Mistress  in  this 
manner  —  much  less  your  wife,  when  you  get  one.  The  first 
will  pout  —  &  the  other  may  scold  —  a  friend  will  bear  with 
it,  especially  one  who  assures  you,  with  as  much  truth  as  I 
do,  that  he  is  sincere. 

' '  adieu 

"Go.  WASHINGTON." 

In  the  other  letter  of  the  same  date,  Washington  writes :  * 
''My  dear  Doctr. 

"If  the  Commanders  of  the  Fleets  and  Armies  of  our 
late,  most  Gracious  Sovereign,  in  America  are  not  guilty  of 
more  duplicity  than  comports  with  candid  minds,  we  are  now 
advanced  to  that  critical  &  important  crisis,  when  our  hands 
are  to  be  tried  at  the  Arts  of  negotiation.  — 

"In  a  letter  which  I  have  received  and  forwarded  to 
Congress,  from  Sir  Guy  Carlton  and  Admiral  Digby,  are 
these  words  'We  are  acquainted,  Sir,  by  authority,  that  ne 
gotiations  for  a  Perm't  Peace  have  already  commenced  at 
Paris,  and  that  Mr.  Greville  is  invested  with  full  powers  to 
treat  with  all  Parties  at  war,  and  is  now  at  Paris  in  the  exe 
cution  of  his  Commission.  And  we  are  likewise,  Sir,  further 
made  acquainted,  that  his  Majesty  in  order  to  remove  all 
obstacles  to  that  Peace  which  he  so  ardently  wishes  to  restore, 
has  commanded  his  Ministers  to  direct  Mr.  Greville  that  the 
Independency  of  the  thirteen  Provinces  should  be  proposed 
by  him  in  the  first  instance  of  making  it  a  condition  of  a  gen 
eral  Treaty ;  however,  not  without  the  highest  confidence,  that 
the  loyalists  Shall  be  restored  to  their  possessions,  or  a  full 
compensation  made  them  for  whatever  confiscations  may  have 
been  taken  place. '  ' 

Washington  adds  that  this  seems  a  "solid  basis  for  our 
commissioners  to  raise  their  superstructure  upon,  &  things  may 
&  probably  soon  will  be  brought  to  a  speedy  &  happy  issue." 
He  urges  that  preparations  be  still  pressed  with  vigor,  for  noth 
ing  will  hasten  peace  more,  and  states  that  news  of  the  proba 
bility  of  peace  "spread  universal  consternation  among  all  the 
tribes  of  refugees"  in  New  York. 

The  same  doctrine,  that  we  must  prepare  for  peace  by 

1  Partly  printed,  Ford,  x,  52. 


48  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP.  V 

preparing  for  war, 1  was  taught  by  Washington,  in  his  let 
ter  of  September  12,  to  McHenry,  when  the  prospects  of  peace 
seemed  less.  The  general  wrote  also: 

"I  am  pained  to  find  by  your  letter  of  the  30th.  ulto. 
that  you  cannot  get  rid  of  your  fever.  Try  change  of  air  — 
come  to  the  Camp  —  anything  to  remove  a  disorder  which 
seems  to  pursue  you  with  unabating  obstinacy,  and  may,  if 
suffered  to  run  on  you  any  longer,  become  too  powerful  for 
medicine. 

"The  army  has  at  length  taken  the  Field,  and  is  en 
camped  at  this  place;  awaiting  a  junction  with  the  French 
Corps,  which  will,  I  expect,  take  effect  in  the  course  of  this 
week. ' ' 

McHenry  was  in  wretched  health  all  the  summer  and 
early  autumn  2  having  five  severe  attacks  of  fever,  but  was 
keenly  anxious  for  news  from  Washington  and  hopeful  for 
peace.  When  his  health  was  restored  in  October,  he  wrote  to 
Washington,  asking  that  the  general  aid  him  to  obtain  pay 
and  depreciation  certificate. 

The  Maryland  law  made  no  allowance  to  the  general's 
secretaries  and  no  new  law  of  congress  can  affect  the  exist 
ing  Maryland  law.  McHenry  relied  on  getting  this  allow 
ance  and  bought  land  on  the  Monocacy,  for  which  he  now 
must  pay,  and  asks  that  Washington  write  Robert  Morris, 
head  of  the  treasury  department,  suggesting  that  McHenry  be 
paid  out  of  the  federal  treasury,  for  the  time  of  secretaryship 
only,  as  this  is  all  the  pay  McHenry  will  ever  receive  and  he 
will,  otherwise,  get  nothing  for  seven  years '  service. 

Washington  wrote  at  once  to  the  secretary  at  war  as 
follows : 

"Head  Quarters  22d.  Octr.  1782. 
"Dear  sir 

"Upon  your  return  to  Philadelphia,  I  beg  leave  to  re 
quest  your  particular  attention  to  the  following  matter,  I 
look  upon  myself  bound  to  procure  the  Gentleman  interested, 
a  full  compensation  for  his  services,  while  in  my  Family. 

"Mr.  McHenry,  formerly  one  of  my  Secretaries,  writes 
me,  that  upon  application  to  the  Auditor  of  the  State  of 
Maryland,  of  which  he  is  a  Citizen,  to  settle  his  arrearages 
of  Pay  and  depreciation,  he  refused  to  do  it  upon  a  supposi- 

1  Ford,  x,   77 ;   Sparks,  viii,  344. 

2  See  McHenry's  letter  of  September  30  and  October  10. 


1781-1783]  of  James  McHenry  49 

tion  that  the  Resolve  of  Congress  recommending  to  the  State 
to  make  settlements  of  that  kind,  only  extended  to  Officers 
properly  belonging  to  their  respective  Lines.  This  has  in 
volved  Mr.  McHenry  in  the  following  difficulty,  —  Upon  a 
presumption  that  the  State  would  settle  with  and  give  him 
Certificates,  as  to  their  Officers,  he  purchased  a  quantity  of 
Lands  appropriated  by  the  State  to  making  good  arrearages 
of  Pay  and  depreciation,  &  which  were  to  be  paid  for  in  Cer 
tificates. 

" — He  now  finds  himself  like  to  be  excluded  from  this 
benefit,  for  want  of  the  Certificates ;  —  If  he  cannot  procure 
them,  he  must  give  up  his  purchase.  As  there  seems  a  doubt 
whether  Mr.  McHenry,  as  one  of  my  Secretaries,  is  included 
in  the  recommendatory  Resolves  already  passed,  I  could  wish, 
should  it  not  be  deemed  improper,  that  you  would  apply  to 
Congress  to  pass  a  short  Resolve  in  his  favor,  recommending 
to  the  Secretary  to  make  him  the  same  allowance  as  to  Officers 
of  their  Line." 

But  to  McHenry  he  wrote  l :  "I  am  pained  because  I 
cannot  answer  the  expectations  &  request  of  your  letter  *  * 
to  your  satisfaction."  He  knew  there  was  no  hope  in  applying 
to  the  financier,  for  the  United  States  had  no  money  and  he 
had  been  told  that  the  only  mode  to  help  McHenry  is  to  ask 
congress  to  recommend  his  case  to  the  state  of  Maryland, 
which  he  has  done.  He  goes  on  as  follows: 

"We  have  been  at  this  place,  Verplank's  point,  ever  since 
the  last  days  of  August,  and  are  upon  the  point  of  retiring 
into  Winter  Quarters.  The  French  Army  (except  the  Legion 
of  Lauzon)  have  marched  Eastward  for  theirs.  We  go 
Northward  to  the  vicinity  of  West  Point.  We  have  long 
expected  to  hear  of  the  evacuation  of  Charles  Town,  as  the 
Enemy  in  New  York  do  not  scruple  to  say  that  it  is  a  measure 
determined  on  —  but  how  far  a  change  of  men  may  produce 
a  change  of  measures,  you  can  judge  as  well  of  as  I.  No 
man  on  this  side  of  the  water  I  believe  (not  even  Sir  Guy 
Carleton  himself)  knows  the  result  of  the  British  Councils. 
My  opinion  of  the  matter  is  that  tkey  are  yet  dependant  upon 
the  events  of  the  Campaign.  You  will  readily  infer  from 
hence  that  I  have  no  idea  of  a  speedy  evacuation  of  New 
York. 

' '  Mr.  Greville  has  certainly  left  Paris  but  he  is  succeeded 

1  Partly  printed,  Ford,  x,  90. 


50  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  v 

by  a  Mr.  Fitzherbert  and  the  negotiations  are  yet  going  on 
but  limpingly.  *  * 
"P.  S. 

' '  Since  writing  this 
letter  I  have  conversed 
with  the  Secretary  at  War 

on  the  Subject  of  it  who  assures  me  that  there  will  be  no 
difficulty  at  all  in  the  way. ' ' 

Before  he  had  received  McHenry's  letter,  Washington 
had  written  him  on  the  17th  in  answer  to  McHenry's  letter 
of  September  30,  stating  that  there  is  no  news  and  that  we 
must  not  "be  lulled  by  expectations  of  peace"  which  would 
' '  prove  the  ruin  of  our  cause  &  the  disbanding  of  our  army. ' ' 
The  army  is  in  hard  straits  and  Washington  writes  that  he 
must  ' '  stick  very  close  to  my  flock  this  winter. ' ' l 

On  November  26,  1782,  McHenry  lost  his  father,  who 
died  in  Baltimore.  With  the  death  of  the  father,  James 
McHenry  seems  to  have  decided  to  take  his  place  in  the 
mercantile  business  in  partnership  with  his  brother.  The 
death  of  his  father  also  made  him  financially  independent. 

On  February  2,  1783,  McHenry  writes  a  bright  note  to 
Washington  asking  for  the  dismissal  of  Mrs.  Nancy  Bui  any 's 
negro  Jacob,  who  >nlisted  in  Bradford's  company  in  October, 
1781. 

' '  One  of  the  best  old  ladies  in  the  world,  who  has  one  of 
the  cleverest  ladies  for  -'T  °rideav- 

ours  for  the  recovery  o.  I 

inclose  you  a  note  on  the  subject  &  have  to  entreat  your 
Excellency  that  you  will  order  an  inquiry  &  have  the  negro 
restored.  "  I  recollect  to  have  been  told  by  Major  Reed  in 
Virginia  something  of  that  affair.  At  that  time  I  could  not 
take  the  necessary  steps  to  have  justice  done  to  the  good  old 
lady.  I  need  not  add,  if  Mrs.  Bulany  is  known  to  your 
Excellency,  how  much  it  will  oblige  me  to  see  the  negro 
restored,  on  account  of  her  great  virtues  &  because  it  will 
be  a  great  relief." 

Over  two  months  later,  on  April  15,  McHenry  wrote 
Washington  again  from  Philadelphia : 

"Because  I  have_no  reason  to  believe  myself  forgotten, 
notwithstanding  you  have  not  written  me  for  a  long  time,  I 
would  not  leave  Philadelphia  without  congratulating  with 

1  Ford,  x.  94. 


1781-1783]  of  James  Me  Henry  51 

you  upon  an  event  the  most  glorious  for  my  general.  You 
have  carried  us  through  a  long  war ;  you  have  not  sunk  under 
the  severest  trials  &  you  live  to  see  a  country  enjoy  the 
blessings  of  peace  &  the  result  of  your  struggles.  I  know 
that  you  will  not  have  it  in  your  power  to  return  to  your 
seat  for  some  time ;  but,  when  you  do,  pray  Stop  over  a  day 
in  Baltimore. ' '  McHenry  adds  that  he  wishes  to  go  to  Europe 
in  the  diplomatic  service  and  requests  Washington's  help.  * 
Washington  wrote  at  once  to  R.  R.  Livingston  and  James 
Madison  concerning  the  matter  and  told  Hamilton  2  that  he 
spoke  to  them  of  McHenry  "in  warm  terms  and  wish  him 
success  with  all  my  heart."  He  then  wrote  to  McHenry  as 
follows : 

"Newburgh  24th  April  1783. 
"Dear  Sir, 

' '  Immediately  upon  the  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  loth, 
expressive  of  your  wish  to  go  to  the  Court  of  Versailles,  or 
London,  as  Official  Secretary  to  the  Embassy:,  I  wrote  to 
Messrs.  Livingstone  &  Madison  on  the  subject  &  mentioned 
you  in  warm  terms  to  them  —  the  Letters  will  go  by  this  days 
Post. 

' '  I  thank  you  very  sincerely  for  your  kind  congratulation 
on  the  approaching  Peace ;  —  none  can  enjoy  it  with  more 
heart  felt  satisfaction  than  myself;  but  when  I  shall  be  able 
to  leave  this  place  is  uncertain  —  there  are  many  embarrassing 
matters  to  settle  first,  and  I  am  at  this  moment  surrounded 
by  more  perplexing  circumstances  than  you  can  have  an  idea 
of. 

"As  I  shall  have  pleasure  in  spending  a  day  at  Baltimore 
on  my  return  home,  I  can  have  no  merit  in  complying  with 
what  you  say  is  the  wish  of  the  Citizens  of  that  place;  from 
whom  I  have  received  many  marks  of  polite  attention 

"I  am  with  much  truth 

"Dr  Sir 
"Your  most  obedt.  &  affct.  Servt. 

"Go.  WASHINGTON. 
"P.  S. 

"The  inclosed 

is  copy  of  a  letter  written  to  you  agreeably  to  its  date. 
Colo.  Vose  is  not  now  with  the  Army. ' ' 

1  On   March   23,    1783,   Washington  wrote   Lafayette    (Ford,   x,    196): 
"McHenry   has   left   the   military   &    embraced   a  civil   walk   of   life.     By 
which   act   he   has    disqualified   himself   from   answering   your   purposes," 
whatever  they  may  have  been. 

2  Hamilton's  Works,   i,   365. 


52  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  v 

To  Washington's  letter  Madison  answered  as  follows: 

"Philada  April  29,  1783. 
"Sir 

' '  I  have  been  honored  with  your  Excellencys  favor  of  the 
22d.  inst.  bearing  testimony  to  the  merits  and  talents  of  Mr. 
McIIenry.  the  character  which  I  had  preconceived  of  this 
Gentleman  was  precisely  that  which  your  representation  has 
confirmed  —  as  congress  has  not  yet  fixed  the  peace  estab 
lishment  for  their  foreign  affairs  and  will  not  probably  fill  up 
vacancies,  unless  there  be  some  critical  urgency  —  until  such 
an  establishment  be  made,  it  is  uncertain  when  an  opportunity 
will  present  itself  of  taking  into  consideration  the  wishes  and 
merits  of  Mr.  McHenry.  should  my  stay  here  be  protracted 
till  that  happens,  which  I  do  not  at  present  expect,  I  shall  feel 
an  additional  pleasure  in  promoting  the  public  interest  from 
my  knowledge  that  I,  at  the  same  time,  fulfill  both  your 
Excellencys  public  judgment  and  private  inclination. 

' '  I  have  the  honor  to  be  with  perfect  respect  and 
sincere  regard  yr  Excellencys  Obedt  &  Hble  Sv 
"J.  MADISON  Jr." 

Livingston's  reply  soon  followed  from  Philadelphia  on 
the  2nd  of  May,  1783. 

"I  am  so  sensible  of  Mr.  McHenrys  merit,  that  even 
independant  of  the  advantagious  light  in  which  your  Excel 
lency's  recommendation  places  it,  I  should  think  my  self 
happy  to  obtain  his  services  in  a  line  in  which  I  am  persuaded 
they  will  do  honor  to  his  country.  Congress  have  it  not  in 
view  at  present  to  make  an  immediate  appointment  to  London ; 
and  while  Doctr.  Franklin  continues  at  paris  it  would  be 
painful  to  him  to  have  any  other  secretary  than  his  grandson, 
who  tho'  not  secretary  to  the  embassy  exercises  the  duties  of 
one,  and  has  lately  been  provided  for  as  such  by  Congress. 

"Should  any  opportunity  offer  of  sending  out  Mr 
McHenry  in  such  character  as  would  be  acceptable  to  him, 
during  the  short  time  of  my  continuance  in  office,  you  may  be 
persuaded  that  your  Excellency 's  recommendation  will  render 
me  particularly  attentive  to  avail  my  self  of  it. ' ' 

These  letters  Washington  transmitted  to  McHenry  with 
the  following  note : 

"Newburgh  14th.  May  1783. 
"Dear  Sir, 

"You  will  see  by  the  inclosed  Copies,  which  are  answers 


1781-17831  of  James  McHenry  53 

to  my  letters  to  Mr.  Livingston  and  Mr.  Madison,  upon  what 
footing  the  appointments  to  Foreign  Courts  stand. 

"If  these  Gentlemen  should  leave  Congress  previous  to 
the  taking  place  of  the  event  —  Your  friends  in  Congress 
should  advise  you  thereof,  &  of  the  time  at  which  these 
elections  may  probably  be  made,  —  and  I  can  facilitate  your 
wishes  by  addressing  any  other  Members  (with  whom  I  have 
an  acquaintance)  in  your  behalf  you  may  freely  lay  your 
Commands  on 

"Yr  Most  Obedt.  and 
"Affect.  Hble  Servt. 
' '  Go.   WASHINGTON.  ' ' 

But  McHenry 's  desires  failed  of  fulfilment,  and  he  en 
dorsed  on  the  letter  just  quoted :  1 
"N.  B. 

"The  first  foreign  appt.  made  by  Congress,  was 
to  Mr.  John  Adams,  then  minister  at  the 
Court  of  London. 

"Having  changed  my  plan  of  life,  in  other  words 
about  to  be  married,  I  declined  being  a  candidate, 
in  favour  of  Wm.  S.  Smith,  who  was  appointed  and 
afterwards  married  one  of  the 
ministers  daughters." 

Towards  the  end  of  April,  McHenry  left  Philadelphia, 
where  the  attractions  of  Miss  Caldwell  had  made  deep  impres 
sion  on  him  and  of  his  journey  to  Baltimore  he  wrote  on  the 
first  of  May,  1783,  to  Major  John  Armstrong,  the  author 
of  the  Newburgh  addresses  to  Washington: 
"My  dear  Major 

"Once  on  a  time,  I  remember,  in  a  pensive  route  to  our 
modern  Capua,  a  young  lady  descended  from  a  flaming  chariot, 
and  entered  the  tavern  at  which  I  had  stopped.  Betsy,  said 
she,  with  a  look  of  blended  gaiety  and  giddiness  that  bespoke 
a  heart  perfectly  at  rest,  hasten  to  me  with  paper,  for  I  would 
die  were  I  not  to  write  to  my  friend  at  every  remove.  Sweet 
insensible,  said  I  to  myself,  as  she  tripped  lightly  along, 
followed  by  the  girl  whose  face  betrayed  the  sunshine  of 
better  days  and  the  deep  traces  of  some  affecting  disappoint 
ment  —  of  what  would  you  die  —  or  of  what  would  you  write 

1  Lafayette  wrote  Hamilton  (Hamilton's  Works,  1,  327),  asking  to 
be  made  envoy  extraordinary  of  the  United  States  to  Great  Britain  to 
ratify  the  treaty  and  added  "send  McHenry  to  me." 


54  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  v 

—  you  who  never  felt  the  uncertainties  of  love  —  or  the  pains 
of  the  wretched.  But  checking  these  reflexions  —  trifles,  I 
perceive  make  you  happy,  and  sensibility,  perhaps,  would 
render  you  otherwise.  Go  then  —  and  write  —  and  dress  — 
and  talk  —  and  throughout  life  think  your  heart  interested  — 
but  as  now  let  it  be  always  —  by  trifles.  Having  shook  off  the 
dust  of  my  journey,  of  which  bye  and  bye,  and  being  some 
what  in  the  humor  of  this  fair  itinerant,  I  called  for  my 
writing  apparatus  —  that  I  might  trifle  with  you  half  an  hour, 
and  that  you  might  be  able  to  find  me  when  disposed  either  in 
seriousness  or  levity  to  do  the  same. 

"To-morrow,  then,  I  go  to  be  very  grave  at  Annapolis, 
and  heaven  knowrs,  how  much  more  I  incline  to  be  gay  at 
Philadelphia.  For,  of  those  few  things  in  this  world  wThich 
afford  pleasure,  I  more  than  suspect  —  that  solemnity  and 
wisdom  give  the  least,  Vive  la  bagatelle,  said  Swift,  oftener 
than  he  said  his  prayers  —  and  what  adds  weight  to  this 
maxim,  is,  that  he  did  not  venture  to  pronounce  it  —  before 
he  had  discovered  by  deep  study  and  long  intercourse  with 
mankind  —  that  no  one  could  get  fat  upon  wisdom  —  which 
between  ourselves,  I  take  to  be  the  great  cause  of  your  leanness. 
Were  other  authorities  necessary  to  support  this  maxim, 
besides  the  lady's  I  have  quoted  —  Dean's  —  and  my  own 
invariable  practice  —  I  would  mention  the  two  celebrated 
Romans,  spoken  of  by  Cicero  who  would  leave  the  business  of 
government  —  to  play  marbles,  and  gather  shells  and  peri 
winkles  at  Gaeta  and  Laurentium. 

"Thinking  in  this  manner  I  entered  Phila.  the  capital, 
and  without  any  material  change  of  sentiment,  I  mounted  the 
curricle  that  hurried  me  from  it  —  satisfied  that  I  had  lost 
no  flesh  by  the  visit.  In  a  moment  we  were  out  of  sight  of  the 
ships  —  the  buildings  —  the  spires  and  the  smoke.  The  sun 
shone  benignly  on  the  earth.  On  each  side  of  the  road  was 
spring  just  beginning  her  f rolicks  —  behind  me  lay  the  sleep 
ing  beauties  of  Philadelphia,  and  before  me  their  sisters  of 
Maryland  —  so  that  whichever  way  I  looked  —  nothing  pre 
sented  me  but  objects  of  pleasure.  We  breakfasted  at  Chester, 
like  hungry  lions  — passed  through  Wilmington,  like  a  squib 

-  dined  at  New-port,  like  gluttons  —  ate  supper  at  the  Head 
of  Elk  like  fools  for  we  had  no  appetite  —  and  here  we  took 
up  our  lodgings  for  the  night.  About  eight  o'clock  the  next 
morning,  fresh  and  cheerful  as  young  bridegrooms,  we  crossed 
the  Susquehannah —  more  lovely  than  your  Schuylkil  —  in 


1781-1783]  of  James  Me  Henry  55 

its  banks  —  its  islands  —  and  its  windings  —  and  by  evening 
arrived  at  a  place  renowned  for  —  its  dirt  —  its  dust  —  and 
its  dulness. 

"And,  now,  Sir,  will  you  do  me  the  favor,  while  I  drink 
tea  with  some  ladies,  to  hasten  to  the  circle  in  which  I  lately 
found  you.  There  single  out  the  fair  who  possessed  you  for 
that  evening  —  but  do  not  press  her  hand  so  much  —  nor  sit 
so  long  near  her  —  for,  believe  me,  you  are  no  anchorite  thus 
cautioned  —  assume  the  attitude  of  persuasion  —  awake  her 
feelings  by  gome  well  chosen  story  —  take  care  at  the  same 
time  of  your  own  —  then  pause  —  and  while,  as  she  is  wont, 
she  casts  her  eyes  thoughtfully,  languishing  on  the  ground  — 
tell  her  —  that  although  the  edges  of  her  little  silky  present, 
are  much  fretted  by  the  attention  paid  to  it  —  and  here  and 
there  a  thread  actually  destroyed  —  yet  what  is  left  —  which 
I  intend  to  wear  round  my  neck  as  an  amulet  —  still  retains 
the  power  which  she  gave  it  entire  and  undiminished.  Oh 
my  soul  I  am  heartily  glad  that  her  sister  is  at  home  with  her 
fine  eyes  and  her  penetrating  Avit  —  because  the  shrewd  girl  is 
forever  suspecting  insincerity  under  a  compliment  —  and  here 
I  would  not  have  my  veracity  even  called  into  question.  But 
my  good  Sir,  it  is  time  to  leave  this  lady  —  as  the  nymph  of 
the  fete  has  remarked  the  length  of  your  conversation.  But 
—  alas  —  my  half  hour  is  spent  —  and  I  have  only  time  left 
me  —  to  wish  you  a  favorable  wind  to  clear  of  her  spells,  and 
carry  you  round  the  rest  of  this  dangerous  circle  —  for  at  this 
instant  —  one  of  the  whitest  and  prettiest  hands  in  all  Balti 
more  —  is  going  to  pour  me  out  a  dish  of  imperial  tea  —  and  if 
I  stay  another  moment,  I  shall  undoubtedly  —  lose  the  pleas 
ure  of  drinking  it.  Adieu  therefore  —  and  believe  me  yours 
very  sincerely" 

On  April  24,  1783,  the  Maryland  legislature  was  called 
together,  but  McHenry  did  not  appear  at  Annapolis  until 
May  6,  and  Governor  Paca's  message  was  received  on  the 
following  day.  Five  days  later  James  McHenry  and  Thomas 
Johnson  were  chosen  to  fill  vacancies  in  Maryland's  represen 
tation  in  the  continental  congress.  1  In  those  days,  the  two 
positions  were  not  deemed  incompatible  and  so  McHenry  sat 
in  both  the  confederation  congress  and  the  Maryland  senate. 
The  news  of  the  treaty  of  peace  had  just  come  and  General 

1  Jas.  Lloyd,  Nathaniel  Ramsay,  and  Thos.  Wright,  were  also  voted 
for.     McHenry  accepts  on  June  1,  the  last  day  of  the  session. 


56  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  v 

Greene  had  written  him  as  follows  from  Charleston  on  April 

28: 

"My  dear  friend 

' '  I  have  only  a  moment  to  salute  you  with  congratulations 
upon  the  joyful  issue  of  the  war;  and  to  assure  you  that 
however  fortune  may  dispose  of  me  in  future  I  shall  always 
feel  a  lively  friendship  for  you.  Major  Swan  is  just  on  the 
wing  and  will  not  allow  me  time  to  say  more.  I  expect  to  be 
to  the  Northward  this  Summer  and  to  have  the  pleasure  of 
taking  you  by  the  hand  as  well  as  all  my  other  Maryland 
friends." 

As  a  representative  of  the  commercial  classes,  we  are  not 
surprised  to  find  that  McHenry  introduced  in  the  senate 
tonnage  and  port  warden's  bills.  Education,  communication 
with  the  west,  and  readjustment  of  relations  with  loyalists 
receive  attention  at  this  session  and  Annapolis  is  offered  the 
confederation  as  the  seat  of  the  general  government. 

During  the  summer,  McHenry  joined  the  continental 
congress  at  "Princetown,"  where  he  served  on  the  committee 
on  foreign  affairs.  Congress  had  been  driven  to  Princeton 
by  the  mutiny  of  the  Pennsylvania  troops  at  Philadelphia. 

On  July  3,  he  wrote  to  Washington,  as  chairman  of  a 
committee  appointed  to  consider  a  letter  of  Washington's 
which  complained  of  his  disagreeable  situation,  saying  that 
congress  wished  Washington  to  come  before  it.  Originally 
it  had  been  planned  to  ask  Washington  about  a  peace  estab 
lishment.  Rhode  Island  wished  to  have  none,  so  the  clause 
was  left  out,  but  McHenry  asks  Washington  to  give  his  opinion 
on  the  matter,  in  any  case.  Evidently  the  letter  was  delayed, 
for  Washington  wrote  to  him  on  August  6, 1  asking  why  con 
gress  had  sent  for  him,  as  follows : 

"After  a  tour  of  at  least  750  miles  (performed  in  nineteen 
days)  I  returned  to  this  place  yesterday  afternoon  when  I 
found  your  favour  of  the  31st  ulto.  intimating  a  resolution 
to  Congress  for  calling  me  to  Princeton,  partly  as  it  would 
seem,  on  my  own  account,  and  partly  for  the  purpose  of  giving 
aid  to  Congress;  but  the  President  not  having  sent  on  the 
Resolution.  *  *  * 

' '  I  wish  you  therefore,  my  dear  Sir,  to  transmit  to  me  by 
the  earliest  opportunity,  a  copy  of  the  Resolutions  with  an 
explanation  of  the  particular  reasons  &  motives  which  have 

1  Ford,  x,  291;  Sparks,  viii,  469. 


1781-1783]  of  James  McHcnry  57 

influenced  Congress  to  pass  it,  that  I  may  be  enabled  to  regu 
late  my  conduct  accordingly. 

"With  the  greatest  esteem  &  much 
' '  Affectionate  regard 
"I  am  Dr.  Sir 
"Yr.  Obedt  Serv. 
"Go.  WASHINGTON." 

McHenry  answered  Washington's  letter  on  the  llth  stat 
ing  that  the  first  motive  in  asking  him  to  come  "was  to  get 
you  out  of  a  disagreeable  situation  to  one  less  disagreeable." 
The  second  was  "to  get  your  assistance  &  advice  in  the  ar 
rangements  for  peace.  It  may  be  necessary  besides  to  consult 
you  respecting  promotions  &  on  a  variety  of  military  sub 
jects."  Washington  came,  occupied  a  house  provided  for 
him  by  congress  at  Rocky  Hill,  between  three  and  four  miles 
from  Princeton,  and  remained  there  until  November. 

During  the  debate  concerning  the  punishment  of  the 
Pennsylvania  mutineers,  McHenry  spoke  urging  mercy: 

"Before  passing  upon  this  proclamation  I  beg  leave  to 
say  a  few  words. 

"It  is  impossible  that  any  set  of  men  can  be  engaged  in  a 
business  more  serious  or  more  solemn,  than  in  deliberating 
upon  an  act  that  is  to  deprive  a  human  being  of  his  life  or 
character.  It  wrill  occur  to  the  house  that  the  operation  of  this 
act  does  not  merely  respect  the  life  or  character  of  Casberry  & 
Sullivan,  but  extends  beyond  them,  to  their  relations  and  even 
to  all  those  of  the  same  name.  If  a  soldier  falls  in  battle  —  if 
an  honest  man  is  killed  by  a  robber,  or  murdered  by  his 
enemy,  this  neither  injures  his  fame,  or  reflects  dishonor  on 
his  relations.  But  the  case  is  far  otherwise  if  he  dies  under 
the  hands  of  the  law  or  the  executioner.  His  memory  thence 
forward  is  rendered  infamous,  and  to  be  his  relation  or  to  bear 
his  name,  is  to  carry  about  one  a  mark  of  indelible  disgrace. 

' '  These  observations  are  recalled  to  the  recollection  of  the 
house,  to  shew  us  the  importance  of  what  we  are  about. 

"Let  us  now  for  a  moment  consider  the  crime  of  these 
unfortunate  exiles.  They  were  both  officers  at  an  early  period 
of  the  war,  and  uniformly  and  till  its  close,  behaved  with  that 
fortitude  and  patience  which  have  so  distinguished  our  army. 
The  situation  and  circumstances  of  the  army  before  and  at 
the  time  of  the  meeting  need  not  be  discredited.  They  dis 
played  great  virtues  —  they  are  pregnant  with  instruction  to 
this  country  and  full  of  excuse  for  the  criminals.  These 


58  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  v 

unfortunates  worn  down  by  poverty  and  grown  desperate 
by  necessity,  that  power  which  few  persons  can  resist,  formed 
a  plan  to  relieve  their  wants. 

"It  is  certainly  an  extenuation  of  their  crime,  that  its 
object  was  founded  in  justice,  and  that  violence  was  done  to 
either  life,  person,  or  property.  It  is  true  the  soldiers,  whose 
motions  they  are  said  to  have  directed,  had  arms  in  their 
hands  when  they  surrounded  the  state  house  —  but  it  is  also 
true  that  they  did  not  use  their  arms. 

"But  other  and  more  urgent  reasons  plead  that  their 
crime  should  be  forgiven.  Let  the  services  and  long  suffer 
ings  of  the  army  be  remembered ;  and  let  the  failings  of  these 
men  be  forgotten  in  their  former  merits  and  in  the  merits  of 
the  army.  And  let  not  the  first  fruits  of  their  long  and 
perilous  contest,  our  peace,  be  watered  with  the  blood  of  two 
of  their  companions. 

' '  I  hope  it  will  not  be  urged  that  the  measure  is  necessary 
for  the  support  of  our  national  character.  Our  national 
character  can  never  be  supported  by  a  sacrifice  of  national 
humanity.  I  have  always  thought,  and  the  history  of  all 
nations  teach  me  that  I  am  right  that  acts  of  mercy  serve  more 
to  dignify  and  raise  the  character  of  a  government  than  acts 
of  Hood.  It  is  said  that  Draco's  laws  were  written  in  blood 
—  but  no  one  has  ever  dared  to  praise  them. ' ' 

During  the  autumn,  McIIenry  wrote  to  Hamilton 1 
praising  him  and  telling  him  that  his  "Congressional  homil 
ies"  were  still  remembered  with  pleasure.  Were  he  ten 
years  older  (Hamilton  then  was  twenty-six)  and  £20,000 
richer  he  might  have  the  highest  office  in  congress's  gift. 
Cautious  men  "think  you  sometimes  intemperate,  but  seldom 
visionary  *  *  *.  Bold  designs,  measures  calculated  for  their 
rapid  execution  —  a  wisdom  that  would  convince  from  its  own 
weight,  a  project  that  would  surprise  the  people  into  greater 
happiness,  without  giving  them  an  opportunity  to  view  it  & 
reject  it  —  are  not  adapted  to  a  council  composed  of  discord 
ant  materials  or  to  a  people  which  have  13  heads,  each 
of  which  pays  superstitious  adorations  to  inferior  divinities. ' ' 

The  Maryland  Legislature  began  its  autumn  session  on 
November  4,  but  McHenry  did  not  take  his  seat  until  the  19th, 
having  been  in  Philadelphia  in  the  meantime.  On  the  23rd  he 

1  J.  C.  Hamilton,  iii,  8;  Hamilton's  Works,  i,  411.  Letter  dated 
October  22. 


1781-1783]  of  James  Me  Henry  59 

was  appointed  with  John  Smith  to  ask  the  delegates  to  come 
and  qualify  the  incoming  governor  and,  on  the  24th,  he  was 
placed  on  the  joint  committee  on  the  governor's  message  about 
a  threatened  disturbance  in  Annapolis.  Two  days  later,  he 
was  nominated  for  congress  1  and  elected  with  Thomas  Stone, 
Samuel  Chase,  and  Edward  Lloyd.  The  session  of  the  legis 
lature  continued  until  December  23,  and  McHenry  took  quite 
an  active  part,  bringing  in  a  tonnage  bill  and  one  to  regulate 
theatrical  entertainments,  and  serving  on  the  joint  committee 
to  provide  proper  accommodations  for  Washington.  The 
delegates  in  congress  were  expected  to  report  to  the  legisla 
tures  and  we  find  that  such  reports  were  made  in  writing  by 
McHenry  and  Daniel  Carroll  at  this  time.  Congress  met  at 
Annapolis  in  November  and  on  November  27,  the  senate  in 
vited  that  body  to  use  its  room,  removing  to  the  intendant's 
office  and,  a  week  later,  voted  to  encourage  congress  to  make 
their  permanent  seat  at  or  near  Georgetown. 

From  ' '  Princetown "  McHenry  made  a  trip  to  Philadel 
phia  to  see  Miss  Caldwell  whose  declared  lover  he  now  was, 
and  to  her  he  wrote  on  the  15th  of  July : 

"When  I  retired  from  the  presence  of  my  dear  Peggy, 
the  disquieting  idea  of  not  seeing  her  again  for  some  time 
became  more  powerful  than  the  pleasure  I  had  just  experi 
enced.  The  hour  you  had  given  to  my  affection  and  endeared 
by  your  delicate  sensibility  served  but  to  make  me  more 
conscious  to  the  approaching  separation.  I  was  going  it  was 
true,  only  to  Princetown,  but  the  obstacles  to  a  return  far 
exceeded  the  distance,  and  that  alone  was  sufficient  to  excite 
reflections  inexpressibly  painful.  Well  aware  that  you  would 
not  wish  me  to  be  accused  of  levity  in  business,  or  suffer  me 
to  be  suspected  of  preferring  even  the  gratification  of  my 
heart  to  the  interests  of  my  country,  I  said  to  myself,  a  public 
station  is  an  enemy  to  peace,  and  there  is  no  happiness  but 
in  the  arms  of  my  Peggy,  I  will,  therefore,  renounce  its  vain 
consequence  to  others ;  I  will  overcome  my  fears  and  speak  to 
her  parents  tomorrow ;  she  shall  be  mine,  and  the  rest  of  the 
world  may  belong  to  the  disciples  of  folly  or  the  dupes  of 
ambition.  An  instant  however  told  me  that  to  please  you,  I 
must  not  desert  the  station  in  which  I  had  been  placed  and 
incur  a  public  censure,  but  relying  on  the  promise  you  had 
made  to  sweeten  absence  with  an  intercourse  of  letters,  forbear 
to  be  precipitate  or  to  hurry  you  into  a  new  condition  of  life, 

1  He  accepted  the  honor  on  December  2. 


60  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  v 

before  I  could  render  it  agreeable  to  the  sole  guardian  of  my 
fate.  Thus  my  amiable  and  beloved  charmer,  I  felt  and  I 
thought  till  the  appearance  of  the  punctual  Davy  informed 
me  it  was  time  to  commence  my  journey.  I  stole  softly  to 
your  room  door,  and  gently  kissed  it,  and  prayed  that  your 
slumbers  might  be  light,  and  your  hours  tranquil,  till  I  again 
lost  my  speech  in  looking  at  my  Peggy,  and  again  felt  from 
her  head  tenderly  reclined  on  my  arm,  more  substantial  pleas 
ure,  than  a  monarch  experiences  when  first  seated  on  his 
throne,  or  a  conqueror  enjoys  in  the  moment  of  his  victories. 

' '  Oh !  my  dear  Peggy,  till  then,  enliven  the  dull  drudgery 
I  must  be  engaged  in  by  your  cordial  letters.  You  are  too 
sensible,  after  my  plighted  faith,  to  think  writing  to  me 
improper,  and  I  am  too  much  interested  in  whatever  you  do, 
to  require,  what  if  done,  would  diminish  my  regard.  Will 
my  Peggy,  too,  penetrate  the  disposition  of  her  mother,  re 
specting  my  passion  and  hasten  to  remove  a  suspense  which 
she  must  know  is  insufferably  distressing.  Let  me  but  read 
your  letters  and  have  ease  on  this  point,  and  I  shall  count  the 
hours  of  absence  as  only  interposed  to  heighten  the  hap 
piness  that  awaits  my  return.  Adieu  my  dear  and  beloved 
Peggy  and  believe  me  unchangeably  yours 

"JAMES  MCHENBY 

"This  is  tuesday  night,  but  as  I  cannot  trust  a  letter  to 
my  Peggy  to  the  common  stage  box  I  must  keep  it  for  a 
conveyance  to  which  I  can  confide  a  name  so  very  dear  to  my 
present  and  future  felicity.  As  settled  between  us  this  will 
be  delivered  you  by  your  brother. ' ' 

It  is  amusing  to  see  that  McHenry's  love  for  his  Peggy 
did  not  deprive  him  of  the  ability  to  enjoy  the  society  of  other 
women,  as  may  be  seen  from  verses  he  wrote  three  days  later. 
' '  Extempore,  on  a  young  Quaquer  lady 
who  very  reluctantly  shewed  some  poe 
try  and  wondered  how  it  could  be 
known    that    she    wrote    any.     (Miss 
Horner. ) 

"Princetown  Jersey  18  July  1783 

"Bashful  as  a  first-day  bride, 
With   the    muses   at   your   side, 
Long  you  could  not  hide  your  art ; 
Soon  you  snatched  them  to  your  heart. 
Prom  such  fondness  I  could  tell 
Without  help  of  charm   or  spell, 
Sweet  companion  of  the  nine. 
That  the  laurel  crown  was  thine." 


1781-1783]  of  James  McHenry  61 

In  spite  of  his  official  duties,  McHenry  found  time  to 
write  frequently  to  his  betrothed.  From  Annapolis  on  the 
night  of  the  19th  of  November,  1783,  just  after  his  arrival, 
he  sent  her  a  letter. 

"What  a  change  has  one  hundred  and  thirty  miles 
wrought  upon  your  friend.  I  sit  down  to  write  my  dear- 
Peggy  under  a  gloom  of  sentiment  that  I  have  never  before 
experienced.  The  heaviness  of  absence  has  doubled  with  the 
distance.  I  dined  today  with  the  Governor  and  he  would 
have  it  that  I  had  met  with  some  disappointment.  In  the 
evening  I  drank  tea  with  your  great  rival,  and  she  would  have 
it  that  I  was  actually  married  —  because  I  looked  so  grave.  I 
endeavoured  in  vain  to  recover  my  spirits :  I  attempted  some 
compliments  to  the  lady:  I  failed  however  to  please  myself, 
and  took  leave  of  the  company  to  try  the  effect  of  conversing 
with  my  Peggy.  It  is  not  easy,  my  amiable  friend,  all  at  once 
to  assume  a  careless  behavior,  when  the  heart  is  wrought  upon 
by  the  disquietudes  of  absence.  I  have  involved  myself  in 
politics  and  high  stations,  while  to  preserve  the  latter  I  do 
violence  to  my  heart.  I  followed  a  false  light  that  never  led 
any  person  to  happiness.  I  have  been  more  than  once  tempted 
to  give  up  all  public  pursuits  upon  finding  what  appeared 
desirable  while  sought  after,  insipid  or  unsatisfying  when 
attained.  Since  my  affections  have  been  interwoven  with 
yours  the  nothingness  of  public  honors  have  become  more 
apparent,  and  the  strongest  conviction  has  arisen,  that  peace, 
pleasure  &  content  are  peculiarly  the  inmates  of  a  domestic 
circle.  Still  however  I  continue  to  seek  after  phantoms,  or 
to  work  for  what  cannot  increase  ones  happiness.  How  is  it, 
my  love,  that  not  withstanding  history  is  filled  with  precepts 
expressive  of  the  delusory  nature  of  ambitious  pursuits,  and 
the  complainings  of  men  who  have  been  favoured  to  the  extent 
of  their  projects  that  their  successors  should  continue  to  tread 
in  the  same  path  which  leads  to  the  same  disappointments. 
Why  my  Peggy  have  I  left  you  —  why  do  I  remain  here  a  day 
longer  —  Why  do  I  not  give  up  all  public  employments  and 
return  to  the  bosom  of  my  beloved  —  Why  do  the  deceitful 
sounds  of  love  of  country  oppose  the  bent  of  my  heart,  and 
hold  me  from  you  even  against  the  strong  current  of  my 
inclinations.  Is  there  not  in  the  human  constitution  princi 
ples  that  draw  contrary  ways  at  the  same  time.  I  would  go  to 
Philada.  and  yet  I  do  not  go.  Your  heart  would  persuade 
you  to  be  with  me,  and  yet  you  feel  the  honest  sensations  at 


62  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  v 

the  thought  of  separating  from  those  connections  who  have 
grown  dear  to  you  from  habit  and  course  of  kind  offices. 

' '  You  pereeive  my  charmer  that  I  am  illy  at  rest,  and  by 
no  means  in  a  humor  to  be  satisfied  with  my  present  condition. 
Several  circumstances  besides  my  being  forced  to  leave  you 
have  associated  to  encourage  this  temper.  The  arrival  of  Mr. 
Carroll  and  myself  do  not  make  a  senate  —  so  that  no  business 
has  been  done,  and  we  must  wait  here  several  days  till  our 
brethren  think  proper  to  come  forward  to  their  duty.  This 
of  course  will  make  the  session  of  Assembly  longer  than  I 
expected.  The  reception  I  have  met  with  from  my  friends 
in  the  house  of  delegates  altho'  very  flattering  does  not  coun 
terbalance  this  circumstance.  But  I  will  not  trouble  my 
Peggy  with  more  of  my  complaints,  but  wait  for  that  consola 
tion  which  her  promised  letter  will  bring  with  it. 

"One  thing  however  I  cannot  but  mention.  When  I 
spoke  to  your  mother  on  the  subject  of  our  marriage  I  sug 
gested  that  you  were  desirous  of  delaying  it  till  spring,  but 
that  I  had  my  heart  fixed  upon  an  earlier  period.  I  then 
spoke  of  January  but  at  the  same  time  told  her  what  I  told 
you  that  I  wished  to  have  a  better  house  to  bring  you  to  than 
the  one  my  brother  lived  in  —  but  that  this  would  be  difficult 
to  get  in  the  winter.  Your  mother  who  is  all  goodness  lessened 
this  difficulty  by  proposing  that  I  should  come  up  as  soon  as  I 
could  leave  Congress  and  that  we  might  then  be  married  after 
which  I  might  return  to  Congress  and  in  the  mean  time  indulge 
her  with  your  company  until  spring  when  it  would  be  better 
traveling  for  you.  I  did  not  relish  the  idea  of  leaving  you 
behind  me,  but  since  I  have  considered  all  the  objections  to 
your  removal  during  the  winter  and  that  by  spring  I  may 
have  every  thing  arranged  for  your  reception  I  must  plead 
with  my  dear  Peggy  for  her  consent. 

"Will  you  then  consult  with  your  own  heart  on  this 
question  and  with  your  mother  and  write  me  the  result.  I 
anticipate  a  favorable  answer  to  this  proposal  because  it  will 
be  more  agreeable  than  an  immediate  separation  from  your 
parents  and  because  it  will  in  a  great  measure  lessen  the 
distress  I  must  experience  should  our  marriage  be  delayed 
till  spring  or  till  every  arrangement  is  complete  for  your 
reception.  We  shall  also  be  certain  of  your  brother 's  presence 
and  this  is  a  circumstance  which  I  know  we  both  wish  for. 
If  my  dear  Peggy  should  approve  of  this  plan  I  would  hope 
to  see  her  in  January  and  would  endeavour  to  be  with  her  at 


1781-1783]  of  James  McHenry  63 

least  throughout  that  month.  I  shall  bring  no  company  but 
my  brother  and  the  marriage  may  be  conducted  with  that 
privacy  which  I  know  is  most  pleasing  to  you. ' ' 

To  the  above  letter  he  added  a  postscript  on  the  21st. 

"To  day  is  to  bring  me  your  letter  and  to  carry  this  to 
your  hands.  I  can  safely  pronounce  that  no  one  can  be  a 
philosopher  and  in  love.  To  be  patient  and  acquiescent  under 
every  change  of  circumstance  is  not  within  my  power.  I 
betray  myself.  I  may  however  in  a  few  days  become  more 
reconciled  to  my  situation.  When  we  make  a  senate  I  shall 
have  full  employment,  and  this  will  call  my  attention  from  my 
own  feelings  to  that  of  others.  I  find  that  it  would  be  no 
easy  matter  for  my  enemies  should  I  have  any  to  leave  me  out 
of  Congress.  Almost  every  person  seems  pleased  with  my 
conduct  and  attendance." 

Early  in  December,  McHenry  determined  to  go  to  Balti 
more,  to  make  preparations  for  his  marriage  and  attend  to 
other  affairs  and  wrote  on  the  7th,  Sunday  morning,  to  Miss 
Caldwell: 

"Every  day,  my  charming  preacher,  offers  some  lesson 
or  other,  which,  to  use  your  own  words,  may  instruct  us  in 
our  duty,  and  teach  us  to  attend  to  it  with  sincerity  and 
diligence.  He  must  indeed,  one  would  suppose  shut  his  eyes 
on  society  who  does  not  find  its  numerous  follies,  miseries,  and 
misfortunes,  produce  improvement,  excite  charity  or  move 
compassion;  who  does  not  reflect  on  the  provisionary  steps 
requisite  to  meet  that  awful  change  of  condition,  which  re 
peated  examples  prove  to  be  inevitable.  And  yet  so  it  happens 
that  these  things  though  daily  seen  and  talked  of  are  unat 
tended  to  and  forgotten.  We  continue  to  live  in  the  midst  of 
them  as  it  were  without  thinking  of  them :  we  swim  carelessly 
down  the  insidious  current  of  time,  and  are  even  observed  to 
put  forth  fresh  sail  on  the  brink  of  the  cataract  into  which 
we  are  just  plunging.  Hence  it  is,  perhaps,  my  gentle  moralist 
that  earthquakes,  volcanoes  and  inundations  become  necessary 
in  the  order  of  things  to  rouse  men  to  a  sense  of  their  situation, 
and  accomplish  by  a  dreadful  novelty  what  could  not  be 
affected  by  a  succession  of  small  examples. 

"But,  my  beloved  Peggy,  you,  and  all  those,  who  are 
endeavouring  to  do  what  is  right  need  be  ashamed  of  no 
inspection  whatever,  nor  afraid  of  meeting  the  last  convulsions 
of  nature,  whether  in  a  ball  room  or  a  church  at  a  wedding 


64  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  v 

or  a  funeral;  because,  in  all  places  you  will  be  found  in  a 
temper  of  mind,  and  with  a  purity  of  heart  which  the  deity 
himself  cannot  disapprove. 

"And  what  is  it  my  sweet  friend,  but  this  temper  of 
mind  and  this  purity  of  heart  that  keeps  one  always  in  good 
humor  and  without  which  no  one  can  be  happy. 

"But  I  must  put  an  end  to  my  moralizing  in  ten  minutes 
I  shall  be  on  horseback,  and  in  five  hours  I  expect  to  be  in 
Baltimore.  Adieu.  Adieu. ' ' 

After  arriving  at  Baltimore,  he  wrote  again,  on  the  next 
evening : 

"I  got  to  this  place  last  night,  later  than  I  said,  because 
I  was  detained  some  hours  longer  than  I  expected. 

"To  write  to  my  Peggy  from  the  place  where  I  one  day 
hope  to  see  her  and  that  not  a  very  distant  one,  excites  sensa 
tions  of  the  most  agreeable  kind.  Half  of  my  business  thither 
was  to  communicate  to  my  brother  my  plan  of  being  with  you 
in  January.  He  will  be  prepared  to  accompany  me  the 
moment  I  can  withdraw  myself  from  Congress.  How  I  long, 
my  friend  for  that  moment  —  not  that  I  want  any  new  proof 
of  the  sincerity  of  your  regard,  but  that  I  wish  to  be  yours 
beyond  the  possibility  of  hazard  of  mischance.  My  Peggy 
will  forward  and  complete  all  those  little  preparations  she 
speaks  of  and  if  she  is  in  sentiment  with  me  she  will  also  be 
desirous  that  the  wedding  should  rather  be  private  than  other 
wise.  You  know  your  father  loves  economy,  so  that  we  shall 
in  this  instance  find  our  feelings  gratified,  by  avoiding  a  very 
superfluous  and  fatiguing  parade.  But  I  am  my  love  wholly 
under  your  direction." 

His  stay  in  Baltimore  was  short  and  from  Annapolis  on 
the  14th  of  December,  Sunday,  he  wrote,  urging  an  early  date 
for  the  wedding : 

' '  Let  it  suffice,  says  my  charmer,  that  I  have  good  reasons 
for  requesting  you  will  not  think  of  coming  the  first  of  next 
month.  I  can  assure  you  I  did  not  think  of  doing  anything 
that  might  contravene  the  wishes  of  my  Peggy.  I  had  just 
returned  from  disposing  matters  with  my  brother  for  our 
being  in  Philadelphia  tjie  first  of  January.  I  had  flattered 
my  self  from  some  parts  of  former  letters,  unless  some  weighty 
reason  opposed  it  —  my  friend  would  not.  My  fancy  had 
done  more ;  It  had  placed  me  by  your  side,  as  I  received  your 


1781-1783]  of  James  McHenry  65 

letter,  where  I  was  enjoying  in  that  imaginary  situation  all 
the  waking  certainties  of  human  happiness.  I  made  to  your 
letter  some  answer  in  a  tumult  of  opposition.  But  you  would 
perceive  this  and  forgive  what  sensations  was  hasty  or  im 
proper.  I  now  write  in  a  moment  of  greater  composure,  and 
may  I  not  also  add  of  greater  submission.  I  know  what  I 
ought  and  I  do  struggle  to  conform  to  your  interdiction.  But 
my  Peggy  will  consider,  that  should  I  leave  Annapolis  by  the 
first  of  January  and  it  will  be  almost  impossible  to  leave  it 
sooner,  that  I  must  be  some  days  on  the  road,  and  some  days 
in  Baltimore,  all  of  which  conjoined  must  put  off  our  marriage 
till  within  a  few  days  of  the  period  to  which  I  am  limited. 
May  I  hope  that  this  arrangement,  which  is  so  near  to  that  of 
my  friends  will  comport  with  her  ideas  of  propriety ;  and  that 
it  will  not  be  defeated  by  any  insurmountable  obstacle.  My 
beloved  will  observe  that  I  have  not  taken  into  this  calculation 
allowances  for  bad  weather.  But  I  fear  I  distress  you  —  and 
I  have  promised  you  an  entertainment  at  the  Governor's. 

"Well  then  —  I  got  to  this  place  of  gaiety  and  business 
on  "Wednesday.  Alass  Peggy  I  am  called  unexpectedly  from 
my  promise  —  you  will  excuse  me  for  delaying  it's  perform 
ance  till  next  Sunday  —  and  believe  that  I  regret  being  obliged 
for  today  —  to  bid  my  beloved  adieu. ' ' 

Later  in  the  week,  he  wrote  again : 

' '  Friday  morning. 
"19  Deer. 

' '  To  day,  my  dear  friend,  I  expect  your  letter,  and  with  it 
a  fresh  source  of  agreeable  sensations.  Without  being  much 
pleased,  I  have  been  very  busy  since  your  last,  and  which 
increases  my  solicitude  for  a  new  conversation  because  this 
never  failed  to  restore  me  to  myself  however  wayward  I  may 
be  or  however  disposed  to  be  dissatisfied.  I  find,  my  Peggy, 
a  consolation  beyond  expression  in  your  visits  —  in  hovering 
round  you  in  the  hall-room,  in  the  attentions  of  your  Spaniard, 
or  waiting  upon  you  to  your  own  fire-side  —  in  listening  to  the 
little  Jane  and  hearing  her  sometimes  please  and  sometimes 
alarm  you.  Such  incidents  as  these  bring  with  them  a  world 
of  satisfactions,  nor  would  I  exchange  them  for  all  the  gaie 
ties  and  pleasures  of  Annapolis.  There  are  routs  —  dinners 
and  dances  —  but  what  are  these  when  you  are  in  Philadel 
phia.  There  is  a  variety  of  beauty  —  but  none  of  it  can 
satisfy.  I  flit  through  a  round  of  company;  I  debate  with 


66  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  v 

politicians  or  I  converse  with  philosophers:  I  feel  interested 
for  the  moment  but  when  I  retire  I  do  not  find  my  charmer : 
and  then  Peggy  I  grow  sullen  and  out  of  humor  and  sometimes 
desperate  enough  to  resolve  upon  seeing  you  even  against 
your  consent. 

"But  my  love  I  am  getting  into  a  serious  mood  and  it  is 
time  to  go  to  Congress.  I  shall  take  this  with  me  and  send 
John  to  his  station  earlier  by  two  hours  than  he  went  last 
post  day. 

' '  Good  morning  my  beloved. ' ' 

"Annapolis,  21  Deer. 

"To-morrow  carries  me  from  this  place  —  but  the  day 
recalls  to  my  mind  a  promise  I  made  to  my  [friend]  some 
weeks  ago  of  an  entertainment  at  the  governors.  When  I 
got  hither  from  Baltimore  which  was  on  Wednesday  about 
noon  I  found  every  body  preparing  to  go  with  the  rest.  It 
exhibited  a  strange  mixture  of  men  and  characters.  The 
lords  of  the  old  government,  with  some  of  the  sovereigns  and 
citizens  of  the  new  (if  we  may  calculate  on  finding  them 
together)  seemed  to  have  forgotten  all  former  ideas  of 
precedence  and  distinction.  Sir  Robert  Eden  would  have 
persuaded  one  by  being  of  the  party,  that  he  had  lost  ail 
remembrance  of  his  having  been  the  owner  of  the  house  iu 
which  he  danced,  and  late  governor  of  Maryland  —  but  the 
thing  could  not  be,  where  every  person  he  met,  and  every 
picture  and  piece  of  furniture  he  saw,  served  to  remind  him 
of  the  past,  or  brought  up  the  recollection  of  pleasures  he 
could  no  longer  repeat.  This  state  has  taken  away  his  prop 
erty,  and  a  libertine  life  his  constitution.  He  finds  himself  a 
dependent  on  persons  he  despised,  and  insignificant  on  the 
spot  where,  but  lately  he  was  every  thing.  He  sees  his  old 
parasites  and  companions  enjoying  places  under  the  pres 
ent  government,  and  devoted  to  new  interests.  He  is 
without  a  train  of  followers  obedient  to  his  pleasing  will. 
He  perceives,  that  even  the  hearts  he  is  said  to  have  subdued 
by  his  entertainments  or  warmed  by  his  gallantries  have 
altered  by  time  or  submitted  to  other  seducers.  If  we  look 
for  the  cause  of  his  return  to  this  place  in  his  pride  —  that 
would  not  suffer  him  to  sue  for  favors,  from  men  he  so  lately 
considered  as  rebels.  If  in  his  interest,  he  will  be  blamed  for 
meanness.  If  in  his  poverty,  he  is  certainly  to  be  pitied.  So 
situated  and  circumstanced  I  could  neither  believe  him  happy 


1781-1783]  of  James  McHenry  67 

or  at  his  ease,  unless  I  had  supposed,  that,  with  his  estate  and 
constitution  he  had  lost  his  sensibility. 

' '  Mr.  Harf ord  is  a  young  man,  and  excites  more  favorable 
ideas.  He  has  no  prejudices  to  encounter  because  this  is  his 
first  visit  to  America.  The  natural  son  of  the  late  lord 
Baltimore  and  heir  to  his  estate  which  we  have  taken  away. 
He  is  handsome,  sensible  and  of  polite  manners,  and  withal 
seems  to  be  governed  by  a  discretion  beyond  his  years.  All 
this  speaks  in  his  behalf,  and  disposes  one  to  wish,  that 
amongst  the  virtues  of  the  country  w^  could  reckon  magnan 
imity. 

"Sir  Robert  danced  with  Mrs.  Plater.  Mr.  Smith,  his 
secretary,  with  her  daughter.  Mr.  Clapham  formerly  receiver 
of  rents,  was  at  the  card  tables.  Mr.  Harford  did  not  dance, 
but  was  seen  sometimes  chatting  with  the  ladies  and  sometimes 
with  himself. 

"Such  a  blended  assembly  —  men  of  so  opposite  princi 
ples  and  manners  —  those  who  had  lost  estates  and  those  who 
had  them,  —  those  who  were  once  the  greatest,  and  who  were 
now  among  the  least — those  who  were  once  nothing,  and  who  are 
now  every  thing  — ladies  who  shone  under  the  late  constitution, 
and  some  few  of  both  sexes,  whose  value  and  merits  no  revolu 
tions  could  diminish  —  all  conspired  to  excite  reflections  and  to 
afford  amusement.  The  scene  did  not  cease  to  be  interesting 
till  near  twelve  o'clock  —  when  I  retired  to  my  apartment  — 
took  out  a  little  amulet  from  my  bosom  —  kissed  it  twice  and 
went  to  sleep. 

"But  know  my  charmer,  that  the  dear  image  the  amulet 
presented  did  not  leave  me,  but  continued  almost  throughout 
the  night  to  give  birth  to  the  tenderest  and  most  agreeable 
dreams. 

"This  being  the  last  engagement  I  had  to  discharge  in 
Annapolis  I  hasten  to  join  my  amiable  friend  and  interchange 
those  solemn  vows  which  are  to  make  us  one  throughout  time 
and  eternity.  Adieu,  my  beloved  adieu,  and  may  Saturday 
bring  your  presence  your  truly  affectionate 

"MCHENRY" 

When  congress  arrived,  it  found  that  it  was  necessary  to 
make  arrangements  for  Washington's  resignation  of  his  com 
mission  as  general  and  Jefferson,  Gerry,  and  McHenry  were 
appointed  a  committee  to  attend  to  this.  On  December  10, 


68  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  v 

Washington  wrote 1  McHenry  from  Philadelphia  that,  as 
New  York  had  been  evacuated  by  the  British,  he  was  on  his 
way  to  Annapolis  to  "get  translated  into  a  private  Citizen." 
Ten  days  later,  he  notified  the  president  of  congress  that  he 
had  arrived  in  Annapolis  and,  on  the  23rd,  he  read  his  address 
to  congress  in  the  senate  chamber  of  the  state  house.  The 
war  was  over  and  the  commander,  to  whom  the  new  country 
owed  so  much,  felt  he  could  now  take  his  "leave  of  all  the 
employments  of  public  life."  The  original  draft  of  the 
address  was  given  to  McHenry  and  has  been  preserved  by  his 
descendants  to  this  day. 

At  this  time  McHenry  was  much  distressed  at  not  hearing 
from  Miss  Caldwell  and  wrote  her  on  Monday,  December  22 : 

' '  Could  my  love  but  know  the  uneasy  hours  I  have  spent 
since  last  post;  and  the  fears  that  have  been  perpetually 
intrusive  whenever  I  felt  a  moments  serenity,  I  would  become 
the  object  of  her  utmost  compassion.  At  this  instant  I  am  on 
a  rack  of  suspense.  You  may  be  sick  and  I  must  not  know 
of  it ;  nor  have  it  in  my  power  to  be  with  you,  or  near  you,  or 
where  I  could  in  any  manner  be  administering  to  your  relief. 
Good  God  should  this  be  the  case,  and  Jack  have  neglected  to 
write  me  out  of  a  mistaken  delicacy,  I  shall  become  mad.  But 
I  am  nearly  so  at  this  instant.  I  was  to  have  spent  the  evening 
with  some  ladies  but  I  have  sent  an  excuse.  I  wonder  what 
they  are  to  me.  I  was  to  assist  in  writing  our  answer  to 
General  Washington 's  resignation  —  but  I  am  unfit  for  this 
purpose.  If  you  are  not  sick  I  know  the  neglect  did  not  lay 
with  you.  You  certainly  wrote  me  for  I  cannot  suffer  myself 
to  think  that  I  am  all  at  once  become  so  wretched  as  to  be 
forgotten. 

"Forgive  me,  forgive  me,  my  love,  my  beloved  —  I  am 
indeed,  almost  beside  myself  by  this  incident.  Only  see  what 
a  change  it  has  produced  in  my  situation.  I  had  reconciled 
myself  to  the  time  you  asked  for  in  your  last  letter.  I  had 
supposed,  my  friend  had  good  reasons  which  respected  the 
preparations,  why  I  should  not  see  her  till  the  middle  of  the 
next  month;  or  perhaps,  that  she  wished  to  keep  me  at  my 
duty  as  long  as  it  was  possible.  When  I  admitted  the  latter, 
I  admired  your  Romanlike  virtue:  when  the  former  I  could 
not  be  otherwise  than  satisfied.  If  it  is  destined,  I  cried, 
that  my  Peggy  should^  always  have  the  same  commanding 

1  Ford,  x,  336.  A  photographic  facsimile  of  Washington's  manu 
script  address  on  the  occasion  of  his  resigning  his  commission  was  printed 
in  Mag.  Am.  Hist.,  vii,  104. 


1781-1783]  of  James  McHenry  69 

power  over  me  that  she  now  possesses  I  feel  that  I  am  destined 
to  be  happy.  And  have  I  not  a  certainty  of  this,  I  continued, 
in  her  gentle  spirit  that  subdues  by  yielding :  her  delicacy,  that 
promises  to  be  unchangeable  in  the  arms  of  a  husband:  and 
her  good  sense  that  will  always  direct  her  behaviour  so  as  to 
promote  a  constant  exchange  of  tender  and  faithfully  affec 
tionate  offices.  I  was  lost  in  these  delicious  anticipations,  and 
believed  myself  the  happiest  of  mortals  when  the  post  arrived 
without  one  word  from  my  Peggy. 

''Oh  Peggy  Peggy  —  but  my  sufferings  if  you  are  sick 
will  not  comfort  you :  and  if  well,  as  I  hope  and  pray  you  are, 
I  do  not  wish  to  make  you  melancholly  by  their  recital.  Adieu 
then,  adieu  —  nor  think  what  I  shall  suffer  till  I  hear  from 
you." 

McHenry 's  account  of  Washington's  resignation,  written 
to  Miss  Caldwell  that  very  night,  gives  a  vivid  picture  of  the 
scene. 

' '  Had  I  been  obliged  to  count  the  sands  as  they  fall  from 
an  hour  glass,  since  last  Friday,  I  could  not  have  done  it  with 
more  exactness  than  I  have  counted  the  minutes  of  each  day. 
It  is,  my  dear  Peggy,  impossible  for  me  to  tell  or  you  to  feel 
the  solicitudes  and  suspenses  I  have  experienced.  I  am  now 
become  reasonable  and  do  not  think  you  are  sick :  but  this  does 
not  relieve  me.  I  do  not  think  you  have  neglected  me ;  but  this 
does  not  place  me  at  rest.  I  suppose  that  some  sufficient  cause 
must  have  intervened  to  prevent  me  getting  your  letter,  as 
clouds  intervene  and  prevent  the  sight  of  the  sun.  But  I  will 
say  no  more  on  this  subject,  for  I  do  not  wish  to  communicate 
any  distress  this  incident  has  caused  me  to  my  affectionate 
Peggy. 

' '  To  day  my  love  the  General  at  a  public  audience  made 
a  deposit  of  his  commission  and  in  a  very  pathetic  manner 
took  leave  of  Congress.  It  was  a  solemn  and  affecting  spec 
tacle  ;  such  an  one  as  history  does  not  present.  The  spectators 
all  wept,  and  there  was  hardly  a  member  of  Congress  who  did 
not  drop  tears.  The  General's  hand  which  held  the  address 
shook  as  he  read  it.  When  he  spoke  of  the  officers  who  had 
composed  his  family,  and  recommended  those  who  had  con 
tinued  in  it  to  the  present  moment  to  the  favorable  notice  of 
Congress  he  was  obliged  to  support  the  paper  with  both  hands. 
But  when  he  commended  the  interests  of  his  dearest  country 
to  almighty  God,  and  those  who  had  the  superintendence  of 


70  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  v 

them  to  his  holy  keeping,  his  voice  faultered  and  sunk,  and  the 
whole  house  felt  his  agitations.  After  the  pause  which  was 
necessary  for  him  to  recover  himself,  he  proceeded  to  say  in 
the  most  penetrating  manner,  'Having  now  finished  the  work 
assigned  me  I  retire  from  the  great  theatre  of  action,  and 
bidding  an  affectionate  farewell  to  this  august  body  under 
whose  orders  I  have  so  long  acted  I  here  offer  my  commission 
and  take  my  leave  of  all  the  employments  of  public  life. '  So 
saying  he  drew  out  from  his  bosom  his  commission  and 
delivered  it  up  to  the  president  of  Congress.  He  then  returned 
to  his  station,  when  the  president  read  the  reply  that  had  been 
prepared  —  but  I  thought  without  any  shew  of  feeling,  tho* 
with  much  dignity. 

"This  is  only  a  sketch  of  the  scene.  But,  were  I  to 
write  you  a  long  letter  I  could  not  convey  to  you  the  whole. 
So  many  circumstances  crowded  into  view  and  gave  rise  to  so 
many  affecting  emotions.  The  events  of  the  revolution  just 
accomplished  —  the  new  situation  into  which  it  had  thrown 
the  affairs  of  the  world  —  the  great  man  who  had  borne  so 
conspicuous  a  figure  in  it,  in  the  act  of  relinquishing  all 
public  employments  to  return  to  private  life  —  the  past  — 
the  present  —  the  future  —  the  manner  —  the  occasion  —  all 
conspired  to  render  it  a  spectacle  inexpressibly  solemn  and 
affecting. 

"But  I  have  written  enough.  Good  night  my  love,  my 
amiable  friend  good  night." 

"26  Deer. 
"3  o'clock. 

"Thank  fortune  my  dearest  friend  that  our  session  of 
assembly  is  at  last  finished;  and  that  there  is  one  reason  less 
for  my  remaining  much  longer  in  this  place.  Having  seen  the 
laws  signed  &  sealed  I  made  haste  to  the  post  office,  but  I  did 
not  find  there  the  consolation  I  sought.  It  now  snows  most 
vehemently  and  this  may  detain  the  post  rider  perhaps  till 
late  in  the  evening.  This  my  love  is  no  little  misfortune,  for 
notwithstanding  all  I  have  written  you,  and  argued  with 
myself  still  I  am  far  from  being  perfectly  composed.  Fears 
that  you  are  sick  or  of  some  disagreeable  mischance,  will  every 
now  and  then  intrude  —  but  let  me  also  tell  you,  that  I  do  not 
even  suspect  that  you  have  been  neglectful.  You  could  not, 
I  am  sensible,  torture  me,  even  if  you  did  not  love. 

"I  go  to  dine  at  the  president  of  Congress's.     John  is 


1781-1783]  of  James  McHcnry  71 

posted  to  bring  your  letter.  Oh !  may  it  soon  arrive,  and  with 
it  an  evidence  of  your  health  and  my  happiness.  Adieu  —  I 
take  this  in  my  pocket  —  adieu. 

"  It  is  6  o  'clock.  I  have  your  letter  and  am  happy.  You 
speak  tender  things  to  me  in  the  tenderest  manner,  and  have 
removed  inquietudes  which  I  hope  never  again  to  experience. 
I  will  blot  out  nothing  of  what  I  have  written.  It  is  but 
reasonable  that  you  should  know  what  I  have  felt,  and 
improper  that  I  should  conceal  anything  from  you.  You  will 
extenuate  where  I  have  exceeded  or  forgive  where  I  may  have 
offended.  I  trust  all  to  my  friend. 

"I  have  mentioned  that  the  session  is  closed.  I  can  only 
be  detained  now  by  the  definitive  treaty.  I  shall  however 
leave  this  in  the  hands  of  my  colleagues,  and  leave  this  the 
beginning  of  next  week.  I  must  stay  a  few  days  in  Baltimore, 
where  I  expect  to  receive  your  next  letter,  or  from  wrhich 
place  I  will  write  you  the  day  I  expect  to  be  in  Philadelphia. 

"You  will  write  me  unless  you  hear  from  me. 

"God  almighty  bless  my  dear  Peggy,  and  make  me  to 
her  what  will  make  her  happy. 

"I  go  to  write  a  few  words  to  Jack.  Adieu  my  beloved 
—  Adieu. 

"9  O'clock. 

"I  am  in  my  chamber,  and  cannot  go  to  sleep  or  close 
your  letter  without  a  few  words  in  addition  to  what  I  have 
pencilled.  It  is  most  likely  my  dear  friend  that  the  signing 
of  this  same  definitive  treaty  will  keep  me  here  till  the  middle 
or  last  of  next  week.  You  will  therefore  write  me.  Should 
I  be  able  to  leave  it  sooner,  you  will  hear  from  me,  by  a  post 
that  leaves  this  on  tuesday  evening  or  Wednesday  morning, 
which  gets  to  Philadelphia  on  Friday  —  If  I  should  however 
be  in  Philadelphia  the  last  of  next  week,  my  beloved,  will  not 
be  surprised.  I  do  not  think  however  that  the  thing  is  prac 
ticable;  altho'  it  may  take  place.  The  post  sets  off  early  in 
the  morning." 

On  his  return  from  Annapolis,  McHenry  wrote  on  Decem 
ber  30,  to  Miss  Caldwell,  to  tell  her  of  his  plans  for  the 
journey  to  Philadelphia: 

' '  See  my  love  the  use  that  I  make  of  your  indulgence.  I 
am  here,  but  my  expectations  of  being  with  you  on  Saturday 
are  not  so  strong  as  when  I  left  Annapolis.  Jack  is  to  accom 
pany  me,  and  he  has  yet  many  things  to  do.  He  was  also  to 


72  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  v 

have  done  some  business  for  me  and  that  is  still  to  be  done.  I 
do  not  mean  however  that  he  is  in  fault  altho'  somebody  is. 
Notwithstanding  this  I  shall  endeavour  exceedingly  to  get  off 
on  Friday.  But  if  I  cannot  accomplish  this,  I  shall  on  Mon 
day,  and  on  Tuesday  be  in  Philadelphia  should  the  roads 
admit  of  such  traveling.  It  will  be  no  crime  I  hope  to  set 
out  on  Sunday  I  know  that  in  setting  out  even  on  Monday  I 
encroach  on  your  original  plan,  but  my  beloved  friend  will 
consider  my  solicitudes  to  be  with  her,  and  those  countless 
anxieties  and  sufferings  which  I  must  continue  to  experience 
till  they  are  lost  in  her  arms. 

"I  shall  hope  that  my  Peggy  will  fix  upon  some  day  in 
next  week  for  this  event :  for  the  performance  of  those  nuptial 
rites  that  are  to  give  us  to  each  other  by  the  tenderest  and 
dearest  of  all  names  and  affinities.  I  shall  rest  upon  this 
delicious  hope.  It  will  cheer  me  on  the  road  and  do  more  to 
sweeten  the  hours  which  I  must  still  be  absent,  than  all  the 
amusements  and  philosophy  in  the  world.  Even  at  this 
blessed  instant  it  lights  up  in  my  bosom  a  flame  of  the  purest 
and  most  perfect  delight. 

"But  I  would  upon  another  account  entreat  the  day 
being  in  next  week.  This  would  at  once  relieve  my  beloved 
from  those  busy  set  of  inquirers  and  questioners,  who  heed  not 
or  feel  not  the  pain  they  excite  in  a  delicate  mind  by  their 
injudicious  curiosity. 

' '  I  expect  to  arrest  your  letter  on  its  passage  to  Annapolis. 
If  the  return  of  the  post  does  not  bring  you  one  on  Monday 
it  will  be  because  I  shall  expect  to  see  you  on  Tuesday. 

"My  friend  my  beloved  adieu. 

"Tuesday  night. 

"It  has  snowed  all  day,  which  has  detained  Armstrong 
and  given  me  time  to  write  your  parents.  I  have  mentioned 
a  private  wedding  which  I  know  you  have  much  at  heart,  and 
if  it  can  be  accomplished  with  propriety  I  know  they  will 
comply.  However  what  they  think  right  we  must  not  think 
wrong. 

"A  thousand  sweet  and  tender  agitations  oppress  and 
delight  me.  I  hope  there  ean  be  no  reason  why  we  should  not 
be  married  next  week.  I  rely  upon  your  goodness.  Do  not 
oh  do  not  disappoint  your  expecting  hoping  trembling '^ 


1781-1783]  of  James  McHcnry  73 

To  Captain  Allison,  McIIenry  wrote : 

"My  dear  Sir 

"I  have  taken  leave  of  Congress  for  some  time  and 
expect  to  see  you  the  beginning  of  next  week.  As  I  wish  for 
many  reasons  to  have  our  marriage  over  as  early  as  possible. 
In  a  letter  I  have  written  to  Mrs.  Allison  on  the  subject  of  my 
marriage,  but  I  want  also  to  say  a  few  words  to  yourself.  I 
am  as  well  as  Peggy  desirous  to  avoid  as  much  as  possible  that 
parade  of  visits  which  you  know  is  common  on  such  occasions, 
but  which  has  nothing  to  authorise  them  but  custom.  For  my 
own  part  I  am  of  the  opinion  that  a  few  friends  and  a  supper 
is  all  that  is  necessary  or  proper;  and  that  all  that  follows 
had  much  better  be  omitted.  A  private  wedding  would  ex 
clude  all  this  foolish  formality.  But  as  I  said  to  Mrs.  Allison 
I  must  leave  all  these  matters  to  be  arranged  by  those  who 
understand  them  much  better  than  I  do.  I  have  only  to  beg 
of  you,  that  if  you  think  as  I  think  and  see  no  impropriety  in  a 
private  wedding  that  you  would  add  your  reasons  to  mine, 
provided  Mrs.  Allison  is  of  the  same  opinion. 

"I  know  not  whether  I  shall  be  fortunate  enough  in 
prevailing  upon  Peggy,  that  our  marriage  should  be  next  week. 
I  set  out  however  under  this  impression  and  with  the  hope  if 
ought  depends  upon  you  I  will  not  be  disappointed. ' ' 

The  letter  to  Mrs.  Allison  was  in  the  same  vein : 
"My  dear  Madam. 

"I  have  got  this  far  on  my  way  to  Philadelphia,  but  will 
be  detained  in  this  place  till  the  last  of  the  week.  I  have  in- 
treated  Peggy  to  fix  some  day  in  the  next  week  for  our  mar 
riage.  Should  my  wishes  meet  your  approbation,  and  prove 
agreeable  to  her  it  would  add  greatly  to  my  happiness.  I 
need  not  explain  the  reasons  why  the  marriage  should  take 
place  as  soon  as  may  be  after  my  coming  up,  as  they  will 
occur  to  yourself.  There  is  one  thing  however  which  I  would 
beg  leave  to  mention  and  which  I  am  extremely  anxious  to 
have  accomplished  if  it  can  be  done  without  too  great  a  viola 
tion  of  established  forms.  If  the  cerimonial  part  of  the  busi 
ness  could  end  with  the  supper,  at  which  I  hope  there  will  be 
only  a  few  friends,  I  am  sure  it  would  be  relieving  us  all 
from  very  idle  and  very  useless  visits.  Might  not  these  and 
the  parade  usual  on  such  occasions  be  all  avoided  by  consid 
ering  the  marriage  as  private?  If  private,  visits  would  come 
only  from  those  one  would  wish  to  see  or  that  would  be  in- 


74  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  v 

vited.  But  I  know  too  little  of  these  matters  to  direct,  and 
if  I  knew  ever  so  much  I  should  not.  You  will  therefore 
do  what  you  please,  and  I  will  be  pleased  with  whatever  is 
done. 

"I  hope  if  there  is  no  good  reason  against  next  week 
you  will  dispose  the  mind  of  my  dear  Peggy  for  the  event 
and  thus  give  me  a  new  motive  to  love  and  esteem  you. 

"Sincerely  and  affectionately  I  am  my  dear  Mrs.  Alli 
son." 


CHAPTEE    VI 

MARRIAGE   AND   RETIREMENT   FROM   PUBLIC   LIFE 

McHENRY  reached  Philadelphia  safely  and  married  on 
January  8,  Margaret,  only  surviving  daughter  of 
David  Caldwell,  merchant,  of  Philadelphia.  She  was 
born  October  8,  1762,  and  died  in  Baltimore  November  20, 
1833.  Her  father,  who  died  in  Philadelphia,  the  year  in 
which  she  was  born,  married  in  Ireland  Miss  Grace  Allison. 
She  married  secondly,  her  cousin,  Captain  William  Allison  of 
Philadelphia,  a  near  relative  of  the  Rev.  Patrick  Allison,  first 
pastor  of  the  First  Presbyterian  Church  of  Baltimore,  in 
which  both  James  McHenry  and  his  wife  were  communicant 
members,  McHenry  also  serving  in  1786  as  one  of  the  original 
trustees  of  the  graveyard  of  that  church.  Mrs.  McHenry 's 
only  brother,  John  Caldwell,  to  whom  frequent  reference  is 
made  in  this  book,  was  born  in  1759  and  died  at  Baltimore  in 
1820,  leaving  three  sons.  He  married  his  cousin  Margaret 
Caldwell  of  Philadelphia  and  settled  in  Baltimore  as  a  law 
yer. 

James  McHenry  and  his  wife  had  five  children,  who  may 
well  be  named  here :  Grace,  the  eldest,  was  born  on  November 
2,  1784,  baptized  on  December  4,  and  died  in  infancy,  March 
24,  1789.  Daniel  "William,  the  second  child,  was  named  for 
his  grandfather,  was  born  November  12,  1786,  baptized  on  No 
vember  26,  and  died  suddenly  June  30,  1814.  After  his  mar 
riage,  he  removed  to  Allegany  County  where  he  possessed 
an  estate.  On  June  23,  1812,  he  married  Sophia  Hall  Ram 
say  who  was  born  on  October  23,  1794,  and  died  on  December 
13,  1874.  She  was  daughter  of  Colonel  Nathaniel  Ramsay,  a 
distinguished  officer  in  the  American  revolution.  Daniel  Mc 
Henry  had  one  son,  Ramsay,  born  January  15,  1814,  baptized 
February  16,  died  August  13,  1878.  He  lived  at  Monmouth, 
Harford  County,  as  a  country  gentleman  and  never  married. 
He  took  great  interest  in  agriculture  and  possessed  fine  herds 
of  imported  cattle.  He  served  several  terms  in  the  Maryland 
legislature.  The  third  child  was  Anna,  born  November  20. 


76  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP  vi 

1788,  baptized  January  4,  1789,  married  James  Pillar  Boyd, 
an  attorney  of  Baltimore,  February  4,  1808.  She  died  April 
16,  1837,  having  had  four  children,  viz:  Mary,  born  March 
2,  1810,  and  died  October  7,  1811;  James  McHenry,  born 
December  15,  1817,  died  December  4,  1847,  married  December 
4,  1847  on  his  deathbed  Annie  Eliza  Hall,  a  granddaughter  of 
Colonel  Nathaniel  Kamsay  (she  is  still  alive,  having  married 
again  Major-General  John  G.  Barnard)  ;  Andrew,  born  No 
vember  9,  1811,  died  January  15,  1815 ;  and  John  Pillar,  born 
August  3,  1816,  died  March  21,  1826. 

All  the  living  descendants  of  James  McHenry  are  de 
scended  from  his  second  son  and  fourth  child,  John,  who  was 
born  March  3, 1797,  baptized  May  7,  and  died  at  Mercersburg, 
Pa.,  of  fever  on  October  6,  1822.  He  married  1  on  December 
7,  1819,  Juliana  Elizabeth,  a  daughter  of  Colonel  John  Egger 
Howard.  She  was  born  on  May  3,  1796  and  died  May  22, 
1821.  John  McHenry  was  educated  for  the  bar  and  left  one 
son,  James  Howard,  born  November  11,  1820,  died  October 
25,  1888.  He  married,  June  25,  1855,  Sarah  Nicholas  Gary, 
the  daughter  of  "Wilson  Miles  Gary  of  Baltimore,  and  had 
seven  children :  Juliana,  who  died  in  1900 ;  James  and  Charles 
Howard,  who  died  in  infancy;  Wilson  Gary,  who  married 
Edith  L.  Dove  of  Andover,  Mass. ;  Ellen  Carr,  who  married 
K.  Brent  Keyser  of  Baltimore;  John,  who  married  Priscilla 
Stewart  of  Baltimore  County ;  and  Sophia  Howard,  who  mar 
ried  Charles  Morton  Stewart,  Jr.,  of  Baltimore  County. 
James  McHenry 's  youngest  child  was  Margaretta,  who  was 
born  March  7,  1794,  baptized  March  27,  and  died  of  consump 
tion  November  26,  1809. 

McHenry 's  marriage  was  very  happy.  His  wife  returned 
his  devotion  and  their  love  did  not  weaken  with  the  passage 
of  the  years.  The  wedding  was  a  surprise  to  his  friends.  He 
had  written  to  his  friend  Cochran  some  time  before: 

' '  I  had  reasoned  with  myself  a  thousand  times  upon  mat 
rimony.  You  know  I  could  not  pass  over  this  subject.  That 
I  had  gone  on  to  build  houses  and  plant  vineyards,  and  after 

1  Mrs.  McHenry  wrote  thus  to  a  friend  of  this  marriage : 
"The  only  information  I  have  to  give  you  of  a  pleasant  kind  is  that  of 
the  marriage  of  my  son  with  Howard  which  took  place  last  Deer.  This 
event  did  indeed  produce  feelings  of  joy  &  gratification  which  my  heart 
had  long  been  a  stranger  to  &  I  hope  of  sincere  thankfulness  that  my 
only  &  deservedly  beloved  son  had  been  directed  to  so  good  a  choice. 
She  is  the  very  person  we  would  have  chosen  for  him ;  her  mind  so  well 
improved.  She  is  discreet  &  very  amiable.  When  I  say  that  he  is 
deserving  of  her,  you  will  'be  pleased  to  know  that  he  also  is  of  an  amiable 
character.  This  union  was  long  in  contemplation,  &  much  desired  by  the 
friends  on  both  sides  for  they  are  worthy  of  each  other." 


MARGARET  CALDWELL  McHENRY 

(Mrs.  James  McHenry) 

Reproduced  in  original  size  from  miniature  owned  by  the  heirs 
Dr.  James   McHenry 

(Copyright,  1907,  The  .'Burrows  Brothers  Company) 


1784-1786]  of  James  McHenry  77 

looking  at  them  a  little,  either  capriciously  or  wisely  (I  did 
not  say  which)  determined  not  to  enter  into  o»e  of  them. 
Then  I  went  on  to  say  that  I  was  a  poor  philosopher,  and  that 
in  a  hovel,  with  only  a  cabbage  garden  annexed  to  it,  could 
not  be  happy  with  a  wife. ' ' 

Mrs.  McHenry  was  a  woman  of  a  deeply  religious  nature, 
a  good  mother  and  housewife,  not  greatly  interested  in  public 
affairs.  To  her  McHenry  wrote  from  time  to  time  brief 
poems  like  the  following: 

BLOOM-HILL. 
To  MRS.  McHENRY. 

Oh  how  I  long  my  weary  head  to  rest 
On  the  soft  pillow  of  my  Peggy's  breast : 
To  taste  with  you  the  warb'lings  of  the  grove ; 
The  shades  of  Bloom-hill  and  the  sweets  of  love. 

To  lead  through  clover'd  fields  your  dewy  feet, 
At  glimm'ring  morn  the  opal  clouds  to  greet ; 
To  help  you  o'er  the  fence  and  up  the  hill ; 
And  hear  you  talk  and  praise  your  rural  skill. 

To  see  you  playful   skim  the  banks  that  shelve 
As  when  that  I  was  twenty  thou  but  twelve, 
Just  seem  to  fall  then  rise  with  sudden  grace, 
With  eye  averted  and  with  blushing  face ! 

At  silent  noon  hard  'by  the  osier'd  brook, 

To  read  with  you  some  philosophic  book ; 

To  wring  .the  heart  with  Shakespear's  glowing  page 

Old  Lear's  madness  or  Othello's  rage. 

At  eve  to  sip  the  dairy's  nicest  cream 
Or  help  our  Grace  to  paddle  thro'  the  stream; 
Hear  the  hens  cluck  to  roost  their  scatter'd  brood 
And  distant  cattle  lowing  o'er  their  food. 

See  the  starr'd  night  lead  forth  her  fairy  train 
And  jocund  hamlets  smoke  along  the  plain : 
Then,    to   retire   from   ev'ry  mortal   view 
And  pass  till  morn  the  wedded  hours  with  you. 

When  Uriah  Forrest  heard  of  the  marriage,  he  wrote 
McHenry  thus: 

"Although  you  do  not  merit  it,  I  cannot  forbear  my 
congratulations  on  your  success.  McHenry  married !  is  it  pos 
sible —  myself  &  several  of  our  friends  have  been  years  in 
pursuit  of  that  happiness  without  effect  &  the  man  who  upon 
all  occasions  reprobated  the  Idea  —  the  first  that  has  put  it 
in  practice. 

"What  are  going  about  now  you  have  got  married?  I 
do  not  mean  to  ask  in  what  manner  you  mean  to  treat  Mrs. 
McHenry;  but  do  you  mean  to  continue  Politician,  return  to 
Physic,  adopt  the  Law,  or  commence  merchant.  Salute  Mrs. 
Me  for  me  —  Say  to  your  brother  I  very  much  respect  him  — 


78  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP.  VI 

&  to  yourself  I  will  say  you  have  the  most  perfect  wishes  for 
every  Happiness  that  you  can  desire 
&  be  assured  of  the  affection  of  me 
while  you  possess  that  worth  that  first 
commanded  U.  Forrest." 

McHenry  had  known  his  wife  from  her  tenth  year  and 
some  time  after  her  marriage  wrote  from  Philadelphia  to  her : 

' '  My  dear  Peggy.  I  am  in  the  old  house  in  which  I  first 
saw  you  and  writing  at  the  very  desk  on  which  I  taught  your 
fingers  to  form  the  first  letter  they  ever  made.  My  feelings 
correspond  to  my  situation." 

He  seems  to  have  remained  in  Philadelphia  until  the  lat 
ter  part  of  March,  wThen  he  left  his  wife  with  her  mother  and 
came  to  Maryland  to  attend  the  sessions  of  the  legislature  and 
of  congress,  both  of  which  were  to  meet  in  Annapolis.  On  the 
way,  he  stopped  at  Baltimore  and  wrote  Mrs.  McHenry  on 
March  25: 

''When  I  left  my  dear  Peggy,  the  great  difficulty  was 
got  over,  and  I  neither  cared  or  thought  about  the  badness 
of  the  roads ;  they  were  not  however  as  bad  as  we  were  told, 
for  we  got  that  night  to  the  Head  of  Elk,  and  yesterday  morn 
ing  to  this  place.  You  will  naturally  conceive  my  anxiety 
to  hear  from  you,  and  will  have  written  me  before  this  can 
reach  you.  I  shall  receive  your  letter  at  Annapolis  where  I 
go  tomorrow  to  consign  myself  to  some  weeks  unavoidable 
drudgery  and  to  wait  with  sullen  impatience  that  moment 
when  I  may  leave  it  to  embrace  what  I  hold  most  dear  in  this 
world." 

After  arriving  at  Annapolis,  he  wrote  her  constantly. 
Some  of  the  letters  are  of  interest,  showing  his  character  and 
the  social  side  of  the  legislative  duties. 

"Sunday  28th  March  1784 

"I  have  said  that  the  great  difficulty  was  to  leave  you  — 
but  I  was  mistaken,  for  I  am  hardly  two  days  in  Annapolis 
when  I  find  that  to  keep  from  you,  is  yet  more  difficult.  Ah 
Peggy,  how  was  I  softened  and  tried  in  the  moment  of  our 
parting,  by  your  tender  embrace,  your  restrained  emotions, 
and  your  melting  tears.  Even  now  they  speak  to  my  very 
heart,  and  almost  persuade  me  to  relinquish  a  service  which 
has  been  gradually  losing  its  charms  ever  since  you  gave  me 
your  love.  In  truth,  I  am  no  longer  anxious  to  please  my 
state,  seeing  it  cannot  be  done  without  sacrificing  too  much 
of  your  company.  It  is  time  too  that  I  should  accommodate 


1784-1786]  of  James  McHenry 79 

my  leisure  and  industry  to  our  prospects  and  circumstances. 
Neither  of  us  can  be  happy  under  a  long  separation ;  nor  can 
our  interest  be  promoted  by  my  sitting  in  Congress.  My  first 
object  was  to  get  you  to  Baltimore,  to  see  you  mistress  of 
your  house,  and  pleased  in  your  new  situation  —  but  a  strong 
hand  restrains  me  where  I  am  and  delays  that  necessary  event. 
I  fear  my  beloved  that  I  shall  not  have  it  in  my  power  to  move 
from  this  place  sooner  than  the  first  of  May.  It  is  a  tedious 
period  —  but  unless  I  do  what  I  have  censured  others  for 
doing  I  cannot  make  it  shorter." 

"Tuesday  evening.     [March  30] 

"Most  of  my  visits  are  made,  and  I  have  received  the 
usual  compliments  and  answered  the  usual  enquiries.  Your 
health  has  been  asked  for  by  those  who  never  saw  you,  and  you 
cannot  think  how  prodigiously  happy  it  made  them  to  hear 
that  you  were  well.  I  often  regret  that  so  endearing  a  stile 
should  have  obtained  a  currency,  without  possessing  any  value. 
Adieu  till  post  day. 

"This  is  thursday  night  [April  1]  and  no  post  or  letter 
from  my  Peggy.  It  has  happened  to  me  to  dine  at  different 
houses  every  day  this  week,  but  I  have  not  felt  less  solicitude 
on  account  of  this  variety.  I  have  also  been  very  busy  in  Con 
gress,  but  even  there  I  found  moments  to  be  anxious  and  un 
easy.  To-morrow  I. hope  will  bring  me  an  evidence  of  your 
health  and  console  me  as  much  as  I  can  be  consoled  in  your 
absence.  It  is  late  and  I  am  not  quite  free  from  a  headache  — 
good  night  my  friend,  my  beloved  good  night. 

"The  second  of  April  is  arrived  without  bringing  the 
post.  It  must  however  be  here  sometime  to-day,  so  that 
I  go  to  Congress  in  hopes  that  Patton,  the  doorkeeper,  will 
bring  me  a  letter  while  we  are  sitting.  Be  assured  I  shall 
not  complain  if  it  should  interrupt  me  in  the  midst  of  a 
speech.  —  good  morning. ' ' 

"Sunday  morning  4th  of  April. 

' '  When  I  was  about  to  despair  of  the  post  he  arrived  and 
brought  me  your  letter.  It  was  late  before  he  came  in  last 
night,  and  he  goes  off  at  nine  o'clock  this  morning.  The  new 
name  under  which  you  write  excited  a  thousand  new  emo 
tions.  I  no  longer  saw  the  name  that  I  formerly  kissed  with 
rapture,  but  one  still  more  dear  and  interesting.  I  would  give 
a  great  deal  to  be  assured  that  the  mind  of  my  Peggy  was 


80  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  vi 

composed  and  at  ease.  But  now  the  roads  are  better,  we 
shall  have  two  posts  in  the  week,  and  this  will  give  me  an 
opportunity  of  being  frequently  informed  of  your  health. 
Adieu,  my  beloved  Peggy  adieu — " 

"Wednesday  night  7  April  1784 

"I  snatched  a  few  minutes  on  monday  last  to  thank  my 
dear  Peggy  for  her  letter  of  Sunday,  but  I  was  so  straitened 
for  time  that  I  could  not  thank  her  enough.  Indeed  I  feel 
that  I  ought  to  be  satisfied  with  so  much  tenderness  and  affec 
tion,  notwithstanding  this  very  tenderness  and  affection  serves 
to  embitter  separation.  But  I  am  far  from  being  unhappy, 
nor  must  you  think  me  so,  since  it  is  true  that  the  very  agonies 
of  parting  and  the  distress  of  absence  are  accompanied  with 
some  cordial  emotions.  At  this  moment  however  mine  are 
of  the  pensive  kind,  and  I  forbear  to  cast  a  longing  look  at 
Philadelphia.  I  believe  you  to  be  well  and  that  you  will  be 
careful  of  your  health;  but  this  belief,  though  it  may  some 
times  soothe,  is  rarely  satisfactory.  Whenever  I  count  the 
days  I  have  been  gone  from  you,  and  the  days  that  must 
elapse  before  my  return  to  you,  I  sit  down  more  dissatisfied 
than  pleased.  But  I  will  write  you  no  more  to-night,  lest 
you  should  catch  my  present  disposition,  and  be  discontented 
as  I  am.  Good  night  then,  and  may  you  experience  no  tooth 
ache  to  rob  you  of  your  rest." 


"Thursday  night.     [April  8] 

"It  is  exactly  three  months  this  night  since  my  dear  and 
amiable  Peggy  relinquished  the  name  she  had  from  her  in 
fancy,  for  that  she  now  bears,  and  I  can  safely  say,  that  no 
three  months  of  my  life  comprehended  less  pain  more  hap 
piness.  But  you  ought  not  to  reckon  me  just,  were  I  to  stop 
here.  It  is  a  common  opinion  that  lovers  generally  find  an 
abatement  of  their  passion  soon  after  their  marriage  —  but 
you  are  still  to  me  the  same  charming  Peggy  you  were  before 
this  event,  nor  has  marriage  deprived  you  of  one  of  those 
maiden  decencies  so  essential  to  the  existence  of  love,  and  the 
permanence  of  affection.  I  owed  to  you  this  little  tribute 
of  acknowledgement,  and  I  could  not  go  to  sleep  without  pay 
ing  it.  I  left  a  large" company  of  ladies  at  the  president's 
that  I  might  not  neglect  it,  but  there  was  no  sacrifice  in  this  — 
for  you  were  not  of  the  party.  Adieu  Adieu." 


1784-1786]  of  James  Me  Henry  81 

"Sunday  morning  11  April. 

"I  removed  from  the  tavern  yesterday  and  am  fixed  in 
private  lodgings.  The  room  in  which  I  write  overlooks  the 
Bay  and  discovers  an  agreeable  corner  of  the  country  just 
beginning  to  shew  the  first  operations  of  Spring.  I  am  of 
course  more  at  my  ease  and  less  subject  to  interruption :  and 
were  the  post  but  to  arrive  I  should  have  little  to  complain 
of  to-day,  except  what  is  unavoidable,  and  to  which  it  seems 
I  must  submit.  There  has  been  no  mail  since  last  Sunday, 
nor  is  one  expected  before  tomorrow,  after  which  perhaps  the 
post  will  arrive  regularly  and  on  stated  days  twice  a  week  in 
this  place,  and  as  often  in  Philadelphia.  I  hope  to  hear  that 
the  tooth  ache  has  been  less  troublesome.  If  it  has  not  I 
think  you  had  better  try  another  ounce  of  the  bark,  taking 
a  dose  twice  a  day.  It  may  do  good,  and  it  cannot  do  hurt. 
I  would  also  when  the  fit  is  on,  hold  a  bit  of  salt  petre  over 
the  afflicted  teeth,  till  it  gradually  dissolves,  rincing  the  mouth 
afterwards  with  a  little  warm  water. 

"Doctor  Allison  [Dr.  Patrick  Allison  of  Baltimore]  has 
been  with  us  since  thursday,  and  is  to  give  us  a  sermon  this 
morning  in  the  state  house.  I  am  going  to  hear  him.  We 
dine  together,  and  shall  no  doubt  talk  at  least  a  little  about 
my  Peggy.  Good  morning  my  beloved ;  good  morning. ' ' 

"Thursday  morning.  13  April. — 

"My  Peggy  who  is  every  thing  that  is  tender  good  and 
affectionate  has  this  moment  blessed  me  with  her  letter,  and 
indeed  I  wanted  it  as  much  as  I  wished  for  it.  If  it  is  not 
among  the  impossible  things  it  is  surely  among  the  most  dif 
ficult,  to  be  at  peace  or  to  be  easy  under  my  circumstances. 
My  only  consolation  is  that  you  are  in  the  bosom  of  your 
friends,  and  that  there  is  not  one  of  them  who  does  not  love 
you,  and  who  will  not  endeavour  to  make  you  happy.  I  feel 
that  I  shall  love  them  the  better  for  their  endeavours.  I  hope 
also  that  the  little  preparations  for  your  removal  will  afford 
some  amusement,  or  employment,  which  as  it  engages  the  mind 
is  often  in  the  place  of  amusement.  You  ask  me  respecting 
some  furniture  —  but  I  am  told  the  post  sets  off  immediately, 
so  that  I  must  answer  you  in  my  next  letter,  which  I  sup 
pose  will  go  by  Friday's  post.  Adieu  then  my  dearest  Peggy 
adieu. ' ' 

"Thursday  15  April. 
"Do  we  not  possess  each  others  affections,  and  are  we 


82  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  vi 

not  inseperable  though  separated?  In  this  thought  there  is 
a  shew  of  solace  and  support,  there  is  not  however  enough 
to  satisfy  the  heart ;  for  the  heart  that  loves  cannot  be  satis 
fied  in  absence.  I  am  anxiously  striving  to  hasten  my  de 
parture  from  this  place,  that  I  may  be  with  you  by  the  be 
ginning  of  May.  In  the  mean  while,  my  Peggy,  do  not  suffer 
the  mere  apprehensions  of  fancy  to  alarm  you.  All  is  as 
it  ought  to  be,  and  all  will  be  well  with  you.  Only  take  care  of 
your  health,  and  every  thing  must  terminate  happily.  But,  like 
you  my  beloved,  I  feel  myself  too  tenderly  interested  to  write 
more  on  this  subject;  and  shall  conclude  with  telling  you, 
that  I  expect  the  post  to  arrive  to-morrow  but  do  not  expect 
any  letter  from  you,  as  you  may  not  yet  be  acquainted  with 
the  days  of  his  leaving  Philadelphia;  or  if  you  were,  may 
not  have  time  to  write  me  twice  a  week.  In  this  perhaps  I 
shall  fail  myself,  because  there  are  some  hours  that  I  cannot 
call  my  own. 

"But  I  must  tell  you  the  news,  adjournment  of  Congress 
has  been  tried  and  I  believe  will  be  carried ;  so  that  it  is  likely 
about  the  time  we  get  settled  in  Baltimore  the  adjournment 
will  take  place  to  Trenton.  After  leaving  this  town,  there 
will  be  a  recess  till  perhaps  the  last  of  the  year.  A  committee 
of  the  states  will  be  appointed,  I  imagine,  to  sit  in  the  recess 
of  Congress.  This  is  composed  of  a  member  from  each  state, 
whose  powers  are  denned  by  Congress.  I  write  by  this  oppor 
tunity  to  your  father,  lest  he  should  think  that  I  neglect 
him.  Adieu  my  dear  and  beloved  Peggy." 

"Wednesday  night  21st  April  1784- 
"  Whenever  the  objects  around  me  cease  to  interest.  I 
have  recourse  to  recollection.  I  was  in  this  situation  this 
morning  when  I  brought  into  review,  the  letters  you  have  sent 
me  since  I  got  to  this  place ;  the  little  impression  that  gave  me 
so  much  pleasure  at  Princetown,  which  you  have  repeated; 
and  the  new  signature  under  which  you  write;  but  I  soon 
perceived,  notwithstanding  these  precious  circumstances,  that 
I  wanted  what  they  could  not  give  me,  that  I  wanted  yourself. 
I  then  said  as  you  had  instructed  me,  there  remains  only  a 
little  interval  of  absence,  when  we  shall  again  be  with  each 
other:  but  although  I  believed  in  what  I  said,  I  found  it 
brought  me  no  nearer  to  you.  At  this  moment  I  became  po 
etical,  and  seizing  a  pen  wrote  the  following  lines. 


1784-1786]  of  James  McHenry  83 

You,  only  you,  with  wond'rous  skill 
Can  make  my  hours  just  what  you  will ; 
Can  soothe  the  troubled  mind  to  rest, 
Or  raise  a  heaven  within  my  breast. 
I'll  strive  against  the  stream  no  more. 
That  drives  me  to  a  happier  shore ; 
Blow  fresh  ye  gales,   no  wind  alarms 
That  bears  me  back  to  Emma's  arms. 

"There  is  no  doubt  but  the  poetical  wind  would  have 
carried  me  to  Philadelphia,  had  I  not  been  interrupted  by  the 
appearance  of  the  minister  of  France,  who  convinced  me  that 
I  was  still  in  Annapolis.  Adieu." 

"Friday  morning  23  April 

"My  ever  amiable  and  beloved  Peggy  thus  to  soothe  and 
delight  your  absent  friend  —  but  I  have  time  at  this  moment  to 
write  little  more  than  an  acknowledgement  of  your  Sunday's 
and  monday's  letters.  The  post  goes  out  in  half  an  hour. 
I  had  planned  to  have  left  this  to-day  and  felt  lighter  by 
many  pounds  in  consequence  of  it  —  as  Mr.  Chase  and  Mr. 
Stone  were  both  in  town.  But  I  am  prevented  most  effec 
tually  by  one  of  the  delegation  being  taken  suddenly  ill,  nor 
can  I  have  the  smallest  expectation,  from  the  nature  of  his 
complaint,  of  getting  away  till  some  time  in  the  next  week. 
It  may  perhaps  be  the  last  of  it ;  and  the  last  of  the  week  fol 
lowing  (it  will  be  necessary  to  stop  to  stop  a  few  days  in  Bal 
timore),  I  shall  hope  to  be  blessed  with  your  presence  in 
Philadelphia  —  On  this  plan  then,  the  last  day  of  April  I 
shall  leave  this  place  and  the  last  of  the  first  week  in  May 
be  with  my  beloved.  In  the  mean  while,  you  will  continue  to 
address  your  letters  to  Annapolis;  because  if  I  am  not  here, 
I  shall  take  them  out  at  Baltimore. — 

' '  Farewell  my  beloved,  I  shall  write  you  on  this  subject  by 
the  next  tuesday's  post. — " 

"Sunday  25  April  1784 

I  strive,  my  Emma,  But  in  vain 
To    lighten    a-bsence,    sweeten    pain. 
Since  in  whate'er  I   say  or  do 
I  find  I'm  absent  still  from  you. 
Not  e'en  the  precious  pledge   I  bear 
The   dear    resemblance    of   my    fair, 
Or  warms  my  heart  or  makes  it  beat, 
For  like  the  moon  it  gives  no  heat. 

But  I'll  no  more  or  say  or  do 
But   hasten   back  to   love   and  you ; 
For  you  alone  can  warm  my  heart. 
Can  sweeten  pain  or  peace  impart. 

Who  would  not  quit  the  cares  of  state, 
The    subtle    crew,    the   vain    debate : 
Who  would  not  leave  a  wrangling  life 
For  such  a  woman  —  such   a  wife ! 


84  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  vi 

"I  shall  make  no  excuse  to  my  love,  for  conveying  my 
feelings  to  her  in  this  manner.  I  know  that  a  kind  wife  can 
not  be  a  severe  critic ;  but  what  is  of  more  consequence,  I  know 
you  will  not  doubt  my  sincerety  whether  I  speak  to  you  in 
numbers  or  in  prose.  I  shall  only  add,  that  if  I  can  confirm 
the  prophetic  part  by  tuesday's  post,  I  shall  then  be  your 
happy  as  I  am  now  your  affectionate 

"MCHENRY  —  " 

"Monday  morning  26th  April  — 

"It  was  not  till  I  read  your  letter  of  the  19th  that  I 
could  flatter  myself  that  you  were  tolerably  at  ease;  for 
amidst  all  your  endeavours  to  please  me  I  could  not  find  that 
you  were  content.  On  this  account  that  letter  has  given  me 
more  pleasure,  than  any  I  have  received  from  you  since  I 
left  you.  You  now  visit  and  the  hours  are  less  tedious  and 
cumb  'rous,  and  yourself  more  lively ;  in  consequence  of  which 
I  am  just  what  you  wish  me  to  be.  I  am  not  gloomy,  I  am 
not  discontented  —  I  am  not  like  patience  on  a  monument,  but 
like  one  who  sees  happiness  before  him  and  expects  soon 
to  enjoy  it.  I  am  strongly  flattered  that  I  shall  be  able  to 
leave  town  this  week  for  Baltimore. 

"As  Hoffman  does  not  leave  his  house  before  the  1st  of 
May,  which  is  next  Saturday,  of  course  we  cannot  move  into 
it  or  make  any  alterations  till  the  monday  following.  I  shall 
write  you  by  the  tuesday's  mail  our  progress,  and  my  time  of 
leaving  Baltimore,  should  no  untoward  accident  keep  me  in 
this  place  —  after  f riday  —  Good  morning  my  beloved.  I  go 
to  Congress,  and  expect  a  letter  from  you  to-day  —  and  yet 
I  do  not  expect  it,  for  I  know  of  many  things  that  may  pre 
vent  you  from  writing  by  the  second  post  to  your 

"MCHENRY 

"For  some  days  past  I  have  been  troubled  with  a  slight 
inflammation  in  the  throat,  but  you  will  conclude  by  my  going 
to  Congress,  without  my  telling  you,  that  it  is  not  very  trouble 
some.  Oh  Peggy,  how  rejoiced  I  am  that  your  tooth  ache  has 
remitted  its  severity.  Mr.  Smith  —  Sir  Robt.  Eden's  secre 
tary  brought  in  from  England  a  receipt  for  the  toothache 
which  I  have  got  from  him  and  inclose,  from  which  he  gets 
much  relief.  You  will  use  it  in  the  same  manner  that  you 
would  use  the  liquid  laudanum.  Adieu  again  my  love  adieu 
—  I  shall  seal  this  last  I  should  not  have  time  in  Congress 
should  the  post  arrive  while  we  are  sitting." 


1784-1786]  of  James  McHenry  85 

"Annapolis  28th  April  1784 

"Every  new  day  brings  me  a  day  nearer  to  that  town 
which  alone  can  receive  and  return  my  affection:  and  yet 
my  love,  every  day  that  is  still  to  hold  us  separate  must  seem 
tedious;  even  the  last  one  that  gives  me  to  your  bosom.  It 
is  true  however,  that  the  days  are  not  so  irksome  now  as  they 
were  at  first,  and  that  the  nearer  they  bring  me  to  you,  the 
more  I  am  disposed  to  be  pleased  with  them:  but,  perhaps 
this  arises  from  my  seeing,  or  thinking  that  I  see,  in  your 
letters,  an  air  of  satisfaction  and  resigned  composure;  which 
while  it  enhances  your  character  secretly  increases  my  hap 
piness.  It  is  certainly  among  my  greatest  blessings,  that 
whether  I  am  with  you  or  absent  from  you,  I  find  you  con 
stantly  attentive  to  what  is  becoming  and  always  agreeable  so 
that  the  more  perfectly  I  know  you,  the  more  interesting  and 
amiable  you  appear  in  the  eyes  of  your  friend.  But  —  It  is 
the  hour  of  business  —  adieu — " 

"Thursday  29. 

"Another  day,  and  would  I  could  say  the  last,  but  altho' 
it  is  not,  the  last  is  not  far  distant,  since  I  expect  to  leave 
this  place  on  Saturday,  and  know  of  nothing  to  prevent  me, 
my  colleagues  being  able  to  attend  Congress,  and  I  in  perfect 
health.  The  last  then  of  next  week  (for  I  must  spend  some 
days  in  Baltimore)  I  shall  hope  to  be  blessed  in  the  sight  of 
my  Peggy,  and  be  restored  to  all  the  pleasures  of  her  society. 
This  letter  will  be  the  last  you  will  receive  from  me,  (unless 
I  am  obliged  to  stay  longer  in  Baltimore  than  I  have  reason 
to  expect)  altho'  I  shall  perhaps  get  one  from  you  to 
morrow  in  this  place,  and  another  next  tuesday  in  Baltimore, 
which  will  be  the  last  I  shall  receive  from  you.  Again  to 
Congress,  and  I  do  assure  my  Peggy,  that  I  go  more  light  than 
I  have  for  a  whole  month  past,  adieu  —  adieu. — " 

"30th  —  Friday  morning  8  o'clock  — 
"My  love.  I  set  out  in  less  than  half  an  hour  from  An 
napolis,  and  shall  leave  this  in  the  post-office  for  you,  lest  I 
should  not  be  lucky  enough  to  hit  upon  the  post's  hour  of 
passing  through  Baltimore.  I  come  nearer  to  my  Peggy,  and 
my  heart  beats  with  new  sensations  —  but  it  will  be  one  whole 
week  before  I  see  you  —  but  I  shall  be  employed  during  that 
week  in  hastening  the  preparations  for  your  reception.  God 
bless  my  Peggy,  and  may  our  meeting  be  propitious.  I  go 
to  Baltimore  —  farewell  my  beloved  farewell — " 


86  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  vi 

While  at  Annapolis,  McHenry  received  a  letter  sent  by 
his  friend,  Humphreys,  and  dated  from 

"New  Haven  April  2nd.  1784. 

"Cannot  the  man  who  had  so  much  agency  in  inducing 
Congress  'to  charge  themselves  with  the  interests  &c'  which 
to  me  appear  to  be  words  of  no  small  import  have  an  equal 
influence  in  persuading  them  to  take  effectual  measures  for 
carrying  their  Resolution  into  execution?  Well  do  it  then 
my  dear  friend!  et  eris  mihi  magnus  Apollo.  — 

"It  was  extremely  unfortunate  for  me  that  I  had  not 
the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  on  my  return  from  Virginia;  but 
you  will  perceive  my  inclination  to  be  employed  in  the  pub 
lic  service,  by  recurring  to  the  files  of  Congress  where  you  will 
find  a  letter  from  the  late  Commander  in  Chief  &  another 
from  myself  on  the  subject :  I  have  addresed  a  second  by  this 
conveyance  to  His  Excellency  the  President  in  order  to  bring 
the  matter  to  a  speedy  decision. 

"Relying  on  your  patronage  and  friendly  assistance,  I 
need  say  no  more  than  that,  I  dare  almost  pledge  myself  to 
accept  of  any  Appointment  which  in  your  judgment  shall  be 
deemed  respectable  &  proper.  — 

"You  will  be  pleased  to  recollect  that  there  was  some 
thing  in  agitation  respecting  presenting  miniature  likenesses 
of  General  Washington  to  the  Gentlemen  who  composed  his 
family  at  the  close  of  the  War  including  the  Adjutant  Gen 
eral;  I  dare  say  this  would  be  esteemed  by  those  Gentlemen 
as  the  most  grateful  token  of  the  sovereign  approbation  which 
could  possibly  be  conferred  on  them.  — 

"With  the  greatest  regard  and  esteem  I  have  the 
honor  to  be 

"My  dear  Sir 

"Your  most  obedt.  servt. 
"D.  HUMPHREYS. 

"P.  S.  It  is  probable,  I  presume,  that  Commissioners 
may  be  appointed  to  treat  with  the  Indian  Nations;  or  that 
a  Person  or  Persons  will  be  commissioned  to  negociate  some 
public  business  in  Canada  or  at  the  Western  Posts,  in  case 
nothing  should  occur  in  which  I  could  be  more  usefully  em 
ployed,  I  should  have  no  objection  to  either  of  these  appoint 
ments.  ' ' 

McHenry  was  now4o  continue  his  mercantile  business  in 
Baltimore  and  his  dual  legislative  office  for  several 1  years. 

1  In    the    confederation,   congress,    McHenry    seems    to   have    been    in 


1784-1786]  of  James  McHenry  87 

In  all  these  relations,  he  corresponded  with  his  friend,  Lafa 
yette,  who  wrote  him  on  December  26,  1783,  from  Paris : 
"My  dear  McHenry 

"Had  you  not  Been  employed  in  Quartering  the  Conti 
nental  Congress,  I  would  find  it  very  ill  in  you  not  to  Have 
writen  By  Colonel  Gouvion  —  I  wanted  to  Hear  from  you, 
about  you,  and  then  I  wanted  to  know  your  opinion  upon 
several  matters  —  my  letter  to  Congress  will  let  you  know 
what  intelligences  we  Have  in  this  Quarter  —  my  letter  to 
Mr  Moris  will  acquaint  them  with  some  late  measures  I  Have 
taken  Respecting  American  Commerce  —  it  contains  one  let 
ter  from  M.  de  Vergennes,  two  from  M.  de  Calonne,  and  a 
piece  from  me  to  Government  which  I  also  inclose  to  you, 
and  which,  for  reasons  obvious,  I  Request  may  not  Be  spread 
out  of  Congress  —  it  is  on  that  Account,  and  Also  for  a  Good 
translation  that  I  send  it  to  you,  and  thirdly  Because  that  en 
trusting  temper  which  you  know  me  to  Be  possessed  of,  Now 
and  then  is  Altered  By  the  selfishness  of  others  —  when  I  Hear, 
By  way  of  example,  that  your  plenipotentiary 's  letters,  Rather 
Gave  a  Ground  to  think  I  Have  not  Been  so  Active  as  they 
in  winning  the  last  six  millions,  I  Cannot  Help  Remembering 
that  Jay  and  Adams  never  went  to  Versailles  But  twice,  I 
think,  when  I  pushed  them  to  it,  that  M.  Franklin  did  Repose 
Himself  upon  me  who  went  so  far  as  to  say  that  I  Had 
Rather  delay  the  departure  of  8000  men  and  nine  ships  wait 
ing  for  me  at  boat  than  to  go  without  an  assurance  of  the  six 
millions  —  in  Consequence  of  which  I  went  in  my  travelling 
dress  to  Count  de  Vergennes 's  and  upon  His  table  wrote  a 
Billet  to  doctor  Franklin  insinuating  He  should  Have  the 
Money  —  But  never  mind  that,  and  Be  so  kind  only  as  to  take 
care  my  Commercial  efforts  Be  known  in  America,  and  Also 
that  Congress  had  instructions  Respecting  trade,  least  the 
matter  should  Be  dropped  as  Has  Been  my  very  well  Begun 
Spanish  Negotiations 

"The  institution  of  the  Cincinnati  Has  pretty  well  suc 
ceeded  in  France,  the  officers  who  Have  Been  in  America  set 
a  great  value  By  the  Mark  of  the  society  —  a  few  objections 
Have  Been  made  By  the  public  to  some  part  of  the  institu 
tion  which  may  Be  either  mended  or  improved  —  But  it  Has 

regular  attendance.  He  voted  in  the  negative  against  Daniel  Carroll  on 
the  question  whether  any  but  citizens  of  the  United  States  could  be  con 
suls.  On  April  1  and  2,  1784,  he  moved  in  the  unsuccessful  affirmative  on 
the  report  on  commercial  treaties ;  on  May  5,  he  was  appointed  on  a  com 
mittee  to  determine  what  civil  offices  may  be  discontinued,  and  on  June 
1  and  2,  he  voted  on  questions  concerning  foreign  relations. 


88  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  vi 

Been  found  very  interesting,  and  even  some  what  affecting, 
and  people  in  General  Have  Been  pleased  with  that  Brotherly 
Association 

[One  half  page  missing  here.] 

*'  whereas  I  Have  well  served  America  in  the  field  and  Cab 
inet  they  expect  my  assistance  in  settling  their  Commercial 
affairs  with  some  European  Nations  —  my  station  in  life, 
Knowledge  of  Courts,  and  facility  of  accompanying  those 
Sovereigns  Both  in  their  Camps  of  peace,  and  in  their  private 
parties  would  enable  me  to  introduce  to  Advantage  an  Ameri 
can  Consul  —  it  ought  to  Be  immediately  settled,  and  orders 
sent  by  the  Washington 

"the  second  point  is  that  I  do  not  choose  to  quit  the 
American  service  —  it  is  the  only  way  I  Have  to  make  a  kind 
of  official  Representation  in  favour  of  America  —  independant 
of  that  Affectionate  love  for  Her  which  makes  me  proud  of 
Being  Among  Her  Citizens  and 

[One  half  page  missing  here.] 

"My letters  Have  acquainted  you  of  the  measures 

*  *  *  taken  with  respect  to  Madame  le  Vacher  —  there  is 
very  little  to  Be  got  —  But  I  am  in  pursuit  of  the  affair  with 
the  same  eagerness,  as  if  it  concerned  my  own  sister  —  as 
to  M.  Chace  a  memorial  Has  Been  Required  from  Him  By  the 
Naval  Minister 

"As  an  ardent  lover  of  America  I  am  glad  to  Hear  of  the 
influence  you  are  said  to  Have  in  Congress  —  as  your  most 
affectionate  friend  I  shall  Be  glad  whenever  you  Have  an 
opportunity  to  display  your  abilities  —  if  Congress  do  not 
send  me  any  Commands,  I  shall  most  certainly  embark  in  the 
spring  —  if  they  Have  Commands  for  me,  I  would  Be  twice 
Happy  to  Receive  you  along  with  them,  and  to  make  with  you 
French  and  European  travels.  You  ought  to  make  them 
charge  you  with  some  political  commission  to  Courts  in  Eur 
ope  and  I  would  like  going  as  a  volunteer  with  you. 
' '  family  and  friends  —  Most  affectionately  I  am  for  *  *  * 

' '  LAFAYETTE 
"the  Washington  will  probably  arrive  at  the  end  of  January 

—  Your  answers  may  Be  Here  at  the  end  of  March  —  for, 
if  I  am  to  go,  I  would  like  embarking  for  America  in  April 

—  You  may  as  soon  as^ou  Receive  this  write  me  By  several 
opportunities  in  such  a  way  as  I  will  easily  understand,  altho  * 
post  offices  will  not  understand  it  —  By  the  way  when  I  think 
of  it,  you  ought  to  advise  Congress  voting  for  the  general's 


1784-1786]  of  James  McHenry  89 

statue  which  Has  not  yet  Been  ordered  —  should  Mr.  Greene 
Be  entitled  to  some  Honour  of  the  kind?  adieu  my  dear 
friend." 

The  Maryland  legislature  met  on  November  1,  1784,  and 
on  December  2nd,  elected  McHenry  as  delegate  to  congress  and 
granted  the  delegates  a  per  diem  allowance  of  £3  currency, 
while  in  congress  and  on  the  way  to  or  from  that  body.  Mc 
Henry  did  not  come  to  Annapolis  until  December  8,  and  was 
absent  from  the  18th  to  the  21st-  The  early  part  of  the  session 
was  largely  occupied  with  consideration  of  Samuel  Chase's 
conduct,  as  agent  in  connection  with  the  Maryland  Stock  in 
the  Bank  of  England.  McHenry  went  to  congress  about  Janu 
ary,  and  does  not  seem  to  have  returned  to  Annapolis  during 
the  session.  1 

The  condition  of  federal  affairs  steadily  grew  more  criti 
cal  and  the  point  of  view  of  the  Federalists  may  be  gained 
from  a  letter  sent  McHenry  by  Jenifer  at  Annapolis  on  Feb 
ruary  17,  1785. 
"Dear  Sir. 

"I  shall  be  very  much  obliged  to  you  to  forward  the 
enclosed  letters  by  the  March  Packet  —  In  consequence  of  a 
late  information  from  Congress  to  our  Executive,  it  seems  to 
be  the  opinion  of  some  members  that  the  Assembly  should  be 
called  immediately.  I  am  fearful  that  such  a  measure  if 
adopted  would  not  be  productive  of  the  expected  consequence, 
i.  e.,  the  raising  an  immediate  supply  of  money,  whether  this 
measure  be  adopted  or  not,  I  shall  hasten  the  remittanc.e  of 
every  shilling  that  comes  into  the  Treasury  from  the  funds 
appropriated  to  Congress  which  may  soon  amount  to  80,000 
dollars,  from  arrearages,  as  to  this  year's  appropriations  they 
will  not  be  paid  into  the  Treasury  till  midsummer  &  Novem 
ber,  but  \vhen  collected  wrill  be  considerable  as  %  th  of  the 
duties  of  2  p.  ct.  on  commerce  besides  those  on  enumerated 
estates  &  7  p.  ct.  upon  property  are  to  be  remitted  to  Con 
gress. 

"But  my  friend  Requisitions  will  never  do;  Congress 
must  have  permanent  funds  the  5  p.  ct.  is  the  most  elegible 

1  In  the  confederation  congress,  he  is  recorded  as  having  voted  with 
the  minority  to  let  Franklin  come  home  when  a  successor  was  appointed 
on  January  21,  1785;  to  postpone  fixing  a  term  to  the  continuance  of 
foreign  ministers  in  office  and,  for  the  three  years'  term  of  foreign  min 
isters  proposed  by  Pinckney  on  February  17.  He  nominated  W.  S.  Smith 
as  secretary  of  legation  to  Great  Britain  on  March,  and  reported  on  the 
ceremonial  for  the  reception  of  Gardoqui,  the  Spanish  minister,  on  June 
17,  and  on  the  attempt  to  secure  the  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi 
on  August  25.  On  October  27,  he  voted  for  the  ordinance  of  consuls. 


90  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  vi 

method  in  my  opinion  that  can  be  adopted  for  the  purpose 
of  raising  a  revenue.  Cannot  Rhode  Island  be  brought  in  the 
measure.  Is  that  state  to  frustrate  so  salutary  a  measure, 
is  her  veto  to  be  of  equal  force  with  that  of  a  tribune  of  Anct. 
Rome.  If  this  state  should  continue  to  be  inflexible,  I  fear 
there  must  be  a  new  convention  especially  appointed  by  all 
the  states  to  encrease  the  powers  of  Congress,  or  it  will  be 
obliged  from  necessity  to  assume  them,  as  Politicial  bodies 
have  heretofore  generally  done. 

"  Inform  me  how  your  friends  stand,  by  my  calculation 
if  you  received  the  money  for  my  order  on  Mr  Mclaughlin, 
you  would  have  received  an  allowance  to  the  1st  of  April.     I 
have  wrote  to  Messers  Willing  Morris  &  Swanwick  to  supply 
you  from  that  time  with  £90  per  month  you  possibly  may  be 
in  want  before  that  time  if  you  should  inform  me  and  I  shall 
remit  money  for  this  purpose  immediately  in  haste. 
"I  am  with  great  respect 
dear  Sir 

"Your  obedt.  servt. 
"DANL.  OF  ST  THOS.  JENIFER" 

On  August  14,  1785,  McIIenry  wrote  Washington  from 
New  York,  l  on  the  proposed  federal  regulation  of  commerce 
and  incidentally  mentioned  that  Lafayette  is  writing  by  every 
packet  and  frequently  tells  congress  news  which  they  get 
from  no  other  quarter.  Congress  is  about  to  recommend  that 
they  be  given  power  to  regulate  interstate  and  foreign  trade 
by  vote  of  nine  states,  that  they  may  retaliate  for  heavy  for 
eign  duties.  The  eastern  states,  New  York  and  Pennsyl 
vania,  seem  anxious  for  this,  but  the  southern  states  oppose 
and  McHenry  joins  them,  fearing  that  the  eastern  states 
wish  to  monopolize  the  carrying  trade.  Will  not  the  southern 
states  have  fewer  purchasers  if  only  American  vessels  can 
transport  exports,  and  will  not  the  price  of  foreign  goods  be 
higher,  if  fewer  of  them  are  imported?  When  the  South  is 
as  well  peopled  as  the  eastern  states,  naval  defense  will  be 
easily  established,  or  will  come  of  itself  without  restraint. 
Till  then  "it  would  seem  to  be  good  policy  in  the  Southern 
States  to  encourage  the  number  of  buyers  for  what  they  have 
to  sell  &  the  number  of  importers  of  those  articles  they  must 
buy."  Why  do  we  want  a  navy  or  navigation  acts?  When 
Great  Britain  took  the~m  up,  she  was  well  peopled  and  had 
much  shipping.  For  a  compromise,  McHenry  suggests  a  nav- 

1   Sparks,    ix,    501. 


1784-1786] qf  James  McHenry 91 

igation  act  framed  so  that  its  operation  would,  gradually  and 
slowly,  tend  to  augment  the  seamen  and  shipping  of  the  States, 
without  sensibly  wounding  in  its  progress  the  interests  of  any 
state.  Then  the  States  could  see  what  they  had  to  give  and 
could  repeal  the  law,  if  inconvenient. 

Washington  answers,  on  August  22,  in  a  strong  national 
letter:1 

"As  I  have  ever  been  a  friend  to  adequate  powers  in 
Congress,  without  which  it  is  evident  to  me  we  never  shall 
establish  a  national  character  or  be  considered  on  a  respectable 
footing  by  the  powers  of  Europe,  I  am  sorry  I  cannot  agree 
with  you  in  sentiment  not  to  enlarge  them  for  the  regula 
tion  of  commerce  *  *  *  .  Your  argument  against  it, 
principally  that  some  States  may  be  more  benefitted  than 
others  by  a  commercial  regulation,  applies  to  every  matter  of 
general  utility  *  *  *  We.  are  either  a  United  people 
under  one  head  &  for  federal  purposes,  or  we  are  13  inde 
pendent  sovereignties,  eternally  counteracting  each  other.  Ii! 
the  former,  whatever  such  a  majority  of  the  States  as  the 
Constitution  requires  conceives  to  be  for  the  benefit  of  the 
whole,  should  in  my  humble  opinion,  be  submitted  to  by  the 
minority."  If  the  southern  states  were  always  represented 
in  congress  and  acted  together,  there  would  be  no  danger  of 
the  passage  of  measures  prejudicial  to  their  interest.  ' '  I  can 
forsee  no  evil  greater  than  disunion,  than  those  unreasonable 
jealousies  (I  say  unreasonable)  because  I  would  have  a  proper 
jealousy  always  awake  &  the  United  States  always  upon  the 
watch  to  prevent  individual  States  from  infracting  the  Con 
stitution  with  impunity,  which  are  continually  poisoning  our 
minds  &  filling  themselves  with  imaginary  evils  to  the  pre 
vention  of  real  ones. ' '  Great  Britain  needs  our  trade  and  will 
only  do  justice  to  us,  when  forced  to  do  so  by  retaliatory 
measures.  Probably  the  carrying  business  will  not  "devolve 
wholly  upon"  the  eastern  states,  nor  "remain  long  with 
them,  if  it  should."  "Either  Great  Britain  will  depart  from 
her  present  selfish  system,"  or  the  southern  states  "will  de 
vise  ways  &  means  to  encourage  seamen  for  the  transportation 
of  their  own  produce,  or  for  the  encouragement  of  manufac 
tures,  but,  admitting  the  contrary,  if  the  Union  is  considered 
as  permanent  &,  on  this  I  presume  all  superstructures  are 

1  Ford,  x,  490;  Sparks,  ix,  121.  Both  print  the  letter  carelessly. 
From  a  careful  comparison  of  the  original  of  the  letters  of  Washington 
to  McHenry,  there  seems  little  reason  for  Ford  to  be  praised  over  Sparks 
as  an  editor.  He  is  little  more  careful  and  often  merely  builds  on, 
Sparks's  foundation. 


92  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  vi 

built,  had  we  not  better  encourage  seamen  among  ourselves 
with  less  imports,  than  divide  it  with  foreigners  &,  by  in 
creasing  them,  ruin  our  merchants  &  greatly  injure  the  mass 
of  our  citizens."  Without  federal  commercial  power  we 
stand  "  in  a  ridiculous  point  of  view,  in  the  eyes  of  the  nations 
of  the  earth ;  with  whom  we  are  attempting  to  enter  into  com 
mercial  treaties,  without  the  means  of  carrying  them  into 
effect,  &  who  must  see  &  feel  that  the  Union,  or  the  States 
individually,  are  sovereigns,  as  it  best  suits  their  purposes. 
In  a  word,  that  we  are  a  nation  to  day  &  13  tomorrow  —  Who 
will  treat  with  us  on  such  terms  ? ' ' 

On  November  17,  1785,  the  Maryland  legislature  met 
again,  but  McHenry  does  not  seem  to  have  been  present  at 
the  session.  He  was  ineligible  for  re-election  to  congress,  in 
which  body  his  term  consequently  ended  in  December. 

On  January  7,  1786,  McHenry  resigned  his  seat  in  the 
senate,  because  of  "my  long  absence  from  my  own  affairs 
&  their  absolutely  demanding  my  presence. ' '  Of  his  life  dur 
ing  this  year  we  know  almost  nothing,  save  that  he  was  elected 
a  member  of  the  American  Philosophical  Society  on  January 
20,  though  we  have  two  pleasant  letters  from  Washington  to 
him  on  private  matters. 

"Mount  Vernon. 
"My  dear  Sir, 

"I  met  your  favor  of  the  5th.  in  Alexandria  yesterday. 
To  day  I  dispatch  one  of  my  Overseers  and  two  Servants  for 
the  Jack  and  Mules  which  are  arrived  at  Baltimore.  The 
Pheasants  &  Partridge,  I  pray  you  to  procure  a  passage  for 
them  by  water,  in  the  Packet.  To  bring  them  by  land  would 
be  troublesome,  &  might  perhaps  be  dangerous  for  them. 

"Be  so  good  as  to  let  me  know  the  expence  of  these  and 
the  cost  of  their  detention  in  Baltimore.  It  shall  be  imme 
diately  be  paid,  with  many  thanks  to  you,  for  your  obliging 
attention  to  the  business.  — 

"If  you  have  any  particular  information  from  my  good 
friend  the  Marquis  de  la  Fayette,  respecting  the  above  things, 
I  shall  be  obliged  to  you  for  it;  his  letter  to  me  takes  *  * 
*  *  two  of  them,  altho  I  had  for  some  time  expected  one 
Jack  and  two  she  asses  through  his  medium  —  but  by  no 
means  as  a  present.  — 

"One  of  the  Servants,  who  accompany  my  Overseer,  be 
longs  to  the  Honble  William  Drayton  of  Charleston  So  Ca. 
This  Gentm  spent  a  day  or  two  here  on  his  return  from  New 


1784-1786]  of  James  McHenry  93 

York,  and  at  Dumfries  (proceeding  on)  the  above  fellow 
ran  away  from  him  &  came  here.  He  goes  to  Baltimore 
under  the  impression  of  assisting  in  bringing  the  Jack  & 
Mules  home,  but  the  real  design  of  sending  him  there  is  to 
have  him  shipped  for  Charleston,  if  the  Packet  (which  I  am 
informed  is  regularly  established  between  that  place  &  Balti 
more)  or  any  other  vessel  is  on  the  point  of  Sailing  for  the 
former.  — 

"Mr.  Drayton  will  readily  pay  the  Captn.  for  his  passage, 
and  the  other  incidental  expences,  having  intimated  this  in  a 
letter  to  my  Nephew ;  but  if  any  doubt  is  entertained  of  it,  I 
will  see  it  done.  — 

"Under  this  rela-  *  *  *  *  *  Circumstances  at 
tending  *  *  *  I  would  beg  of  you,  *  *  *  (if  an  op 
portunity  presents)  to  have  him  shipped,  &  previously  secured. 
The  fellow  pretends  a  willingnes  to  return  to  his  Master,  but 
I  think  it  would  be  unsafe  to  trust  to  this,  especially  as  he 
has  discovered  an  inclination  to  get  back  to  Philadelphia 
(with  a  view  he  says  of  taking  passage  from  thence) 

"Why  will  you  not  make  a  small  excursion  to  see  an 
old  acquaintance.  It  is  unnecessary  I  hope  to  assure  you  of 
the  pleasure  it  would  give. 

"Yr.  Obedt  &  affect  &  Hble  Serv. 

"Go.  WASHINGTON. 
"P.  S. 

"Engage  the  Master  of  the 
Packet  Boat  to  drop  the  Birds  at  this  place 
as  he  passes  by  —  otherwise  I  shall  have 
to  send  to  Alexandria  for  them. — " 

"Mount  Vernon  29th,  Novr  1786. 
"Dear  Sir, 

"Your  letter  of  the  18th.  by  the  Packet,  &  19th.  by  the 
Post,  are  both  at  hand  —  The  Birds  were  landed  yesterday. 
A  Partridge  died  on  the  passage.  — 

' '  If  Monsr.  Campion 's  information  is  to  be  depended  on, 
he  had  no  letter  from  the  Marquis  de  la  Fayette  or  any  other 
characters  in  France  for  me;  nothing  confidential  therefore 
could  have  been  disclosed  by  the  loss  of  his  pocket  book,  unless 
it  was  deposited  in  your  letter.  — 

"His  acct.  is  that  he  was  ordered  to  repair  to  L 'Orient 
with  the  Asses  &  Birds,  from  whence  he  &  ihey  were  to  be 
shipped  by  the  messrs  Baraud.  That  the  Marquis  told  him, 


94  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  vi 

letters  should  follow,  and  he  supposes  they  will  arrive  in  the 
French  Packet.  — 

' '  By  Monsr.  Campion  1  I  send  the  guinea  you  paid  for 
his  board ;  if  there  are  any  charges  yet  behind,  I  wish  to  be 
informed  of  them  that  they  may  be  immediately  paid. 

"My  sincere  thanks  are  due  to  you,  My  dear  Sir,  for 
your  kind  attention  to  this  business.  Having  received  no 
intimation  at,  or  previous  to  the  arrival  of  Monsr  Campion 
respecting  the  light  in  which  he  ought  to  be  viewed,  I  thought 
it  best  to  be  on  the  safe  side,  and  therefore  took  him  to  my 
table,  where  he  has  conducted  himself  with  modesty  &  pro 
priety.  

"Under  full  conviction  that  the  Asses  were  never  in 
tended  as  a  present,  and  that  the  Chinese  Pheasants  (instead 
of  costing  16  Gus  [  ?]  a  pair  as  the  Baltimore  para- 
graphist  has  anounced  to  the  public)  came  from  the  Kings 
Aviary  as  a  present  to  the  Marquis  for  me  (for  so  says  Monsr. 
Campion)  I  am  concerned  that  such  information  should  have 
been  exhibited  in  a  public  gazette  as  appeared  in  the  B.  Post, 
for  it  may  be  viewed  as  contrivance  to  bespeak,  what  I  should 
industriously  have  endeavoured  to  avoid,  had  I  supposed  it 
was  so  meant  —  A  present  —  Was  this  publication  confined 
to  Maryland,  or  over  the  United  States,  there  would  not  be 
so  much  in  it ;  but  as  these  paragraphs  for  want  of  other  mat 
ter  to  fill  a  Paper,  are  handed  from  one  to  another,  and  ulti 
mately  get  into  the  British  &  French  Gazettes;  the  Marquis 
will  entertain  a  queer  idea  of  it,  if  nothing  more  is  meant 

1  Mount  Vernon  May  8th.  1788. 

Dear   Sir, 

To  a  letter  which  I  wrote  to  you  somedays  ago,  I  beg  leave  to  refer 
you.  I  congratulate  with  you  on  the  happy  decision  of  your  Convention ; 
having  no  doubt  of  its  weight  on  those  States  which  are  to  follow. 

In  a  letter  (just  received)  from  Colo.  Spaight  of  North  Carolina  he 
informs  me  of  his  having  sent  a  small  bag  of  peas  to  your  care  for  me. 
Have  you  received  them?  If  so  be  so  good  as  to  forward  them  by  the 
stage  (the  cost  of  which  I  will  pay;  without  dispatch  they  will  come  too 
late)  to  Alexandria. 

A  Monsr.  Campion  who  brought  over  my  Asses,  says  he  is  in  distress, 
and  has  written  to  me  for  money.  Pray  what  is  his  character  in  Baltimore, 
and  what  has  he  been  employed  about  this  year  and  half,  in  that  place? 
Though  he  had  no  demand  upon  me  for  the  service  he  performed,  yet  I 
gave  him  a  sum  of  money  as  an  acknowledgment  of  my  sense  of  the  proper 
discharge  of  the  trust  reposed  in  him.  He  told  me  at  that  time  (fall 
was  twelve  months)  that  he  should  spend  the  winter  in  Baltimore  &  sail 
for  France  in  the  Spring.  In  the  spring  (as  I  was  going  to  Phila)  he 
told  me  he  should  sail  in  the  Fall.  In  the  fall,  as  I  returned  thence,  he 
assured  me  he  should  sail  in  a  fortnight.  Since  which  I  have  heard  noth 
ing  from  or  of  him  till,,  now,  his  application  to  me  for  money.  Your 
answer  (soon)  to  this  part  of  my  letter  will  'be  very  acceptable  to 

Dear    Sir 

Yr.  Most  Obedt  &  Affect  Servt. 
Go.  WASHINGTON. 

To  James  McHenry 


1784-1786]  of  James  Me  Henry  95 

than  what  was  promised,  &  expected  —  that  is  —  to  be  the 
instrument  through  the  medium  of  Adm.  de  Suffran  (Govr. 
of  the  Island  of  Malta  or  head  of  the  order)  of  procuring  & 
forwarding  them  from  that  place  to  me.  That  he  should 
have  paid  all  the  expences  which  attended  the  getting,  and 
shipping  them  is  beyond  a  doubt —  It  could  not  well  be 
otherwise,  as  their  procuration  was  a  doubtful  essay.  As  I 
have  not  however  received  a  single  line  respecting  these  ani 
mals,  I  do  not  undertake  to  contradict  the  report,  but  think  the 
evidence  of  it  —  the  cost  &c  appears  to  have  been  too  slight 
to  hand  it  in  such  a  dress  to  the  public.  — 

"With  sincere  esteem  &  regard 
' '  I  am  —  Dear  sir 
"Yr  most  obedt  & 
"affect  Servant 

' '  Go.   WASHINGTON.  ' ' 

McHenry  was  keenly  interested  in  the  discussion  as  to 
whether  the  constitution  of  Maryland  permitted  the  people 
to  instruct  the  legislature.  Chase  held  that  it  did;  but  Mc 
Henry  took  the  other  side,  in  an  article  written  February  20, 
1787,  and  published  in  the  American  Museum  l  over  a  year 
later.  He  maintained  that  sovereignty  is  lodged  in  the  law 
enacting  power,  that  is,  for  Maryland,  in  the  General  As 
sembly.  The  constitutional  compact  does  not  allow  all  to 
participate  in  the  government  and  those  who  may  participate 
by  frequent  elections  have  an  opportunity  to  change  the  ' '  trus 
tees  of  the  sovereignty. ' '  "  This  organization  fixes  the  de 
liberative  power  with  the  sovereignty  and  the  elective  with  the 
people."  To  prevent  "the  abuse  of  this  deliberative  power 
are  the  constitutional  provisions  and  the  right  to  amend  the 
constitution  and  to  revolt.  One  of  the  privileges  of  the  peo 
ple  is  that  to  petition"  and  no  one  ever  stipulates  for  an  in 
ferior  privilege  and  expects  to  enjoy  a  superior,  one  "which 
the  right  to  instruct  would  be.  If  the  relation  of  representa 
tive  to  constituent  is  that  of  principal  and  deputy,  the  former 
would  be  subject  to  recall  by  the  people,  which  he  is  not." 
The  right  to  instruct  the  sovereignty  places  the  deliberative 
power  in  the  people  and  brings  everything  back  to  that  chaos 
which  existed  before  the  compact.  Even  if  the  right  of  in 
struction  is  admitted,  who  shall  exercise  the  power,  shall  non- 
voters,  or  even  voters  who  are  not  qualified  for  seats  in  the 
assembly?  If  so,  "then  are  men,  whom  the  compact  disquali- 

1  Am.  Museum,  iv,  332. 


96  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  vi 

fies  from  exercising  the  sovereignty,  greater  than  the  sover 
eignty.  ' '  Further,  ' '  a  government  by  instruction  is  a  govern 
ment  never  ending  still  beginning,  in  which  everything  fluc 
tuates,  in  which  nothing  is  stable."  Much  to  be  preferred 
to  the  right  to  instruct  is  the  existing  right  to  discontinue, 
which  gives  the  people  efficient  control  over  the  deliberative 
power. 

About  this  time,  McHenry  obtained  the  greatest  privilege 
of  his  life,  by  being  elected  a  member  from  Maryland  of  the 
convention  which  met  at  Philadelphia  in  the  summer  of  1787 
and  drafted  the  United  States  constitution. 


CHAPTER   VII 

MEMBER  OF  THE  FEDERAL  CONSTITUTIONAL  CONVENTION 

McHENRY  was  the  only  one  of  those  first  elected  as 
delegates  from  Maryland  to  the  Philadelphia  conven 
tion  who  accepted  the  position.  John  B.  Cutting1 
wrote  Jefferson,  in  July,  1788,  that  Charles  Carroll  and 
Thomas  Johnson,  the  first  choice,  "declined  quitting  Mary 
land,  even  upon  the  important  business  of  new  framing  the 
National  government,  Mr.  Chase  having  just  before  menaced 
the  senate  for  rejecting  an  emission  of  paper  money  and  ap 
pealed  to  the  people  against  them.  They  had  joined  in  that 
general  issue  and  could  not  venture  to  relinquish,  to  a  violent 
and  headstrong  party,  their  active  influence  in  the  senate,  as 
well  as  in  the  lower  house,  at  the  very  moment  when  it  was  so 
essentially  needed  to  stem  the  torrent  of  the  populace  and  for 
the  paper.  Those  gentlemen,  therefore,  remained  at  home, 
convinced  their  fellow  citizens  of  their  superior  rectitude  and 
wisdom,  and  defeated  that  favorite  measure  of  Mr.  Chase." 
By  later  elections  2  there  were  associated  with  McHenry,  Dan 
iel  Carroll  and  Daniel  of  .St.  Thomas  Jenifer,  who  were. na 
tionalist  in  their  tendencies,  and  John  Francis  Mercer  and 
Luther  Martin,  who  were  so  opposed  to  a  strong  federal  gov 
ernment  that  they  refused  to  sign  the  constitution  and  strove 
to  prevent  Maryland 's  ratification  of  the  document.  Between 
these  two  extremes,  McHenry  took  a  middle  ground,  though 
his  own  views  were  not  strongly  in  favor  of  much  centraliza 
tion  of  power.  In  the  convention  he  was  seldom  heard3  and 
an  absence  of  two  months,  on  account  of  his  brother's  ill 
health,  deprived  him  of  the  opportunity  of  being  present  dur- 

1  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc.   (2nd  Series),  xvii,  <503  ;  Doc.  Hist.  Const.,  iv, 
770.     McHenry's  journal   is  printed  in  Am.   Hist.   Rev.,  xi,   595. 

2  May  22,  1787,  after  the  date  of  the  convention's  call. 

3  Pierce's  Notes,  Am.  Hist.  Rev.,  iii,   330.     "Mr.  McHenry  was  bred  a 
physician,    but   he   afterwards    turned    Soldier   and   acted   as    Aid   to   Genl. 
Washington   and   the   Marquis   de   la   Fayette.     He   is   a   man   of    Specious 
talents  with  nothing  of  genious  to   improve   them.     As   a  politician   there 
\f.  nothing  remarkable  in  him,  nor  has  he  any  of  the  graces  of  the  Orator. 
He    is   however,    a   very    respectable    young    Gentleman,    and    deserves    the 
honor  which  his  country  has  bestowed   on  him.     Mr.   McHenry   is  about 
32  years  of  age." 


98  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  vn 

ing  a  large  part  of  the  sessions. l  Yet  several  portions  of 
the  constitution  owe  their  present  form  to  McHenry's  efforts 
and  he  may  well  be  taken  as  a  type  of  the  average  member  of 
the  convention  —  one  of  those  useful  men  who  made  it  possible 
by  their  action  to  have  a  "more  perfect  union."  While  at 
Philadelphia  he  kept  a  diary  for  the  only  time  in  his  life,  so 
far  as  I  know,  and  its  pages  sho\v  his  influence  in  forming 
some  of  the  clauses  regarding  commerce  and  also  give  a  clearer 
picture  than  is  elsewhere  found  of  the  conferences  between 
members  from  the  same  state  which  must  have  taken  place 
almost  daily  between  the  sessions  of  the  convention. 

Mr.  McHenry's  correspondence  with  his  wife  during  the 
sessions  of  the  convention  is  disappointing,  in  that  it  gives 
no  information,  except  as  to  personal  and  family  affairs.  On 
his  way  to  Philadelphia  he  wrote  her: 

"When  there  is  a  handsome  woman  and  opium  to  be  had, 
says  a  Turkish  maxim,  one  never  thinks  of  one 's  wife.  There 
are  at  this  instant  two  very  handsome  girls  chattering  about 
sweet  hearts  in  the  next  room,  and  wine  before  me,  which 
you  know  is  as  good  as  opium,  and  yet  I  could  not  be  at  rest 
till  I  got  the  materials  that  enable  me  to  contradict  the  Turk. 
That  people,  I  find,  ought  not,  my  Peggy,  be  considered  as 
judges  of  what  constitutes  happiness  —  or  they  have  no  good 
wives  in  their  country.  But  why  am  I  at  Bush  town?  I 
will  tell  you.  A  poor  devil  of  a  traveller  who  had  his  sulky 
dashed  to  pieces  against  a  stump,  happened  to  want  assistance 
which  I  forsooth  most  courteously  giving  did  not  arrive  at  this 
place  till  the  evening  was  shut  in,  and  some  rain  had  begun 
to  fall  —  so  that  I  was  fain  to  take  up  my  lodging  for  the 
night  twelve  miles  short  of  the  Ferry. 

"This  is  my  little  history  and  now  I  have  one  question 
to  ask  you.  Why  is  it,  that  I  who  love  you  should  wish,  that 
I  could  have  got  twelve  miles  further  from  you? 

"Good  night  and  God  bless  you,  prays  your 
"JAMES  MCHENRY" 

Shortly  after  the  opening  of  the  convention  he  wrote 
again : 

"Philadelphia  Sunday  27  May  1787. 

"I  would  not  for  ten  thousand  pounds  be  the  wretched 
husband  who  can  leave  home  without  regret  and  return  to  it 


1  He  seems  to  have  been  paid  for  seventy-two  days  attendance  at  the 
rate  of  thirty-five  shillings  per  day  by  the  state,  which  record  would 
show  that  he  was  paid  whether  present  or  not.  The  assembly  had  voted 
to  pay  the  delegates  as  delegates  in  congress  were  paid. 


1787-1788]  of  James  Me  Henry  99 

without  pleasure.  My  impatience  for  the  arrival  of  your  let 
ters,  and  the  delight  they  brought  with  them  will  be  a  new 
proof  that  you  still  retain  over  my  heart  the  most  interesting 
influence  a  woman  can  possess.  What  shall  we  do  to  perpet 
uate  this  influence? 

"If  we  take  a  survey  of  the  marriage  state  we  shall  find 
this  influence  strongest  in  the  first  years,  after  which,  if  not 
guarded  with  great  care,  it  gradually  diminishes  and  at  length 
disappears,  leaving  in  its  room  indifference  or  disgust.  When 
the  novelty  of  love  ceases  and  the  cares  of  a  family  succeed, 
it  is  full  time  for  the  parties  to  attend  minutely  to  every 
thing  which  can  render  home  a  place  of  tranquility.  They 
may  have  studied  each  others  character  before  marriage,  but, 
generally  speaking,  it  is  now  only  that  they  begin  to  know 
each  other  and,  if  they  do  not  make  a  proper  use  of  this  knowl 
edge,  they  have  no  just  cause  to  complain  of  their  mutual 
unhappiness.  Many  precepts  have  been  administered  as  nec 
essary  at  this  crisis,  but  they  may  be  all  comprehended  in 
one.  What  the  husband  does  not  like  to  hear  or  see  he  should 
hear  or  see,  only  when  he  can  interfere  with  propriety  and  to 
advantage ;  and  what  his  circumstances  will  not  permit  him  to 
alter  or  amend  is  to  be  endured  without  murmuring,  unless 
it  is  of  such  a  nature  as  to  affect  the  source  of  felicity,  when 
sympathy  may  abate  its  force  or  participation  render  it  less 
oppressive.  The  same  rule  applies  to  the  husband  who  will 
avoid  complaints  which  can  only  distress,  unless  where  they 
are  required  by  the  laws  of  love  and  conjugal  confidence.  As 
yet  we  are  in  the  first  stage  of  marriage  and  may  think  we 
do  not  stand  in  need  of  these  precepts :  but  while  we  are  dear 
to  each  other  it  may  not  be  improfitable  to  contemplate  the 
rocks  upon  which  so  much  human  happiness  has  been  ship 
wrecked.  ' ' 

Two  days  later  he  wrote  her  again: 

"We  are  beginning  to  enter  seriously  upon  the  business 
of  the  convention,  so  that  I  shall  have  but  little  leisure  to  give 
to  my  Peggy,  except  to  the  reading  of  your  letters.  You  are 
all  well,  and  here  we  are  all  well.  Adieu  affectionately" 

His  notes  indicate  that  he  was  in  Philadelphia  as  early 
as  the  14th  of  May,  but  he  did  not  appear  in  the  convention 
until  May  28,  probably  awaiting  for  some  of  his  Maryland 
colleagues.  The  first  of  these,  Jenifer,  did  not  arrive  until  June  2. 

On  the  25th  of  May,  the  convention  had  organized  by 
the  election  on  the  part  of  the  seven  states  then  represented, 


100  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  vn 

as  president  of  the  man  whom  McHenry  always  knew  as 
' '  the  General. ' '  In  addition  to  Washington,  McHenry  found 
his  intimate  friend  Hamilton  among  the  members.  McHenry 
recorded  fully  Edmund  Randolph's  speech  and  the  resolu 
tions  introduced  by  him,  but  before  the  work  of  preparing 
the  constitution  had  more  than  begun,  an  "express  from 
home,"  with  the  news  that  his  "brother  lay  dangerously  sick," 
caused  him  to  set  ' '  out  immediately ' '  for  Baltimore. 

As  John  McHenry  grew  better,  it  was  possible  for  James 
McHenry  to  leave  Baltimore  on  August  2.  Arriving  at  Phil 
adelphia  two  days  later,  he  found  the  committee  which  was 
drafting  the  constitution  ready  to  report  and  Dunlop,  the 
printer,  striking  off  copies  of  the  report  for  the  members.  On 
the  6th,  the  report  was  brought  in  by  Rutledge  and  the  con 
vention  adjourned,  "to  give  the  members  an  opportunity  for 
consideration. ' '  McHenry  at  once  proposed  to  the  Maryland 
delegates  that  they  hold  a  conference  and  prepare  to  "act  in 
unison."  At  Carroll's  lodgings  that  afternoon,  McHenry 
"repeated  the  object  of  our  meeting"  and  proposed  that  "we 
should  take  the  report  up  by  paragraphs  and  give  our  opin 
ions  thereon."  All  five  of  the  delegates  Were  present  and 
Mercer  at  once  asked  McHenry  whether  he  thought  Mary 
land  would  embrace  such  a  system.  "I  do  not  know,"  was 
the  answer,  but  "I  presume  the  people  would  not  object  to 
a  wise  system."  Mercer  then  asked  the  others  their  opinion. 
Martin  said  the  people  would  not  accept  it.  "That  he  was 
against  the  system,  that  a  compromise  only  had  enabled  its 
abettors  to  bring  it  in  its  present  stage,  that  had  Mr.  Jenifer 
voted  with  him,  things  would  have  taken  a  different  turn. 
Mr.  Jenifer  said  he  voted  with  him,  till  he  saw  it  was  in  vain 
to  oppose  its  progress. ' '  Fearing  the  members  would  indulge 
in  personal  controversy,  McHenry  "begged  the  gentlemen  to 
observe  some  order  to  enable  us  to  do  the  business  we  had 
convened  upon.  I  wished  that  we  could  be  unanimous  and 
would  make  a  proposition  to  effect  it.  I  would  join  the 
deputation,  in  bringing  in  a  motion  to  postpone  the  report,  to 
try  the  affections  of  the  house  to  an  amendment  of  the 
confederation,  without  altering  the  sovereignty  of  suffrage, 
which  failing,  we  should  then  agree  to  render  the  system 
reported  as  perfect  as  '"we  could.  In  the  mean  while,  to 
consider  our  motion  to  fail  and  proceed  to  confer  upon  the 
report,  agreeably  to  the  intention  of  our  meeting,  i.  e.  That 
we  should  now  and,  at  our  future  meetings,  alter  the  report 


1787-1788]  of  James  McHenry 101 

to  our  own  judgement,  to  be  able  to  appear  unanimous,  in 
case  our  motion  failed." 

Carroll  could  not  agree  to  this  proposition,  because  he 
did  not  think  ' '  the  confederation  could  be  amended  to  answer 
its  intentions. ' '  McHenry  said  he  ' '  thought  it  was  susceptible 
of  a  revision,  which  would  sufficiently  invigorate  it  for  the 
exigencies  of  the  times. ' '  Mercer  and  Jenifer  thought  other 
wise  and  so  McHenry 's  conciliatory  resolution  was  rejected. 
Martin  now  stated  that  he  was  against  having  two  branches 
of  the  congress,  against  popular  elections  of  representatives, 
and  that  "he  wished  to  see  the  States'  Governments  rendered 
capable  of  the  most  vigorous  exertions,  and  so  knit  together 
by  a  confederation  as  to  act  together  on  national  emergencies. ' ' 

McHenry  found  that  they  could  come  to  no  conclusions 
and  recommended  that  a  second  meeting  of  the  delegation  be 
held  on  the  morrow,  stating,  "unless  we  could  appear  in  the 
convention  with  some  degree  of  unanimity,  it  would  be  unnec 
essary  to  remain  in  it,  sacrificing  time  &  money,  without 
being  able  to  render  any  service."  All  agreed  to  this,  except 
Martin,  who  said  he  was  going  to  New  York  for  a  few  days. 

Feeling  it  of  "  importance  to  know  &  to  fix  the  opinions 
of  my  colleagues,  on  the  most  consequential  articles  of  the  new 
system,"  McHenry  prepared  four  queries  as  follows:  (1) 
Art  iv.  Sec.  5.  "Will  you  use  your  best  endeavours  to  obtain 
for  the  Senate  an  equal  authority  over  money  bills  with 
the  House  of  Representatives?"  (2)  Art  xii.  Sec.  6.  "Will 
you  use  your  best  endeavours  to  have  it  made  a  part  of  the 
system  that  no  navigation  act  shall  be  passed  without  the 
assent  of  two  thirds  of  the  representation  from  each  State?" 
(3)  "In  case  these  alterations  cannot  be  obtained  will  you  give 
your  assent  to  the  5  section  of  the  iv.  article  and  6  section  of 
the  xii.  article  as  they  stand  in  the  report?  (In  other  words 
will  you  accept  a  greater  authority  over  money  bills  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  and  allow  a  majority  of  the  mem 
bers  of  Congress  to  pass  a  navigation  act?)  "  (4)  "  Will  you  also 
(in  case  these  alterations  are  not  obtained)  agree  that  the 
ratification  of  the  conventions  of  nine  States  shall  be  suffi 
cient  for  organizing  the  new  constitution  ? " 

During  the  interview,  McHenry  noticed  Mercer  make 
out  a  list  of  the  members  of  the  convention  and  mark  for  and 
against,  opposite  most  of  the  names.  This  led  McHenry  to 
ask,  carelessly,  "what  question  occasioned  your  being  so 
particular?"  At  this,  Mercer  said  laughingly,  "that  it  wa3 


102  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  vn 

no  question,  but  that  those  marked  with  a  for  were  for  a 
king. ' ' l  McHenry  then  asked, ' '  how  he  knew  that, ' '  to  which 
he  said :  "No  matter,  the  thing  is  so,"  and  permitted  McHenry 
to  copy  the  list.  Martin  saw  this  list  and  asked  what  it  was 
and  learning  Mercer's  account,  induced  McHenry  to  let  him 
copy  it  also. 

The  next  morning,  McHenry  showed  his  propositions  to 
Carroll,  Jenifer  and  Mercer  in  the  convention  and  "they  said, 
in  general  terms,  that  they  believed  they  should  accord"  with 
them.  At  five  o  'clock  that  afternoon,  McHenry  went  to 
Carroll's  lodgings  and,  finding  him  alone,  began  to  discuss 
the  four  queries.  Carroll  agreed  with  McHenry  that  "the 
deputation  should  oppose  a  resolute  face"  to  the  provision, 
lodging  in  the  House  of  Representatives  the  "sole  right  of 
raising  and  appropriating  money  upon  which  the  Senate  had 
only  a  negative,"  as  it  "gave  the  former  branch  an  inordinate 
power  in  the  constitution,  which  must  end  in  its  destruction. 
The  article  should  be  rejected  and  its  tendency  was  clear. 
Without  equal  powers,  the  houses  were  not  an  equal  check  upon 
each  other. ' '  Carroll  also  agreed,  that  the  Maryland  delegates 
should,  in  no  event,  consent  to  the  passage  of  navigation  laws 
by  a  mere  quorum  of  the  houses,  as  that  would  place  the 
"dearest  interest  of  trade"  under  the  control  of  four  states, 
or  of  seventeen  members  in  one  branch  and  eight  in  the  other. 
The  powers  to  regulate  commerce  and  lay  taxes  were  so  great 
that  McHenry  recorded  that  "we  almost  shuddered  at  the 
fate  of  the  commerce  of  Maryland,  should  we  be  unable  to 
make  any  change  in  this  extraordinary  power.  "We  agreed 
that  our  deputation  ought  never  to  assent  to  this  article  in 
its  present  form,  or  without  obtaining  such  a  provision  as  I 
proposed."  As  to  the  ratification  of  the  constitution  by  nine 
states,  McHenry  said:  "We  had  taken  an  oath  to  support 
our  State  constitution  and  frame  of  government.  We  had  been 
empowered  by  a  legislature,  legally  constituted,  to  revise  the 
confederation  and  fit  it  for  the  exigencies  of  government  and 
preservation  of  the  union.  Could  we  do  this  business  in  a 
manner  contrary  to  our  constitution  ?  I  feared  we  could  not ; 
if  we  relinquished  any  of  the  rights  or  powers  of  our  govern 
ment  to  the  United  States  of  America,  we  could  no  otherwise 
agree  to  that  relinquishment,  than  in  the  mode  our  constitu 
tion  prescribed  for  making  changes  or  alterations  in  it. "  Car 
roll  answered  that  he  doubted  the  propriety  of  the  article  on 

1  Carroll's  name  was  on  this  list. 


1787-1788]  of  James  McHcnry  103 

ratifications,  "as  it  respected  Maryland,  but  he  hoped  we 
should  be  able  to  get  over  this  difficulty. ' '  Jenifer  now  came 
in  and  "agreed  to  act  in  unison"  with  the  others,  though 
McHenry  thought  he  "seemed  to  have  rather  vague  ideas  of 
the  mischief  of  the  system,  as  it  stood  in  the  report." 

Wishing  to  impress  Jenifer  with  the  necessity  of  support 
ing  ' '  them,  McHenry  touched  upon  some  popular  points, ' '  sug 
gesting  "the  unfavourable  impression"  the  new  government 
' '  would  make  upon  the  people  on  account  of  its  expense  An 
army  and  navy  was  to  be  raised  and  supported,  expensive 
courts  of  judicature  to  be  maintained  and  a  princely  president 
to  be  provided  for.  That  it  was  plain  that  the  revenue  for 
these  purposes  was  to  be  chiefly  drawn  from  commerce.  That 
Maryland  would  have  this  resource  taken  from  her  without  the 
expenses  of  her  own  government  being  lessened.  That  what 
would  be  raised  from  her  commerce  and  by  indirect  taxation 
would  far  exceed  the  proportion  she  would  be  called  upon  to 
pay  under  the  present  confederation.  An  increase  of  taxes, 
and  a  decrease  in  the  objects  of  taxation,  as  they  respected  a 
revenue  for  the  State,  would  not  prove  very  palatable  to  our 
people,  who  might  think  that  the  whole  objects  of  taxation 
were  hardly  sufficient  to  discharge  the  State's  obligations." 

While  McHenry  was  speaking,  Mercer  ' '  came  in  and  said 
he  would  go  with  the  deputation  on  the  points  in  question. 
He  would  wish  to  be  understood,  that  he  did  not  like  the 
system,  that  it  was  weak.  That  he  would  produce  a  better  one, 
since  the  convention  had  undertaken  to  go  radically  to  work, 
that  perhaps  he  would  not  be  supported  by  any  one,  but,  if 
he  was  not,  he  would  go  with  the  stream." 

It  is  curious  to  see  McHenry 's  objections,  and  the  fact 
that  he  was  closely  connected  with  a  mercantile  establishment 
makes  his  objections  more  interesting.  That  so  good  a  lover 
of  the  Union  as  he  should  oppose  so  strongly  the  grant  of 
extensive  powers  to  the  central  government  shows  clearly  that 
the  constitution  was  "wrung  from  the  grinding  necessities 
of  a  reluctant  people." 

On  August  8,  the  provision  giving  the  sole  power  of 
raising  and  appropriating  money  to  the  house  of  represen 
tatives  was  expunged  and,  on  a  reconsideration  of  the  question 
on  the  13th,  McHenry  joined  Carroll,  in  stating  that  the  most 
ingenious  men  in  Maryland  are  puzzled  to  define  money  bills 
and  added  an  instance  of  extraordinary  subterfuge,  from  his 


104  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  vn 

experience  in  the  state  senate,  to  get  rid  of  the  apparent  force 
of  the  constitution.  1 

We  next  hear  of  McHenry,  as  a  member  of  the  committeeon 
the  assumption  of  state  debts,2  appointed  on  August  18.  Three 
days  later,3  he  showed  his  fear  of  granting  too  much  taxing  pow 
er  to  the  federal  government,  by  seconding  Martin's  motion  that 
no  direct  tax  be  laid  until  a  requisition  on  the  state  has  been 
made  and  failed.  On  the  same  day,  he  stated  that  he  con 
ceived  an  embargo  might  be  laid  under  the  war  power.4 

The  next  day,5  he  joined  with  Gerry  in  proposing  that 
congress  be  forbidden  to  pass  a  bill  of  attainder  or  any  ex 
post  facto  law.  The  Maryland  delegation,  on  the  same  day, 
agreed  to  bring  forward  some  restrictive  clauses  drawn  by 
Martin  on  the  federal  power  to  regulate  commerce.  These 
amendments  6  were  brought  in  by  the  delegation  on  August 
25,  and  provided  that  no  preference  should  be  given  to  any 
state  in  duties,  nor  should  vessels  in  the  coasting  trade  be 
obliged  to  enter  or  clear,  and  that  congress  could  establish 
no  new  ports  of  entry  unless  the  states  failed  to  do  so  after 
application  made  by  congress. 

On  the  23d  of  August  McHenry  wrote  his  wife: 
"My  dear  Peggy 

"It  is  altogether  uncertain  when  the  convention  will 
rise ;  but  it  is  likely  to  be  about  three  weeks  hence.  As  soon 
as  this  happens,  it  will  be  necessary  for  me  to  go  to  New  Ark 
in  Jersey  to  settle  an  account  with  a  Mr.  Mackay  which  may 
take  up  eight  days  more,  so  that  it  may  be  five  weeks  before 
my  return.  This,  you  may  be  assured,  excites  no  one  com 
fortable  sensation ;  yet  when  I  cast  my  eyes  homeward ;  when 
I  venture  to  anticipate  our  future  prospects;  my  heart  tells 
me  that  my  dear  Peggy  will  condense  in  one  week  as  much 
happiness  as  to  countervail  the  pains  of  two  months  absence.'* 

On  the  27th,  he  joined  with  Madison  to  try  to  prevent 
an  increase  7  as  well  as  a  diminution  in  the  salaries  of  judges. 
On  the  30th,  McHenry  tried  in  vain  to  have  the  commercial 
questions  considered  8  ' '  before  the  system  is  got  through. ' ' 
On  the  following  day,  the  convention  finally  voted  to  have  the 


1  Doc.  Hist.  Const.,  iii,  522,  Madison's  Notes.     , 

2  Doc.  Hist.  Const.,  iii,  558. 

3  Doc.   Hist.  Const,  iii,   578.     Jenifer  and  Carroll  voted  No.     Mercer 
was  absent. 

4  Doc.  Hist.  Const.,  iii,  531. 

5  Doc.   Hist.   Const.,   iii,   592. 

6  Doc.  Hist.  Const.,  iii.   619. 

7  Doc.  Hist.   Const.,   iii,   625. 

8  Doc.  Hist.  Const.,  iii,  656. 


'<&•      OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY 

^ 
1787-1788]  of  James  McHenryT  105 

constitution  go  into  effect,  when  ratified  by  nine  states. 
Washington  was  in  favor  of  as  small  a  number  as  seven  and 
Maryland  was  alone  in  striving  for  thirteen.  In  the  debate, 
McHenry  advanced  his  point  that  the  officers  of  government  in 
Maryland  were  under  oath  to  follow  "the  mode  of  alteration 
prescribed  by ' '  the  state  constitution. 1 

The  same  day,  however,  the  Maryland  men  were  gratified 
by  the  adoption  of  part  of  their  commercial  clauses,  which 
prevented  preference  of  any  state  and  freed  the  coasting 
trade.  In  the  debate,  McHenry  remarked  that  the  clause 
would  not  "screen  a  vessel  from  being  obliged  to  take  an 
officer  on  board  as  security  for  due  entry,"  and  so  avoid 
smuggling  of  goods  into  states  below  the  point  of  entry,  as 
in  the  case  of  vessels  bound  for  Philadelphia.  We  hear  no 
more  from  McHenry  on  the  floor  of  the  convention  until 
September  12,  when  he  voted,  vainly,  to  require  three-fourths 
of  the  houses  to  override  the  president's  veto. 

During  this  time,  however,  he  was  not  idle  but  employed 
himself,  especially  in  trying  to  amend  the  commercial  clauses. 
On  September  4,  he  wrote  in  his  note  book:  "Upon  looking 
over  the  constitution  it  does  not  appear  that  the  national 
legislature  can  erect  lighthouses  or  clean  out  or  preserve  the 
navigation  of  harbours.  This  expense  ought  to  be  borne  by 
commerce,  of  course,  by  the  general  treasury,  into  which  all 
the  revenue  of  commerce  must  come. 

"Is  it  proper  to  declare  all  the  navigable  waters  or  rivers 
&c.  within  the  U.  S.  common  highways?  Perhaps  a  power  to 
restrain  any  State  from  demanding  tribute  from  citizens  of 
another  State  in  such  cases  is  comprehended  in  the  power  to 
regulate  trade  between  State  and  State. 

"This  is  be  further  considered  and  a  motion  to  be  made 
on  the  light  house  &c.  tomorrow. ' '  The  morrow  was  consumed 
by  discussion  of  the  election  of  president,  but,  on  the  6th, 
McHenry  spoke  to  Gouveneur  Morris,  Fitzsimmons,  and  Gor- 
ham,  about  the  insertion  of  a  "power  in  the  confederation 
enabling  the  legislature  to  erect  piers  for  protection  of  ship 
ping  in  winter  &  to  preserve  the  navigation  of  harbours." 
Gorham  opposed,  the  others  favored  this  and  Morris  thought 
it  might  be  done  under  the  power  to  ' '  provide  for  the  common 
defence  and  general  welfare."  Whereupon  McHenry  remarked, 
"If  this  comprehends  such  a  power,  it  goes  to  authorize  the 
legislature  to  grant  exclusive  privileges  to  trading  companies, 

1  Doc.  Hist.  Const,  Hi,  661. 


106  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  vn 

etc."  The  commercial  question  still  disturbed  the  Maryland 
men  and  on  Saturday,  September  8,  they  gave  notice  that  they 
had  a  proposition  of  much  importance  to  bring  forward.  This 
was  brought  forward  on  the  15th ;  but,  meantime,  the  commit 
tee  on  style  had  reported  the  constitution  and  McHenry, 
making  a  careful  study  of  the  draft  on  the  13th,  found  the 
Maryland  propositions  as  to  preference  of  one  state  over 
another  had  been  overlooked  and  secured  their  insertion  in 
the  proper  place. 

Maryland's  new  proposition,1  introduced  by  McHenry 
and  seconded  by  Carroll,  was  that  "no  State  shall  be  prohib 
ited  from  laying  such  duties  of  tonnage,  as  may  be  sufficient 
for  improving  their  harbours  &  keeping  up  lights,  but  all 
acts  laying  such  duties  shall  be  subject  to  the  approbation  or 
repeal  of  Congress."  Mason  joined  the  Marylanders  in  advo 
cating  their  proposition,  because  the  "  situation  of  the  Chesa 
peake  peculiarly  required  expenses  of  this  sort,"  and  the 
proposition  was  carried  with  but  slight  amendment,  by  a  vote 
of  six  states  to  four,  with  Connecticut  divided. 

Although  the  two-thirds  majority  for  the  passage  of 
navigation  acts  was  defeated  on  the  same  day,  Maryland  had 
gained  so  much  of  her  desires,  that  Jenifer  felt  sure  the  state 
would  accept  the  constitution.  When  Martin  said  to  him, 
"I'll  be  hanged  if  ever  the  people  of  Maryland  agree  to  it," 
Jenifer  quickly  replied:  "Then  I  advise  you  to  stay  in 
Philadelphia,  lest  you  be  hanged." 

On  Sunday,  September  9,  1787,  McHenry  looked  forward 
to  the  close  of  the  convention  in  a  letter  to  his  wife : 

"After  all  the  researches  of  ambition  and  curiosity,  it  is 
only,  my  dear  Peggy,  in  the  bosom  of  one 's  family  where  man 
is  born  to  find  real  enjoyment.  Whenever  we  suffer  ourselves 
to  be  allured  from  this  spot,  the  mind  is  dissatisfied,  till  we 
return  again  to  it.  We  may  indeed  flatter  ourselves  that  every 
thing  ought  to  be  sacrificed  to  certain  popular  objects ;  but  we 
may  also  distrust  a  philosophy  which  is  daily  contradicted  by 
lessons  of  disgrace  or  disappointment.  Home  then  possesses 
a  power  over  the  human  heart  that  is  nearly  irresistable  when 
aided  by  the  endearments  of  an  affectionate  wife  and  the 
prattle  of  a  tender  ofspring.  Still  however  it  is  true,  that  a 
home  having  these  attractions  may  be  left :  but  it  will  be  left 
with  regret,  and  soon  rejoined  with  increased  delight.  I  shall 
soon  I  hope  rejoin  this  home  as  it  is  likely  the  convention  will 


1  Doc.  Hist.   Const.,  iii,  751. 


1787-1788]  of  James  Me  Henry  107 

finish  their  business  in  about  eight  days.  In  the  meanwhile, 
I  pray  God  to  bless  my  dear  Peggy  and  our  little  ones.  Adieu 
affectionately ' ' 

The  next  Sunday  on  the  eve  of  the  convention's  final  ad 
journment  he  wrote  her: 
4 '  My  dear  Peggy. 

"  Yesterday  evening  the  plan  of  government  passed  by  an 
unanimous  vote,  and  to-morrow  we  shall  determine  the  mode 
to  promulge  it  and  then  put  an  end  to  the  existence  of  the 
convention.  This  done,  I  shall  have  nothing  to  detain  me  in 
this  place,  but  the  repartition  of  the  effects  of  the  Estate  which 
I  hope  may  be  accomplished  in  time  to  permit  me  to  make  use 
of  the  friday's  stage.  I  must  add,  however,  that  I  do  not 
expect  to  leave  this  sooner  than  f riday,  and  scarcely  then ;  but 
I  will  write  you  by  Wednesday 's  mail,  when,  perhaps,  I  may  be 
able  to  speak  with  more  certainty. ' ' 

On  Monday,  September  17,  the  engrossed  constitution 
was  read  and  slightly  amended.  "Doctor  Franklin  put  a 
paper  into  Mr.  Wilson's  hand  to  read,  containing  his  reasons 
for  assenting  to  the  constitution.  It  was  plain,  insinuating, 
persuasive,"  wrote  McHenry,  "and  in  any  event  of  the  system 
guarded  the  Doctor's  fame." 

Then  McHenry  signed  the  constitution  with  Jenifer  and 
Carroll ;  Mercer  and  Martin  refusing  to  do  so. 

The  injunction  of  secrecy  was  taken  off,  the  convention 
adjourned  sine  die,  and  the  members  dined  together  at  the  City 
Tavern.  McHenry  had  hesitated  about  signing  and  wrote  a 
justification  of  his  course  in  so  doing  in  his  note  book,  as 
follows :  ' '  Being  opposed  to  many  parts  of  the  system  I  make 
a  remark  why  I  signed  it  and  mean  to  support  it.  Istly.  I 
distrust  my  own  judgement,  especially  as  it  is  opposite  to  the 
opinion  of  a  majority  of  gentlemen  whose  abilities  and  patriot 
ism  are  of  the  first  cast;  and  as  I  have  already  frequent 
occasions  to  be  convinced  that  I  have  not  always  judged  right. 
2dly.  alterations  may  be  obtained,  it  being  provided  that  the 
concurrence  of  2-3  of  the  congress  may  at  any  time  introduce 
them.  3dly.  Comparing  the  inconveniences  and  the  evils 
wkich  we  labor  under  and  may  experience  from  the  present 
confederation,  and  the  little  good  we  can  expect  from  it,  with 
the  possible  evils  and  probable  benefits  and  advantages  prom 
ised  us  by  the  new  system,  I  am  clear  that  I  ought  to  give  it 
all  the  support  in  my  power. 

"Philada.  17,  Sept.  1787.     JAMES  McllENRY." 


108  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  vii 

On  his  return,  McHenry  was  nominated  as  one  of  Balti 
more  Town 's  two  delegates  to  the  state  ratifying  convention  : 
and  was  summoned,  with  the  other  delegates  to  Philadelphia, 
to  appear  at  Annapolis  before  the  house  of  delegates  on 
November  29  and  report  on  their  work.  Mercer  did  not  come, 
but  the  other  four  did  and  all  but  Martin  supported  the  new 
document,  though  the  speeches  of  the  three  Federalists  have 
not  been  preserved.  2  It  is  not  known  whether  McHenry 
participated  in  the  fierce  war  of  newspaper  articles  which 
followed,  but  Daniel  Carroll,  Jenifer,  and  A.  C.  Hanson  seem 
to  have  led  the  Federalists  and  McHenry  appears  to  have  taken 
rather  a  minor  part  in  the  campaign. 

At  the  election,  early  in  April,  1788,  McHenry  and  John 
Coulter,  the  Federal  candidates  from  Baltimore  Town  were 
elected,  by  votes  of  962  and  958  respectively,  to  385  and  380 
for  Samuel  Sterrett  and  Daniel  McMechen,  the  Anti-Feder 
alists.  Cries  of  fraud  were  raised  by  the  defeated  party,  but 
no  contest  was  made  in  the  convention. 

Just  before  the  state  convention  met,  Charles  Thomson, 
secretary  of  congress,  wrote  McHenry: 

"New  York  April  19.  1788. 
"Dear  Sir. 

"I  am  sorry  I  have  not  been  able  sooner  to  answer  your 


1  See  Steiner's  Md.'s  Adoption  of  the  Federal  Const.,  Am.  Hist.  Rev., 
v,  228-207.     Tench  Coxe   (Doc.  Hist.  Const,  iv,  523)   wrote  Madison  Feb 
ruary  25,  1783,  that  he  has  forwarded  Contee  a  large  packet  of  pamphlets 
sent  him  by  Judge  Hanson  who  writes  "there  is  no  doubt  in  Maryland." 

2  Doc.   Hist.   Const.,   iv,   378,    Samuel   Powell  wrote   Washington   from 
Philadelphia  on  November  13,  "In  Maryland  there  is  a  secret  opposition 
from  a  member  of  the  assembly  but  it  is  believed  that  his  politics  will 
not  succeed."     Doc.  Hist.  Const.,  iv,  396,  Madison  wrote  Jefferson  on  De 
cember  9,   that  Maryland  "has  copied"  Virginia's  example  in  "opening  a 
door   for  amendments,    if   the   Convention   there   should   chuse  to  propose 
them.   .    .  A  more  formidable  opposition  is  likely  to  be  made  In  Maryland 
than  was  at  first  conjectured.     Mr.  Mercer,  it  seems,  who  was  a  member 
of  the   convention,   though   his  attendance   was   but   for  a  short   time,   is 
become  an  auxiliary  to  Chase.     Johnson,  the  Carrolls,  Govr.  Lee  and  most 
of  the  other  characters  of  weight  are  on   the  other  side.     Mr.  T.    Stone 
died  a  little  before  the  Government  was  promulged."     Doc.   Hist.  Const., 
Iv,  408,  Jefferson  wrote  Carmichael  on  December  15,  "Maryland  is  thought 
favorable  to  it ;  yet  it  is  supposed  Chase,  &  Paca  will  oppose  it."     Doc. 
Hist.    Const.,    iv,    436,    Washington    on    January    10,    1788,    wrote    Knox, 
"Maryland   must  unquestionably,   will  adopt  it;"   and  on   the   18th  wrote 
Samuel   Powell    (Doc.    Hist.   Const.,   iv,   449)    "Of  Maryland  there  can  be 
little  doubt."     Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc.   (2nd  Series),  xvii,  484.     Daniel  Car 
roll  wrote  on   October  28,    1787,   that  Maryland  will  probably  ratify  the 
constitution  and  Johnson  has  told  him  he  is  in  favor  of  so  doing.     J.  Lee 
and  Potts  were  chosen  delegates  in  congress,  with  a  view  principally,  of 
preventing   mischief   and    forwarding   this    great    object.     Chase's    article, 
signed  "Caution,"  showed  an  adverse  disposition ;  but  he  has  bound  him 
self   to  propose  a   state  convention  and,   if  chosen  as  a  member  of  this 
body,  will  be  bound  to  ratify  the  proposed  plan,  "the  impression  in  Bal 
timore  being  so  strong  for  it." 


1787-1788]  of  James  McHenry  109 

letter  of  the  19  of  last  month.  I  happened  to  be  in  Philadel 
phia,  when  it  reached  New  York.  It  was  transmitted  to  me 
and,  when  I  received  it,  I  was  in  hopes  I  should  have  finished 
my  business  &  returned  in  a  few  days.  Therefore  I  immedi 
ately  sent  back  the  letter  which  was  enclosed  therein  to  be 
forwarded  by  the  packet  and  deferred  writing  to  you  until  I 
returned.  My  stay  was  longer  than  I  expected,  and  after  my 
return  here  I  rec  'd  your  second  letter  of  the  12  of  this  month 
and,  at  the  same  time,  an  account  of  your  election.  I  hope,  not 
withstanding  the  choice  made  by  the  counties  of  Anne  Arundel, 
Baltimore  and  Harford,  that  the  elections  *  *  *  are  such  as 
will  ensure  the  adoption  of  the  new  constitution,  for,  unless 
that  take  place,  I  confess  to  you  my  fears  for  the  safety, 
tranquility  and  happiness  of  my  country  are  greater  than  at 
any  period  of  the  late  war.  The  present  federal  government 
is  at  the  point  of  expiring.  It  cannot,  I  think,  survive  the 
present  year  and  if  it  could,  experience  must  have  convinced 
every  man  of  reflection  that  it  is  altogether  inadequate  to  the 
end  designed.  "What  remedy  then  have  we  prepared  for  the 
train  of  disastrous  events  which  must  necessarily  ensue  from 
a  dissolution  of  the  union,  what  security  for  our  independence, 
peace  &  happiness  as  a  nation  ? 

"You  ask  me  what  is  the  amount  of  the  foreign  and  do 
mestic  debt.  With  regard  to  the  foreign  debt,  I  beg  leave  to  re 
fer  you  to  the  enclosed  schedule  of  the  French  and  Dutch  loans, 
shewing  the  periods  of  their  redemption,  the  annual  interest 
payable  thereon,  &  the  instalments  stipulated  for  discharging 
the  principal.  To  this,  you  must  add  about  150,000  dollars  due 
to  Spain,  186,427  dollars  due  to  foreign  officers  also  a  million  of 
florins  which,  from  the  failure  of  the  states,  congress  were 
under  the  necessity  of  borrowing  last  year  to  defray  the 
interest  of  the  dutch  loans  &  other  demands  in  Europe.  As 
to  the  domestic  debt,  I  have  to  inform  you  that,  by  the  last 
estimate  which  the  board  of  treasury  laid  before  congress,  the 
amount  thereof,  as  then  liquidated,  is  28,340,018  dollars.  How 
much  of  this  has  been  actually  extinguished  by  the  sale  of 
western  territory,  I  cannot  certainly  say.  The  tract  which 
the  Ohio  company  have  in  view  to  purchase  is  supposed  to  be 
between  5  &  6  millions  of  acres,  but  I  believe  they  have  only 
paid  500,000  dollars.  The  residue  of  the  purchase  money  is  to 
be  paid  by  yearly  instalments  and  the  company  by  their  agree 
ment  are  at  liberty  to  confine  their  purchase  within  the  com 
pass  of  their  abilities  &  to  take  no  more  land  than  they  are  able 


110  Life  and  Correspondenc          [CHAP  vn 

to  pay  for.  The  tract  which  Symmes  has  agreed  for  is  said  to 
be  2  million  acres  &  Flint  Parker  &  Co.  have  applied  for 
the  purchase  of  3  million  acres ;  but  I  believe  neither  of  these 
have  yet  paid  any  money.  The  quantity  of  land  purchased  & 
laid  out  into  townships,  agreeably  to  the  land  ordinance,  is 
upwards  of  700,000  acres  but  of  this  there  is  only  about 
100,000  sold.  As  to  the  land  unsurveyed,  the  quantity  is 
immense  and,  in  my  opinion,  adequate  to  the  extinquishment 
of  the  whole  debt  of  the  Union,  provided  we  can  have  a  firm, 
stable  federal  government ;  but  without  this  I  am  apprehensive 
the  Union  will  derive  little  benefit  from  it.  As  to  the  amount 
of  the  duties  on  a  5  per  cent  import  &  the  expense  of  the  civil 
list  under  the  new  government,  it  is  altogether  conjectural, 
but  of  this  I  am  confident  that  the  new  government,  if  estab 
lished,  will  from  prudential  motives  encrease  the  former  and 
lessen  the  latter,  as  much  as  possible,  and  however  proper  it 
may  have  been  judged  to  vest  it  with  the  power  of  direct 
taxation,  it  will  not  proceed  to  the  exercise  of  that  power 
except  in  the  last  necessity. 

"Enclosed  I  send  you  the  first  volume  of  the  federalist 
the  second  volume  is  in  the  press  &  will,  it  is  expected  be  out 
in  the  course  of  a  week  or  two.  As  soon  as  it  is  published  I 
will  forward  it  to  you." 

On  April  21,  the  convention  met  at  Annapolis  with  a 
decided  Federal  majority  1  and,  in  spite  of  the  protests  of 
Samuel  Chase  and  William  Paca,  who  led  the  minority, 
resolved  to  adopt  the  constitution.  Amendments  to  the  con 
stitution  were  referred  to  a  committee  of  thirteen,  on  which 
McHenry  served,  and  after  considering  them,  the  committee 
voted  eight  to  five,  McHenry  being  in  the  majority,  that  there 
be  no  amendments  reported  to  the  convention,  but  that  the 
constitution  be  ratified  unconditionally  without  amendment. 
This  advice  was  accepted  and  there  was  no  danger  that  the 
cause  of  federalism  in  Virginia  should  be  injured  by  the 
recommendation  of  such  amendments,  as  McHenry  wrote  to 
Washington  he  had  feared.  2 

McHenry 's  letter,  dated  April  20,  stated  that  while  pres 
ent  appearances  in  Maryland  are  flattering,  he  thinks  that  the 

1  McHenry  came  on  April  22.     See  JeJnifer  to  Washington  April  15, 
Doc.  Hist.  Const.,  iv,  580.     Shippen  to  Jefferson  April  22,  Doc.  Hist.  Const., 
iv,   586.     Washington  to  Jenifer,  Doc.  Hist.  Const,  iv.  596.      Smallwood  to 
^President  of  Congress,  Doc.  Hist.  Const.,  iv,  604.     Griffin  to  Madison,  Doc. 
Hist.   Const.,   iv,    609. 

2  Bancroft  Hist,   of  Const,   ii,    282.     See   Nicholas's  letter   of   April    5 
to  Madison,  Doc.  Hist.  Const,  iv,  551,  and  of  May  9.     Doc.  Hist.  Const,  iv, 
«70. 


1787-1788]  of  James  McHenry  111 

adjournment  without  ratifying  the  constitution  would  be 
equivalent  to  rejection,  both  there  and  in  Virginia,  and  asked 
Washington  how  matters  were  in  Virginia  and  that  he  give  his 
sentiments,  which  may  be  useful.  Washington  replied  as 
follows : 

'Mount  Vernon  27th.  April  1788. 

"Dear  Sir, 

"Not  having  sent  to  the  Post  Office  for  several  days,  your 
favor  of  the  20th.  Inst.  did  not  get  to  my  hand  till  last  night. 
I  mention  this  circumstance  as  an  apology  for  my  not  giving 
it  an  earlier  acknowledgment. 

"As  you  are  pleased  to  ask  my  opinion  of  the  conse 
quences  of  an  adjournment  of  your  Convention  until  the 
meeting  of  ours,  I  shall,  tho '  I  have  meddled  very  little  in  this 
political  controversy — (less  perhaps  than  a  man  so  thor 
oughly  persuaded  as  I  am  of  the  evils  &  confusions  which  will 
result  from  the  rejection  of  the  proposed  Constitution  ought 
to  have  done)  — give  it  as  my  sincere  and  decided  opinion, 
that,  a  postponement  of  the  question  would  be  Tantamount 
to  the  final  rejection  of  it  —  that  the  adversaries  to  the  plan 
consider  it  in  this  light,  —  and  for  this  purpose  are  using 
every  endeavour  to  effect  it.  To  advance  arguments  in  support 
of  this  opinion  is  as  unnecessary  as  they  would  be  prolix. 
They  are  obvious  —  and  will  occur  to  you  upon  a  moment's 
reflection. 

"Though  the  period  to  which  the  adjournment  in  New 
Hampshire  was  fixed,  had  no  respect  to  the  meeting  of  the 
Convention  in  this  State,  but  was  the  effect,  solely,  of  its  own 
local  circumstances,  yet,  the  opposition  here  ascribe  it  wholly  to 
complaisance  towards  Virginia  —  make  great  use  of  it  —  and 
undertake  to  pronounce  that  all  the  succeeding  determinations, 
preceeding  hers,  will  be  similar  thereto ;  —  of  course  that  those 
which  are  to  follow  will  take  the  tone  from  it.  Should  Mary 
land  fulfil  this  prognostic,  So.  Carolina  may  indeed  be  stag 
gered,  and  the  prediction  with  respect  to  the  rejection  of  the 
Constitution,  be  realized ;  for  the  assertion,  so  far  as  it  applies 
to  No.  Carolina,  I  believe  is  well  founded ;  and  it  is  well  known 
that  the  opposition  in  New  York  would  catch  at  straws,  if 
they  would  subserve  their  purpose  by  it. 

"The  sentiments  of  the  Western  (or  Kentucky)  districts 
of  this  State  are  not  yet  brought  to  my  view. 

"Independently  thereof  the  majority,  so  far  as  the  opin 
ions  of  the  delegates  are  known,  or  presumed,  is  in  favor  of 


112  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  vn 

the  adoption,  and  this  spirit,  according  to  my  information,  is 
increasing,  —  but  as  the  parties,  by  report,  are  pretty  equally 
poized,  a  small  matter  cast  into  either  scale,  may  give  it  the 
preponderancy.  Decision,  or  indecision  then,  with  you,  in 
my  opinion,  will  determine  the  fate  of  the  Constitution,  and 
with  it,  whether  peace  &  happiness,  or  discord  &  confusion,  is 
to  be  our  lott.  The  federalists  here  see  &  deprecate  the  conse 
quences  of  indecision  with  you  —  their  opposers,  seeing  that  it 
is  the  dernier  resort,  are  using  all  their  endeavours  to  effect 
it.  Thus  stands  the  matter  in  my  eye.  With  very  great 
esteem  &  regard 

"I  am  Dear  Sir 

"Yr.  Most  Obedt  &  Affect  Servt. 
"Go.  WASHINGTON" 

On  this  letter  is  endorsed  in  McHenry  's  handwriting : 
' '  The  Maryland  convention  should  not  postpone  its  action 
on  the  qu.  of  Adoption  of  the  new  Constitu.  until 
learning  the  decision  of  Virginia. ' ' 1 

Again  on  May  8,  Washington  wrote,  "I  congratulate  you 
on  the  happy  decision  of  your  convention;  having  no  doubt 
of  its  weight  on  those  States  which  are  to  follow. ' '  Ten  days 
later,  McHenry  answered,2  "You  will  have  concluded  from 
the  address  of  our  minority  that  the  convention  was  a  little  em 
barrassed  on  the  subject  of  amendments.  A  very  good  friend 
of  yours,  for  whom  I  have  the  greatest  respect  (i.  e.  Thomas 
Johnson,)  brought  us  into  the  difficulty  &  we  were  obliged 
to  leave  him  to  get  out.  The  amendments  were  intended  to 
injure  the  cause  of  federalism  in  your  State  &,  had  we  agreed 
to  them,  they  were  well  calculated  to  effect  it."  McHenry 
wrote  Madison  3  on  June  17  that  he  sends  "authentic  inform 
ation  respecting  the  present  state  of  the  opposition  to  the 
Constitution  in  Pennsylvania,"  in  the  shape  of  a  letter  from 
the  chief  justice  and  a  certificate  from  the  clerk  of  the  general 
assembly.  "I  find  the  same  misrepresentations  have  been 
played  upon  the  uninformed  with  you  which  was  practised 
with  us."  He  hoped  soon  to  hear  the  "desirable  news"  that 
Virginia  had  adopted  the  constitution.  On  July  27,  McHenry 
wrote  Washington  again:  "It  is  whispered  here  that  some 
leading  characters  among  you  have  by  no  means,  dropped 

1  Printed  in  Doc.  Hisf.  Const.,  iv,  594.     See  also  Washington  to  Lin 
coln  May  2,  Doc.  Hist.  Const.,  iv,  606,  and  to  Madison  of  same  date.  Doc. 
Hist.  Const,  iv,  607,  and  to  Morris  of  same  date,  Doc.  Hist.  Const.,  iv,  60o. 

2  Doc.    Hist.    Const.,   iv,    618. 

3  Doc.    Hist.    Const.,    iv,    707. 


1787-1788]  of  James  McHenry  113 

their  resentment  to  the  new  constitution,  but  have  determined 
on  some  secret  plan  to  suspend  the  proper  organization  of  the 
government,  or  to  defeat  it  altogether.  Have  you  heard  of 
this  ? ' '  Anti-federalists  must  be  kept  out  of  the  legislature.  l 
Four  days  later,  Washington  answered  2  that  he  feels  deeply 
the  great  importance  of  selecting  proper  members  for  the  first 
congress  and  hopes  the  "Omnipotent  Being"  will  not  yield 
the  United  States  a  "prey  to  anarchy  or  despotism."  Going 
little  from  home,  he  has  no  news,  but  fears  the  Anti-federalists 
may  make  combinations  to  change  the  constitution.  By  this 
time,  nine  states  had  ratified  and  it  was  certain  that  the  con 
stitution  would  go  into  effect.  In  this  connection,  it  is  inter 
esting  to  note  that  J.  B.  Cutting  wrote  to  Jefferson  ?>  on  July 
11,  "a  superficial  examination  of  the  liberal  and  patriotic 
convention  of  Maryland  would  lead  to  the  thought  that  the 
objections  of  the  minority  were  treated  with  too  much  levity 
and  even  disdain,  but  minute  scrutiny  disproves  this.  The 
opposition  to  a  thorough  reform  of  the  federal  government 
began  in  Maryland,  even  before  the  Philadelphia  convention. 
So  far  did  Luther  Martin  proceed  in  his  avowed  hostility  as 
even  to  detail,  in  the  face  of  decency,  before  the  assembled 
legislature  of  Maryland,  the  petty  dialogues  and  paltry  anec 
dotes  of  every  description  that  came  to  his  knowledge  in 
conventional  committees  and  private  conversations  with  the 
respective  members  of  the  convention  in  Philadelphia.  So 
when  the  convention  at  Annapolis  met,  whatever  proposition 
came  from  Messrs.  Chase,  Paca,  Martin,  or  Mercer  was 
received  with  jealousy  or  disgust  and  generally  rejected  by 
a  great  majority."4 

1  Doc.   Hist.   Const.,  iv,  821. 

2  Doc.   Hist.   Const.,   iv,   827. 

3  Doc.  Hist.  Const,  iv,  770. 

4  On    October    10,    178S,    Thomas    Johnson    wrote    "Washington   of   his 
own  position  in  the  Annapolis  convention,  that  he  does  not  "recollect  any 
conduct  of  mine  which  can  be  called  active  to  bring  about  amendments. 
I  was  not  well  pleased  at  the  manner  of  our  breaking  up.     I  thought  it 
to  our  discredit  and  should  be  better  pleased  with  the  constitution  with 
some  alterations,  but  I  am  very  far  from  wishing  all  that  were  proposed 
to  take  place."     As  a  faithful  friend  of  Washington,  he  says  the  United 
States  need  his  further  services.     "We  cannot,   sir,   do  without  you  and 
I  and  one  thousand  more  can  explain  to  everybody  but  yourself,  why  wg 
cannot  do  without  you."     On  the  Maryland  ratifying  convention,  see  also 
Jefferson's  letter  to  Dumas  of  May  15,   Doc.   Hist.  Const.,  iv,   614.     Car 
roll   to  Madison,   May   28,   Doc.   Hist.   Const.,   iv,   636.     Brooke  to   Stuart, 
July  10,  Doc.  Hist.  Const.,  iv,  769. 


CHAPTEK 

MEMBER  OP  THE  HOUSE  OF  DELEGATES 

IN  the  autumn  of  1788,  McHenry  was  nominated  with  John 
Coulter  by  the  Federalists  of  Baltimore  town  for  mem 
bership  in  the  house  of  delegates  and  was  elected,  af 
ter  an  exciting  campaign.  The  opposition  candidates  were 
Samuel  Chase  and  David  McMechen,  who  issued  a  broadside 
on  October  3,  attacking  McHenry  for  refusing  to  permit  the 
state  convention  to  submit  amendments  to  the  federal  con 
stitution  and  for  refusing  with  Coulter  to  make  proper  ar 
rangements  for  voting  in  the  election. 1  The  Federalists,  on 
the  other  hand,  scattered  handbills,  threatening  to  publish  the 
names  of  those  who  voted  in  the  opposition,  as  enemies  to  the 
new  federal  government.  The  election  occurred  from  October 
6  to  10  and  resulted  in  the  election  of  McHenry  and  Coulter, 
who  received  635  and  622  votes  respectively,  while  Chase's 
vote  was  only  505  and  McMechen 's  494.  On  the  first  day 
of  the  election,  the  Federalists  paraded  through  the  town, 
carrying  a  ship  and  a  pilot  boat,  with  drums  beating,  fifes 
playing  and  colors  flying.  The  ' '  respectable  characters, ' '  aid 
ed  by  some  non-voters,  took  possession  of  the  polls  and  all 
access  to  the  hustings  depended  upon  their  pleasure.  On  the 
second  day,  the  Anti-Federalists  did  the  same,  but  were  forced 
from  their  position  by  violence. 

When  the  assembly  met  on  November  4,  a  petition  was 
presented,  praying  that  the  election  be  declared  void  for  acts 
of  violence  committed  and  threats  used  by  the  Federalists  to 
elect  their  candidates.  The  Anti-Federalists  also  complained 
of  a  large  sum  of  money  subscribed,  by  one  of  the  successful 
candidates,  to  the  Federal  campaign  fund.  On  November  6, 
the  house  voted  2  to  read  the  petition  for  a  second  time  on 
the  14th,  and  gave  notice  that  the  parties  should  call  wit 
nesses.  A  vote  was  also  passed  that  the  contestants  need  not 

1  Scharf  s  Baltimore  City  and  County,  116. 

2  The  vote  was  31  to  24.     The  house  voted  35  to  20    (McHenry  and 
Coulter  did  not  vote)   that  the  contestees  should  not  vote  on  any  question 
Concerning  the  contest. 


1778-1790]  of  James  McHenry  115 

specify  with  certainty  and  under  specific  heads  the  particu 
lar  facts  they  meant  to  prove  in  support  of  their  petition. 1 
On  the  14th,  McHenry  and  Coulter  agreed  to  bear  the  ex 
penses  of  the  contest  and  the  hearing  began.  It  continued 
until  the  21st  and  was  then  postponed  until  the  25th,  when 
it  seems  to  have  been  dropped. 2  On  the  20th,  the  house 
voted  that  Charles  Myers  was  a  competent  witness,  though 
he  had  bet  a  beaver  hat  that  Chase  would  defeat  McHenry 
and  another  that  McMeehen  would  defeat  Coulter. 3 

McHenry  seems  to  have  been  particularly  active  during 
this  session.  He  was  chairman  of  a  committee  to  consider  an 
application  for  a  patent,  and  served  also  on  committees  on 
divorce  and  corporations. 4 

The  new  relations  of  the  state  to  the  federal  govern 
ment  demanded  attention,  and  when  the  assembly  had  elected 
John  Eager  Howard  governor,  after  Thomas  Johnson  had 
declined  to  return  to  that  office,  they  took  up  the  method  of 
electing  congressmen.  The  committee,  to  which  the  matter 
was  referred,  recommended  that  the  state  be  divided  into  two 
districts:  the  "Western  Shore  to  elect  four  members  and  the 
Eastern  Shore  two,  but  the  final  decision  was  to  divide  the 
state  into  six  districts,  each  to  choose  one  member,  while  the 
presidential  electors  were  apportioned,  five  to  the  Western 
Shore  and  three  to  the  Eastern.  On  December  3,  the  house 
resolved  to  take  the  oath  to  support  the  federal  constitution 
and,  on  the  8th,  they  ballotted  for  United  States  senators. 
John  Henry,  George  Gale,  Uriah  Forrest,  and  Charles  Carroll 
of  Carrollton  were  nominated  and  all  received  forty-one  votes, 
save  Carroll  who  received  forty.  The  house  of  delegates 
refused  to  accept  the  proposition  of  the  senate  and  elect  one 
from  each  shore.  On  the  second  ballot,  Henry  received  one 
more  vote  and  was  chosen.  On  the  10th,  Carroll  was  elected 
as  the  second  senator,  receiving  forty-two  votes  to  thirty-nine 
for  Forrest.  On  the  19th,  the  assembly  voted  to  petition  con 
gress  for  amendments  to  the  constitution  and,  on  the  22nd, 
came  the  final  adjournment. 

After  Washington's  election  to  the  presidency,  McHenry 

1  The  vote  on  this  was  29  to  26. 

2  On  December  20,   1789,  the  house  of  delegates  voted  that  the  costs 
of  this  contest,  £61.9,  should  be  paid  by  the  parties. 

3  McHenry's   opponents    published    a    boardside,     claiming    that    the 
subscribers   to   a  purse   to   defend  his   election,   whom  they   named,   were 
men  who  had  been  Tories  or  who  had  come  from  the  British  Isles  and 
been  naturalized   since  the  Revolution,  and  that  some  of  them  had  been 
naturalized  "during  the  election. 

4  He  has  leave  of  absence  on  November  7  and  21. 


116  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  vin 

wrote  him  on  March  29,  inviting  him  to  visit  him  on  his  way 
to  New  York  and  saying:  "Though  I  may  be  among  the 
last  in  congratulating  my  dear  general,  upon  his  elevation 
to  a  rank  which  few  men  are  born  to  enjoy  and  still  fewer 
deserve,  yet  I  am  persuaded  you  will  believe  that  I  feel  as 
much  sincere  joy  on  the  occasion,  as  those  who  may  have 
been  earlier  in  their  demonstrations.  You  are  now  a  King 
under  a  different  name  and  I  am  well  satisfied  that  sovereign 
prerogatives  have  in  no  age  or  country  been  more  honorably 
obtained,  or  that  at  any  time  will  they  be  more  prudently 
and  wisely  exercised.  This  expectation  excites  in  every  bosom 
the  finest  sensations  and  I  am  sure  had  a  secret  and  powerful 
influence  in  disposing  the  minds  of  the  people  to  embrace  the 
new  constitution.  That  you  may  reign  long  and  happy  over 
us  and  never  for  a  moment  cease  to  be  the  public  favorite 
is  a  wish  that  I  can  truly  say  is  congenial  to  my  heart. 
Please  visit  me  enroute  to  New  York."  Washington  an 
swered  as  follows: 

"  Mount  Vernon  April  1st.  1789. 
"Dear  Sir, 

"With  a  heart  duly  impressed  with  a  sense  of  the  kind 
invitation  you  have  been  pleased  to  give  me  to  your  House, 
I  received  your  favor  of  the  29th.  ult,  and  pray  you  to  accept 
my  thanks  for  this  further  testimony  of  your  polite  atten 
tion  to  me;  but  at  the  same  time  I  offer  you  this  tribute  of 
my  gratitude,  I  must  beg  your  excuse  for  not  complying  with 
the  request.  For,  however  pleasing  it  might  be  to  me,  on  any 
other  occasion,  to  render  this  proof  of  my  regard  for  you, 
I  cannot  consistently  with  my  ideas  of  propriety  (under  the 
existing  circumstances)  consent  to  give  so  much  trouble  to  a 
private  family.  The  party  that  may  possibly  attend  me  — 
the  crowd  that  always  gathers  on  novel  occasions  —  and  the 
compliment  of  visiting  (which  some  may  incline  to  pay  a  new 
character)  all  contribute  to  render  a  public  house  the  fittest 
place  for  scenes  of  bustle  &  trouble. 

"Mrs  Washington  joins  me  in  compliments  &  best  wishes, 
and  with  sentiments  of  very  great  esteem  &  regard  I  remain 
"Dear  Sir 

"Yr.  Most  Obedient  and 
Affect  Hble  Servt. 
"Go.  WASHINGTON." 

Quite  fittingly  we  find  McHenry  at  the  head  of  the  com- 


1788-1790]  of  James  Me  Henry  117 

mittee  which  prepared  an  address  to  Washington  l  on  April 
17.  On  the  8th,  his  brother-in-law,  John  Caldwell,  had  writ 
ten  him  from  Philadelphia,  asking  that  McHenry  recom 
mend  him  for  a  position  under  the  new  government,  and  say 
ing: 

"The  stage  has  this  moment  passed  my  window  from 
New  York.  I  run  to  hear  the  news  —  am  told  that  Secre 
tary  Thomson  is  on  his  way  to  escort  his  most  serene  High 
ness  (a  title  our  Ch.  judge  has  fixed  on  for  the  President 
General)  but  who  will  always  be  better  known  by  the  name 
of  General  Washington  —  an  endearing  name  —  which  always 
recalls  the  remembrance  of  his  services  and  is  generally  re 
ceived  as  tantamount  to  Saviour  of  his  Country.  Mr.  Thom 
son  comes  in  the  state  coach  —  which  crossed  the  ferry  from 
New  York  on  Monday  afternoon  —  and  for  the  sake  of  dis 
patch  —  will  be  drawn  on  by  post  horses  supplied  at  the  dif 
ferent  stages  —  for  which  arrangements  are  made.  So  that 
in  all  probability  he  may  be  here  at  this  moment  —  and  will 
no  doubt  be  moved  immediately  forward  —  this  I  hope  he 
will  honour  with  his  conveyance  —  and  a  moment  may  lose 
the  opportunity. 

"On  monday  (a  passenger  in  the  stage  from  whom  my 
information  comes)  tells  me  —  the  returns  were  opened. 
The  votes  were  for  General  Washington  unanimous  —  and 
for  John  Adams  a  large  majority.  I  understood  a  kind  of 
declaration  had  taken  place  of  the  former  as  President  — 
the  latter  as  V.  President." 

McHenry  was  ill  in  June  and  writing  of  his  recovery  to 
Washington,  on  the  28th,  urged  him  to  keep  old  Dr.  Craik 
near  him,  as  McHenry  has  been  alarmed  by  accounts  of  Wash 
ington's  illness,  and  stated  that  he  expects  soon  to  leave  Bal 
timore  for  the  Sweet  Springs  with  his  brother,  who  engrosses 
much  of  his  time.  Washington  answered  on  July  3,  describ 
ing  his  illness,  praising  Dr.  Bard,  who  had  attended  him,  and 
expressing  hopes  that  McHenry 's  trip  to  the  Sweet  Springs 
might  be  the  means  of  restoring  his  brother  to  health.  -  These 
hopes  were  vain,  but  the  excursion  to  the  Sweet  Springs 
gives  us  some  interesting  letters  to  Mrs.  McHenry,  who  re 
mained  in  Baltimore  with  an  infant  daughter,  while  her  hus- 


1  Scharf's  Chron.  of  Baltimore,   273. 

2  Ford,  xi,  401 ;   Sparks,  x,   12.     He  wrote  also  on  June  12,  probably 
Just  before  his  illness,  asking  Washington  to  visit  him  and  enclosing  an 
address  to  the  president. 


118  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  vin 

band  took  with  him  the  son  Daniel,  who  had  been  ailing. 
From  Staunton,  McHenry  wrote  her  on  July  17 : 
"My  dear  Peggy. 

"I  am  now  at  Staunton  where  we  arrived  yesterday  eve 
ning.  It  is  about  200  miles  from  Baltimore  and  95  from  the 
Sweet  Springs.  We  shall  rest  here  two  days.  Here  is  some 
company  from  Virginia  on  their  way  to  the  waters.  My 
brother  continues  near  as  he  was  when  I  left  home,  I  am  in 
good  health  and  Daniel  much  better. 

"We  came  from  Winchester  hither  in  three  days.  The 
first  night  we  slept  in  Millerstown,  at  Crookshank's  tavern, 
where  we  had  good  beds  and  tolerable  coffee:  the  second 
night,  at  a  kind  of  private  house,  one  David  Harned's  where 
we  had  indifferent  beds  and  bad  coffee:  but  the  horses  had 
fine  hay  and  good  oats.  The  road  in  some  places  is  rocky, 
mountainous,  and  dreadfully  rugged;  but  in  general  very 
good.  The  second  day  we  drove  40  miles  and  could  have 
easily  driven  fifty.  When  you  get  within  a  few  miles  of 
Staunton  the  country  rises  into  high  mountains.  Staunton 
is  placed  in  the  midst  of  a  body  of  them. 

"This  town  which  contains  about  120  houses  (all  framed 
except  a  few  of  stone)  is  remarkable  for  two  things.  1st,  a 
tavern,  kept  by  one  Hiershell,  equal  in  many  respects  to  Mr. 
Grant's,  where  we  lodge.  It  is  chiefly  of  stone,  two  story 
high,  and  85  feet  front.  2dly.  Every  house  has  more  or 
less  of  a  garden,  and  every  garden  a  small  stream  of  water 
running  through  it,  which  has  its  course  in  one  of  the  neigh 
bouring  mountains.  The  air,  in  addition  to  this  charming  cir 
cumstance,  seems  fine  and  highly  salubrious;  not  notwith 
standing  all  this,  I  would  not  choose  it  for  my  residence.  I 
am  in  love  with  other  scenes,  and  other  prospects:  and  that 
I  suppose  is  enough  to  prejudice  me  against,  the  mountains, 
groves,  vallies,  and  waters  of  Staunton,  though  they  frolic  in 
abundance  of  bewitching  forms. 

"I  thought  you  would  be  glad  to  learn  thus  much  of  our 
progress,  and  Mrs.  Shield's,  who  is  on  her  return  from  Ken- 
tucke  to  Philadelphia,  affords  me  an  opportunity  to  Win 
chester:  whence  this  will  be  forwarded  to  Alexandria  and 
thence  by  the  regular  mail  to  Baltimore. 

"Adieu  my  dear  Peggy,  the  keeper  and  dispenser  of  all 
my  affections" 


1788-1790]  of  James  McHcnry  119 

Six  days  later  another  letter  was  sent  on  Thursday,  July 
23,  1789,  from  "Warm  Springs  —  Lewis's  house": 
"My  dear  Peggy. 

"My  last  to  you  was  from  Staunton  which  I  put  into 
the  hands  of  Col.  Knox  who  was  on  his  way  to  Baltimore. 
The  day  after  we  recommenced  our  journey  to  this  place. 
The  roads  very  bad:  the  entertainment  tolerable.  Venison 
very  common  and  very  good,  the  last  four  miles  of  the  road 
thither  is  over  the  highest  mountain  we  have  yet  crossed. 
Long  before  we  gained  the  most  elevated  part  of  it  where  the 
road  runs,  which  is  a  considerable  distance  from  its  summit, 
we  had  a  very  interesting  view  of  the  subjacent  world.  Far 
below  us,  for  an  immense  extent,  lay  an  infinity  of  mountains, 
each  of  them  an  Alp ;  with  corresponding,  deep,  and  irrigu- 
ous  vallies ;  the  whole  forming  a  prospect  astonishingly  great 
and  sublime.  The  sun  shone  upon  the  rocks,  mountains,  and 
trees,  which  affords  a  variety  of  intermingled  shades  and  ren 
dered  the  scenery  more  picturesque  and  animated.  The  de 
scent  in  some  places  is  rather  rapid,  and  somewhat  danger 
ous,  owing  to  the  badness  of  the  road,  which  is  much  cut, 
shelving,  and  only  wide  enough  for  one  carriage. 

"Notwithstanding  it  was  hardly  possible  to  deviate  from 
the  right  road,  yet  from  the  length  of  time  it  took  us  to 
travel  the  last  six  miles,  we  were  almost  certain  we  had  some 
how  or  other  got  out  of  our  course.  About  six  miles  from 
the  springs  we  had  an  opportunity  of  inquiring  the  distance 
which  we  were  informed  of,  and  also  that  the  road  was  very 
good.  By  our  calculation  we  had  travelled  nine  miles,  & 
most  of  it  over  bad  road.  At  length,  however,  late  in  the 
evening,  we  reached  the  bottom  of  the  mountain,  and  were 
agreeably  surprised  to  find  ourselves  at  the  warm  springs. 

' '  These  springs  are  a  great  curiosity.  The  water  is  about 
blood  hot  (96  degrees)  and  bathing  is  a  very  great  luxury. 
It  is  said  to  contain  sulphur.  A  large  quantity  of  air  is 
continually  rising  from  the  bottom  in  bubbles  and  the  vapor 
has  a  sulphurous  smell.  The  bath  is  an  octagonal  inclosure 
of  stone,  about  eight  or  ten  feet  high,  open  at  top,  and  132 
feet  in  circumference.  Its  depth  between  three  and  four  feet. 
The  body  of  water  it  discharges  forms  a  stream  capable  of 
turning  the  largest  mill.  Trees  flourish  round  the  spring, 
the  cattle  drink  of  its  water,  and  it  fertilizes  some  excellent 
medow  ground  through  which  it  runs. 

"We  bath  in  it  twice  a  day.     The  first  time  Daniel  went 


120  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  vin 

into  it  very  reluctantly;  and  now  he  leaves  it  with  as  much 
reluctance,  and  goes  to  it  with  pleasure.  I  think  it  has  been 
serviceable  to  his  complaint;  but  my  brother  has  received  no 
seeming  benefit  from  it.  We  propose  two  days  longer  stay, 
and  then  try  the  Sweet  Springs,  which  is  forty  three  miles 
from  this  place. 

"The  company  here  is  a  Mrs.  Dunbar  of  this  state,  with 
her  daughter  a  Mrs.  Banister,  a  young  handsome  wealthy 
widow,  and  a  Mr.  Skipwith,  a  suitor  I  imagine  of  the  latter. 

"My  brother  has  not  been  so  well  yesterday  and  to-day 
as  heretofore.  He  presents  his  respects  to  you  and  Miss  Cald- 
well.  Adieu  my  dear  Peggy. 

"Yours  affectionately 

"JAMES  Me  HENRY" 

From  the  Warm  Springs  the  party  went  on  to  the  Sweet 
Springs,  where  they  remained  several  weeks  and  whence  Mc- 
Henry  wrote  his  wife  on  September  7,  1789: 
"My  dear  Peggy. 

"Mrs.  Perry  died  on  Sunday  morning,  and  was  intered 
yesterday  afternoon.  She  Avas  thought  to ,  be  somewhat  bet 
ter  on  her  arrival;  but  a  few  days  shewed  the  fallacy  of 
hopes  founded  on  a  strong  expectation  of  the  benefit  from 
the  waters.  Perhaps  the  experiment  was  too  long  delayed; 
or  perhaps  it  would  not  at  any  time  have  proved  successful. 
Why  are  we  so  anxious  for  life?  In  one  point  of  view  it 
hardly  seems  to  be  worth  the  trouble  we  take  to  preserve  it. 
Give  to  man  the  most  extensive  acquaintance  and  exalted 
virtues,  yet  how  seldom  does  he  leave  behind  him  a  friend  to 
lament  his  loss  or  remember  him  when  he  is  forgotten  by  the 
rest  of  the  world. 

"The  burying  ground  is  at  a  little  distance  from  the 
springs,  on  the  summit  of  a  hill  which  is  covered  with  large 
and  shady  oaks.  I  counted  eleven  graves,  some  inclosed  with 
a  kind  of  pailing,  and  the  rest  with  large  logs  of  timber,  said 
to  be  intended  as  a  security  against  wolves.  I  could  not  con 
template  the  remains  of  the  dead  quietly  resting  in  these  rude 
impalements  without  a  few  mournful  emotions,  arising  from 
the  reflection  that  all  of  them  must  have  closed  the  last  hours 
of  life,  far  from  any  domestic  comforts,  and,  most  of  them, 
perhaps,  without  the  last  kind  offices  of  kindred  attention. 
There  is  neither  stone  or  monumental  inscription  to  be  seen 
to  tell  any  thing  respecting  the  dead. 


1788-1790]  of  James  McHenry  121 

"When  you  leave  this  melancholly  ground  and  get  about 
half  way  down  the  hill  you  have  rather  an  agreeable  prospect, 
made  up  of  intermingled  huts  and  trees,  The  Sweet  Springs, 
a  mess  house,  a  dwelling  house,  and  a  corn  field  lay  below  you, 
while  the  mountains  rise  amphitheatre  like  in  a  pleasing  man 
ner,  chiefly  covered  with  trees,  but  without  either  house,  cul 
tivated  spot  or  plantation  to  relieve  the  eye. 

' '  To-morrow  we  propose  setting  out,  notwithstanding  my 
brother's  state  of  health  is  but  little  different  from  what  it 
was  when  I  last  wrrote  you.  The  fear  of  being  locked  up  in 
this  place  during  the  winter  is  one  motive  which  puts  him  in 
motion:  and  the  convenience  of  the  stage  waggon  Mr.  Perry 
came  in  another.  Mr.  Perry  is  to  ride  with  me,  and  Jack  can 
lay  at  full  length  in  the  waggon.  We  may  not  however  set 
out  to-morrow  as  there  are  strong  symptoms  of  bad  weather. 
Should  it  rain  we  shall  remain  here  till  it  settles.  It  will  be 
a  long  and  tedious  journey  in  all  probability. 

"Adieu  my  dear  Peggy;  and  may  God  grant  us  a  happy 
meeting. ' ' 

During  the  return  journey  McHenry  wrote  from  Staun- 
ton  on  the  26th  of  September,  1789. 
"My  dear  Peggy. 

"Mrs.  Pratt  is  to  leave  this  town  to-morrow,  which  re 
minds  me  of  my  promise  to  give  you  some  account  of  the 
Falling  Springs. 

"I  went  from  Mr.  Morris's  on  the  12  Sept.  to  visit  this 
remarkable  curiosity.  It  is  in  Augusta  county  about  six  miles 
south  of  Morris's.  After  riding  about  four  miles  we  en 
tered  the  Falling  Spring  valley  where  we  were  entertained 
with  innumerable  little  water  falls  till  we  came  in  view  of  the 
object  of  our  visit. 

"I  cannot  give  you  an  adequate  idea  of  this  great  work 
of  nature.  To  describe  it  correctly  one  must  see  it  more  than 
once,  and  be  provided  with  an  apparatus  to  ascertain  heights 
and  distances.  Mr.  Jefferson  l  estimates  the  altitude  of  the 
rock  from  which  the  water  falls  at  two  hundred  feet.  It  did 
not  strike  me  as  so  high  by  fifty  feet.  He  speaks  also  as  if 
the  water  fell  only  from  one  part  of  the  rock,  whereas  it 
precipitates  from  five  different  places,  each  fall  being  dis 
tinct  from,  and  at  a  considerable  distance  from  the  other. 

"We  took  our  stand  between  the  first  and  second  cat- 


1  See  Jefferson's  Notes  on  Virginia,  Query  5   (ed.  1801,  p.  30). 


122  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  vm 

aract.  The  former  hurried  over  the  lowest  part  of  the  rock, 
and  dashed  down  an  irregular  and  shelving  surface  with  con 
siderable  noise  and  impetuosity :  but  though  composed  of  the 
largest  sheet  of  water  it  was  by  no  means  the  most  striking. 
The  second  certainly  engaged  more  of  our  attention.  It  pre 
cipitated  itself  in  the  air  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  feet 
above  us  from  the  loftiest  part  of  an  almost  perpendicular 
rock,  in  five  or  six  spouts,  which  suddenly  uniting  formed  a 
thin  broad  sheet  of  water  that  descended  in  a  beautiful  man 
ner,  till  it  reached  half  way  down,  when  it  dashed  against  the 
smooth  surface  of  the  rock,  and  separated  into  millions  of 
drops  that  fell  to  the  bottom  in  a  kind  of  close  heavy  rain. 
This  is  a  most  lively  an  interesting  spectacle.  We  contem 
plated  it  with  admiration  and  thought  nature  had  finished 
her  work,  when  moving  on  a  little  further  round  a  bend  of 
the  rock,  we  discovered  three  other  cascades,  the  most  remote 
of  which  was  just  visible  through  the  intervening  rocks  and 
trees. 

"This  exhibition  far  exceeded  the  first  in  variety  and 
grandieur  of  expression.  I  do  not  think  either  of  these  falls 
discharged  more  water  than  any  of  those  we  had  just  turned 
from:  but  their  different  sheets  were  so  disposed  as  to  shew 
each  other  to  more  advantage ;  this  part  of  the  mountain  too 
was  more  diversified,  and  the  shrouded  cataract  almost  con 
cealed  by  huge  pieces  of  rock  and  fallen  trees  accumuiated  and 
congregated  in  a  kind  of  horrid  wildness ;  whilst  the  two  moun 
tains  which  formed  the  valley  approaching  each  other  seemed 
to  close  the  scene  by  forbidding  further  investigation. 

"There  we  remained  for  some  time,  alternately  contem 
plating  the  stupendous  descent  of  the  water,  &  its  various  ap 
pearances,  from  its  first  shewing  itself  over  the  mountain  till 
lost  among  the  fragments  of  rocks  beneath.  The  whole,  with 
the  face  of  the  valley,  formed  a  most  animated  and  interesting 
scene ;  and  yet  the  father  of  our  guide,  Mr.  Morris,  has  resided 
twenty  five  years  within  six  miles  of  the  falls,  has  been  above 
a  hundred  times  within  half  a  mile  of  them,  without  having 
seen  them.  I  asked  him  on  my  return  how  he  would  like  to 
see  this  circumstance  mentioned  in  a  book.  I  should  be  indif 
ferent  about  it,  he  replied,  as  it  could  only  mean  that  I  was  a 
person  of  litle  curiosity. 

"The  spring  that  Supplies  these  cataracts  rises  about  % 
of  a  mile  from  the  summit  of  the  mountain.  The  land  through 
which  it  runs  belongs  to  a  Major  Massie  whom  I  since  met  at 


1788-1790]  of  James  McHenry  123 

the  warm  springs.  This  gentleman  told  me  that  twenty  years 
ago  Dr.  Bland  had  forced  a  kind  of  promise  from  him  to  throw 
the  several  branches  of  the  stream  into  one,  for  the  purpose  of 
increasing  the  cataract.  In  my  opinion  it  is  more  interesting 
as  it  is;  and  Major  Massie  being  of  the  same  opinion  has 
thought  proper  to  defer  the  execution  of  his  promise,  which 
he  says  was  only  given  to  get  rid  of  the  Doctor  's  importunity. 
"My  brother  is  better.  We  shall  leave  this  in  all  prob 
ability  on  Wednesday  next.  We  have  new  wheels  to  get  to 
our  carriage  and  my  brother  wants  a  little  more  strength  to 
enable  him  to  make  the  next  hundred  miles.  Daniel  is  well, 
and  your  affectionate 

"JAMES 


In  the  autumn,  McHenry  was  re-elected  to  the  house  of 
delegates,  Samuel  Sterrett  being  associated  with  him.  Shortly 
after  the  election,  McHenry  wrote  Hamilton,  1  stating  that  he 
feared  the  majority  of  the  house  would  be  Anti-Federalist.  He 
rejoiced  in  everything  that  could  add  to  Hamilton's  fame  or 
fortune  and  congratulated  him  on  his  appointment  as  secre 
tary  of  the  treasury:  "Your  office  is  vastly  important  and 
you  are  worthy  of  it  and,  what  is  more,  equal  to  its  duties, 
but,  at  the  same  time,  it  is  extremely  hazardous."  McHenry 
still  had  thoughts  of  a  diplomatic  career  and  added  :  "I  asked 
appointments  for  some  honest  but  poor  federals  of  this  place 
and  the  President  has  been  very  attentive  to  my  recommenda 
tions.  I  asked  nothing  for  myself;  because,  in  fact,  I  am 
very  easy  in  my  circumstances.  Still,  however,  I  am  not  wholly 
lost  to  ambition  and  would  have  no  objections  to  a  situation, 
where  I  might  indulge  and  improve,  at  the  same  time,  my 
literary  propensities,  with  perhaps  some  advantages  to  the 
public.  Will  you,  therefore,  be  good  enough  to  feel  (if  a 
resident  or  even  charge  des  affaires  is  to  be  appointed  to  Lon 
don  or  France)  whether  the  President  has  thought  of  me  or 
would,  in  such  a  case,  nominate  me.  I  wish  you  to  do  this  for 
me,  as  a  thing  springing  wholly  from  yourself  and  to  write  me 
freely  on  the  subject  at  some  convenient  moment." 

On  November  14,  McHenry  wrote  Washington  from  An 
napolis:  "You  have  created  a  new  fountain  of  blessings. 
In  your  nominations  and  appointments,  you  have  had  respect 
to  want  and  wretchedness,  where  united  with  worth  and 
capacity,  and  have  thereby  drawn  upon  you  more  prayers  and 

1  October  27,  letter  partly  printed  In  Hamilton's  Works,  v,  444. 


124  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  vm 

gratitude  than  has  ever  fallen  to  the  lot  of  any  dead  or  living 
sovereign,  prince,  or  first  magistrate  whatever. ' '  Washington 
had  asked  McHenry  to  secure  an  acceptance  of  office  from 
Judge  R.  H.  Harrison.  Harrison  returned  the  commission, 
because  he  could  not  keep  it  longer,  but  wished  more  time  to 
consider  the  offer  and  would  probably  accept,  if  his  brother- 
in-law  should  die.  The  value  of  Harrison,  "his  goodness  of 
heart,  and  unalterable  attachment"  to  Washington  are  praised 
by  McHenry. 

On  November  30,  Washington  answered  the  letter  and 
returned  the  commission,  hoping  that  Harrison  would  accept. 1 
Thomas  Johnson  had  declined  the  appointment  of  district 
judge  for  Maryland  and  Washington  does  not  wish  to  receive 
another  declination.  He  thinks  of  appointing  Alexander 
Contee  Hanson  and  asks  McHenry  to  ascertain  whether  he 
would  accept.  Hanson  was  chancellor  at  the  time  and  Wash 
ington  was  in  doubt  whether  he  might  prefer  his  present 
position.  If  Hanson  will  not  accept,  William  Paca's  name 
has  been  thought  of,  "although  his  sentiments  have  not  been 
altogether  in  favor  of  the  General  Government  and  a  little 
adverse  on  the  score  of  Paper  Emissions."  Gustavus  Scott 
and  Robert  Smith  have  also  been  mentioned.  The  latter 
seemed  to  Washington  to  be  too  young. 

On  December  10,  McHenry  replied  that  he  found  Hanson 
preferred  the  chancellorship  to  the  judgeship,  but  that  Paca 
would  accept  the  place.  He  will  "carry  much  respectability 
and  legal  dignity  into  the  office. "  "  He  will  make  every  exer 
tion  in  his  power  to  execute  the  trust  in  the  most  unexception 
able  manner.  I  believe  also  that  the  appointment  will  be 
highly  gratifying  to  him  and,  I  think,  it  may  have  good  polit 
ical  consequences." 

Washington  took  McHenry 's  advice,  appointed  Paca  and 
thus  the  services  of  one  of  the  state's  most  distinguished  sons 
were  secured  for  the  federal  government. 

McHenry  was  then  kept  very  busy  at  Annapolis  and 
longed  "exceedingly  to  get  back  to  my  little  garden  and  little 
wife."  3  The  house  of  delegates  was  "not  very  federal"  but 
he  thought  a  joint  address  would  be  sent  to  the  president. 
Among  the  many  committees  on  which  McHenry  served  at  this 
session  was  one  to  consider  amendments  to  the  United  States 
constitution  and  another  to  prepare  an  address  of  congratu- 

IFord,  xi,  447;  Sparks,  x.  55. 

2  Ford,   xi,   449. 

3  He  was  absent  for  a  few  days  from  November  30. 


1788-1790]  of  James  McHenry  125 

lation  to  the  president.  The  address  was  adopted  on  December 
20.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  he  voted  for  bills  to  provide 
for  the  gradual  manumission  of  slaves  and  for  the  admission 
of  Quakers  to  office,  by  permitting  affirmation  to  be  substituted 
for  oath. 

On  May  7,  1790,  McHenry 's  brother  John  died,  "after  a 
long  and  painful  illness,  which  he  bore,"  according  to  the 
Maryland  Journal,  "with  uncommon  patience  and  fortitude, 
deeply  mourned  and  regretted  by  his  relatives,  friends  and 
fellow  citizens."  He  left  an  only  son,  an  illegitimate  child, 
named  John, l  who  was  brought  up  in  James  McHenry 's 
family,  at  the  request  of  his  brother  and  became  a  distin 
guished  lawyer.  He  edited,  with  Harris,  the  first  series  of 
Maryland  Law  Reports,  wrote  a  text  book  on  ejectments  and 
was  secretary  of  legation  at  the  Hague  in  1800.  He  married 
Miss  Martha  Hall  of  Harford  county  in  1813  and  later  re 
moved  to  Allegany  county,  where  he  died  without  issue  in 
1856. 

The  death  of  his  brother  saddened  McHenry  and  its  effect 
is  to  be  seen  in  a  letter  he  wrote  Washington  on  August  30. 

' '  My  own  dear  Sir. 

' '  I  am  much  to  blame.  I  have  neither  congratulated  you 
on  your  recovery  from  a  dangerous  illness  nor  yet  sympathised 
with  you  in  those  many  and  perplexed  labors  in  which  you 
have  been  involved  during  the  late  important  session  of  Con 
gress.  I  will  tell  you  the  truth.  Every  sorrow  and  consider 
ation  whatever  has  been  swallowed  up,  or  diminished,  in  the 
depth  of  affliction  I  have  felt  on  the  loss  of  my  brother.  You 
perhaps  have  heard  that  our  friendship  for  each  other  was 
uncommon  and  that  I  am  still  far  from  reconciled  to  this  sad 
shipwreck  of  my  tenderest  affections.  I  thought  however 
that  I  ought  to  venture,  before  seeing  you,  to  apologise  for 
not  mingling  my  congratulations  with  the  many  you  must  have 
received,  and  request  your  forgiveness  notwithstanding  my 
seeming  neglect.  I  wanted  besides  an  opportunity  to  inform 
you  of  a  revolution  in  my  sentiments  that  in  all  probability 
will  govern  the  remainder  of  my  days. 

"Some  years  since  I  entertained  an  aversion  to  public 
life,  and  was  only  an  humble  actor  in  it  these  two  years  from 
the  persuasions  of  the  deceased.  This  change  has  been  in 
duced  by  several  causes.  I  had  met  with  some  applause  in  a 

1  McHenry  left  him  a  house   In   Baltimore   in   Heu   of  a  payment  of 
£1000  currency  which  his  brother  had  asked  him  to  pay. 


126  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  vin 

few  instances,  but  never  found  it  compensated  for  the  sacri 
fices  I  submitted  to  in  the  discharge  of  my  duty.  I  grew 
disgusted  too  at  perceiving,  as  I  thought,  many  of  those  men, 
who  called  themselves  servants  of  the  people,  secretly  devoted 
to  the  promotion  of  their  own  purposes  and  yet  continued  in 
the  public  service  by  the  people. 

"I  thought  also  that  I  beheld  him  who  profaned  the  name 
of  patriotism  and  country  gain  by  the  profanation  and  him, 
who  was  directed  by  the  most  laudable  motives,  the  frequent 
subject  of  abuse  on  suspicion.  These  discoveries  or  supposed 
discoveries  were  so  repulsive  as  not  to  be  counteracted  by  the 
conduct  of  the  few  whom  I  believe  act  from  most  pure  and 
honorable  principles,  and  whom  I  saw  boldly  risking  their  all 
for  the  benefit  of  others.  I  hence  and  henceforth  conceived  a 
settled  disgust  to  every  thing  out  of  the  line  of  private  life, 
and  cherished  a  concealed  contempt  for  almost  every  thing 
save  friendship.  Such  was  the  situation  of  my  opinions  for 
some  years  before  my  brothers  death,  an  event  which  has  still 
further  confirmed  my  disrelish  of  public  life  and  the  vanity 
of  human  enjoyments.  I  have  now  no  longer  a  brother  to 
gratify. 

' '  I  have  estimated  the  value  of  public  applause,  and  well 
know  that  neither  talents  nor  merits  insure  it  with  posterity. 
The  one  I  do  not  want,  the  other  I  have  not  talents  to  attain. 
I  am  independent  in  my  circumstances.  I  have  retired  to  the 
vicinity  of  the  Town  a  little  spot  from  which  I  can  see  its 
smoke  and  hear  its  noise  without  being  offended  with  either. 
I  resist  all  solicitations  to  venture  upon  the  ocean  of  politics, 
and  intend  to  devote  the  remainder  of  my  time  to  my  own  ease, 
to  devotion,  the  recollections  of  a  dear  brother,  the  happiness 
of  a  little  family  and  literary  amusements.  In  this  retire 
ment,  I  feel  one  misfortune  only ;  but  that  I  am  satisfied  will 
always  accompany  me,  I  feel  too  sensibly  my  loss.  Will  you, 
after  this  explanation  of  my  sin  of  omission,  condescend  to 
give  a  sanction  to  my  sorrow  and  my  retreat,  and  visit  a  man 
whose  professions  have  ever  fallen  short  of  his  love  and  affec 
tion  ;  a  man  who  regards  and  respects  you,  not  for  your  high 
station  but  your  true  patriotism  and  rare  virtues.  Mrs.  Wash 
ington  has  lodged  a  promise  with  Mrs.  McHenry  with  which 
I  am  often  reminded.  My  house  is  only  a  mile  from  Grant's 
Tavern  and  in  your  route.  So  far  it  can  be  productive  of 
no  delay.  I  engage,  moreover,  that  you  shall  not  be  troubled 
with  company.  The  prophet  Elisha  deigned  to  favor  a  Shun- 


1788-1 790 j  of  James  McHenry  127 

amitish  stranger  with  his  company,  as  often  as  he  had  occasion 
to  pass  by  her  house,  and  will  not  my  ever  respected  general 
find  it  convenient  to  stay  one  night  on  his  way  to  Mount 
Vernon  with  his  sincere  and  devoted  humble  friend 

"  JAMES  MCHENRY. 
"To  the  President  of  the 
United  States." 

McHenry 's  benevolence  led  him  to  give  his  countenance 
to  the  negro  mathematician,  Benjamin  Banneker,  and  to  write 
a  commendatory  letter,  on  August  20,  1791,  to  the  publishers 
of  the  Almanac  for  1792,  which  Banneker  prepared.  This 
letter  was  printed  in  the  Almanac ;  gave  a  brief  sketch  of  Ban 
neker  with  especial  reference  to  his  mathematical  powers,  and 
concluded  with  the  following  sentences,  noteworthy  as  showing 
McHenry 's  wide  sympathies:1  "I  consider  this  negro  as  a 
fresh  proof  that  the  powers  of  the  mind  are  disconnected  with 
the  color  of  the  skin,  or,  in  other  words,  a  striking  contradic 
tion  to  Mr.  Hume's  doctrine,  that  'the  negroes  are  naturally 
inferior  to  the  whites,  and  unsusceptible  of  attainments  in  arts 
and  sciences. '  In  every  civilized  country,  we  shall  find  thou 
sands  of  whites  liberally  educated  and  who  have  enjoyed  great 
er  opportunities  for  instruction  than  this  negro,  his  inferiors 
in  those  intellectual  acquirements  and  capacities  that  form  the 
most  characteristic  features  in  the  human  race. 

"But  the  system  that  would  assign  to  these  degraded 
blacks  an  origin  different  from  the  whites,  if  it  is  not  ready 
to  be  deserted  by  philosophers,  must  be  relinquished  as  similar 
instances  multiply;  and  that  such  must  frequently  happen, 
cannot  ,well  be  doubted,  should  no  check  impede  the  progress 
of  humanity,  which,  meliorating  the  conditions  of  slavery, 
necessarily  leads  to  its  final  extinction.  Let,  however,  the 
issue  be  what  it  will,  I  cannot  but  wish  on  this  occasion  to  see 
the  public  patronage  keep  pace  with  my  black  friend's  merit." 

1  The  letter  is  reprinted  in  Carey's  American  Museum,  xii,  186,  and  in  Ty. 
son's  Banneker,  48. 


CHAPTER  IX 

A    YEAR    OF    RETIREMENT 

McHENRY'S  retirement  from  office  lasted  only  a  year 
after  which  he  was  chosen  again  as  a  member  of  the 
state  senate.     During  this  year  of  withdrawal  from 
public  life,  McHenry  was  actively  engaged  in  mercantile  busi 
ness,  as  is  shown  by  the  following  letters  from  Jefferson  to  him. 

1  'Philadelphia  Feb.  5.  1791. 
"Dear  Sir 

"An  extraordinary  press  of  business,  ever  since  the  meet 
ing  of  Congress,  has  obliged  me  to  suspend  all  my  correspon 
dences,  so  that  it  is  not  till  now  that  I  am  able  to  take  them 
up,  &  among  the  first  your  favor  of  Dec. ,  14.  on  .the  subject 
of  that  I  am  obliged  to  ask  you  to  name  some  person  at  Paris 
who  may,  as  your  agent,  attend  to  all  the  details  of  sollicita- 
tion,  as  it  would  be  impossible  for  Mr  Short  to  do  that,  and 
indeed  contrary  to  a  fixed  rule  which  has  been  established  of 
necessity  to  prevent  his  being  used  as  the  factor  of  individ 
uals  which  would  be  more  than  he  could  do,  &  lead  him  often 
to  that  would  be  improper.  I  will  write  to  him  to  support 
your  interposition  at  proper  occasions,  as  far  as  shall  be  right, 
and  in  this  he  will  move  in  concert  with  M.  de  la  Fayette.  as 
soon  as  you  shall  advise  me  to  whom  to  address  your  papers, 
I  will  forward  them  through  Mr  Short  &  with  a  letter  to  him 
in  the  mean  time  they  remain  in  my  hands.  I  have  the  honor 
to  be  with  great  esteem  Dr  Sir 

"Your  most  obedt.  humble  servt 

"Tn:  JEFFERSON 
"P.  S.     no  time  is  lost  as  yet 

he  being  at  Amsterdam. ' ' 

"Philadelphia  Mar.  28.  1791. 
"Dear  Sir 

' '  Having  sent  your  letters  to  Mr  Short  with  a  desire  that 
he  will,  as  far  as  is  right,  patronize  the  application  which  shall 


1790-1791]  oj  James  McHenry  129 

be  made  to  the  minister  on  your  demand,  instead  of  destroying 
your  first  letter  to  Messrs  Le  Couteulx,  I  have  thought  it  better 
to  return  it  to  you,  in  proof  that  your  desires  have  been 
complied  with,  a  murder  of  some  friendly  Indians  a  little 
beyond  Fort  Pitt  is  likely  to  defeat  our  efforts  to  make  a 
general  peace  &  to  render  the  combination  in  war  against  us 
more  extensive,  this  was  done  by  a  party  of  Virginians  within 
the  limits  of  Pennsylvania,  the  only  news  from  Europe  in 
teresting  to  us  is  that  the  Brit.  Parl.  is  about  to  give  free 
storage  to  American  wheat  carried  to  Engld.  in  British  bot 
toms  for  re-exportation  —  in  this  case  we  must  make  British 
bottoms  lading  with  wheat,  pay  that  storage  here,  in  the  form 
of  a  duty,  &  give  it  to  American  bottoms  lading  with  the  same 
article,  in  order  not  only  to  keep  our  vessels  on  a  par  as  to 
transportation  of  our  own  produce,  but  to  shift  the  meditated 
advantage  into  their  scale,  at  least  so  say  I. 

"I  am  with  very  great  esteem  Dear  Sir 
"Your  most  obedt.  humble  servt. 
' '  THO  :  JEFFERSON.  ' ' 

On  private  matters,  McHenry  writes  on  January  3,  1791, 
to  Hamilton  1  of  whose  wife  he  hears  that  she  "has  as  much 
merit  as  your  treasurer,  as  you  have  as  treasurer  of  the  wealth 
of  the  United  States."  McHenry  states  that  he  approves  of 
the  plan  for  the  United  States  Bank  and  adds :  ' '  You  may 
think  I  have  neglected  you,  from  my  long  silence,  but  I  can 
assure  you  I  have  never  forgot  you.  Having  withdrawn  my 
self  from  everything  of  a  public  nature ;  this  has  led  me  to  en 
deavor  to  reduce  my  pleasures  as  much  as  possible  to  a  small 
compass  and  thus  to  neglect  many  correspondents,  for  whom 
I  entertain  the  liveliest  affection. 

"That  I  love  and  esteem  you,  I  know  you  will  believe, 
without  my  repeating  it.  Your  career  as  yet  has  been  glorious. 
I  wish  sincerely  that  nothing  adverse  may  interrupt  it." 

On  April  26,  Hamilton  wrote  McHenry  asking  him  to 
ascertain  whether  General  Otho  Holland  Williams 2  would 
accept  the  position  of  collector  of  the  port  of  Baltimore. 

McHenry  answered  on  May  3,  that  he  has  seen  General 
Williams. 


1  Hamilton's  Works,  edited  by  J.  C.  Hamilton,  v,  462. 

2  March  5,  1792,  Williams  wrote  Hamilton  on  an  Indian  war  and  the 
Seneca  chiefs   and  said  he  had  long  been  ill.     Williams  finally  accepted 
the  collectorship. 


130  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  ix 

"You  know  his  ambitious  cast  and  that  he  thinks  he 
could  be  more  serviceable  at  the  head  of  a  great  department 
than  collector  of  a  district.  I  mentioned  the  death  of  the 
comptroller  and  the  probability,  in  my  opinion,  that  the  Pres 
ident,  from  the  knowledge  he  had  of  the  present  auditor's 
habits,  experience,  and  capacities  for  business,  would  fix  upon 
him  for  a  successor,  in  which  case  the  auditorship,  which  was 
a  very  important  office,  would  become  vacant.  I  observed  on 
the  advantages  of  a  residence  at  the  seat  of  Congress,  if  he 
still  inclined  to  mount  higher,  that  he  knew  your  power  and 
disposition,  and  said,  I  would  take  upon  myself  to  make  the 
necessary  suggestions.  The  idea  of  the  auditor 's  office  being  a 
step  to  a  still  more  desirable  one  had  its  weight,  but  he,  finally, 
declined,  alledging  his  ill  state  of  health  and  the  recent  death 
of  a  brother  in  law,  Col.  Stull,  which  has  devolved  upon  him 
the  care  of  his  children  and  estate.  In  short,  he  was  not  to 
"be  induced  to  be  auditor,  though  I  thought,  could  I  have  said 
comptroller,  he  might,  notwithstanding  his  present  state  of 
health  would  unfit  him  for  discharging  the  duties  of  the  other. 
I  then  called  on  Mr.  Wm.  Smith,  who  with  his  show  of  talents 
will  make  a  much  better  auditor.  He  will  have  as  little  to 
learn  as  the  General,  is  as  systematic,  a  more  correct  and 
perfect  accountant,  of  great  respectability  and  longer  stand 
ing  in  society.  I  found  also  here  that  the  comptrollership  was 
a  more  darling  object.  My  first  conversation  was  yesterday 
and  it  was  not  till  about  one  half  an  hour  ago  I  got  him  to 
consent  to  use  my  discretion,  so  you  may  use  yours.  I  was 
obliged  to  intimate  that,  from  the  opinion  you  had  of  him, 
I  could  entertain  no  doubt  but  his  appointment  would  be 
certain,  unless  the  President  got  entangled  to  the  Southward. 
You  judged  right.  Nay,  should  even  what  I  once  thought  of 
take  place  and  my  present  temper  of  mind  continue,  I  would 
remain  where  I  am.  My  mind  in  the  loss  of  a  brother  has 
received  a  severe  shock.  My  wife,  like  yours,  is  every  thing 
that  is  kind,  good,  and  excellent  and  was  there  only  one  man 
more  in  the  world  I  should  be  the  happiest  man  in  it.  Adieu 
and  believe  me  yours  most  sincerely  and  most  affectionately. ' ' 

In  the  autumn,  McHenry  wrote  Hamilton  again.  The 
letter  is  dated  on  October  15,  and  states  that 

"The  electors  of  the  Senate  of  Maryland  have  chosen 
me  one  of  the  Senate  of  our  State  legislature  and  many  of  my 
friends  are  urgent  that  I  should  accept,  as  yet  I  have  given 


1790-17911  of  James  McHenry  131 

no  answer.  If  you  still  entertain  the  project  you  mentioned 
to  me,  when  in  Philadelphia,  it  may  somewhat  influence  my 
determination.  Perhaps  the  complexion  of  several  European 
powers,  as  it  respects  France  and  the  claims  for  succours  she 
may  bring  forward  under  the  llth.  article  of  the  treaty  of 
alliance  in  case  of  being  attacked,  may  render  the  presence 
of  a  ministerial  character  necessary  at  the  Hague,  as  a  spot 
which  can  afford  a  tolerable  view  of  the  parties  likely  to  be 
concerned.  Perhaps  too,  it  is  an  eligible  situation  to  forward 
our  commerce  with  the  Northern  nations,  as  well  as  England, 
at  least  it  would  seem  a  position  which  might  enable  a  qualified 
person  to  watch  the  course  of  trade  and  improve  favorable 
conjunctions.  But  if  the  chief  object  would  be  your  loans  or 
financial  operations,  I  think  I  could  give  you  entire  satisfac 
tion.  I  have  been  led  thus  far  into  a  change  of  sentiment 
since  we  spoke  together  on  this  subject  by  an  alteration  in  my 
health,  which  I  flatter  myself  would  be  benefited  by  the 
voyage  and  the  new  materials  which  the  employment  would 
furnish  my  mind.  Should  things  take  the  turn  you  wish, 
you  will  readily  conceive  that  I  ought  to  be  allowed  sometime 
for  preparations,  as  I  must  take  my  family  with  me.  But 
whether  here  or  elsewhere,  in  sickness  or  health,  I  shall  always, 
my  dear  Hamilton,  be  your  sincere  friend." 

To  this  letter  Hamilton  answrered  on  November  2,  as 
follows : 
"My  Dr.  Sir 

"Your  letter  of  the  15.  of  October  came  duly  to  hand  and 
an  answer  has  only  been  delayed  through  extreme  hurry.  My 
views  on  the  point  you  mentioned  cannot  have  changed  and  I 
am  glad  to  know  how  you  stand.  All  that  confidence  or  At 
tachment  on  my  part  could  dictate  will  be  employed.  But 
nothing  is  certain  And  nothing  ought  to  be  suspended  on  the 
event. 

"Indeed  I  cannot  perceive  how  the  one  thing  ought  to 
interfere  with  the  other.  A  change  of  position  upon  an  un- 
forseen  circumstance  is  as  common  in  politics  as  in  war. 

"Yrs  Affect.  &  sincerely 
"A.  HAMILTON." 

The  diplomatic  project  having  failed,  McHenry  accepted 
the  senatorship  to  which  he  had  been  elected.  The  session 
of  assembly  began  on  the  7th  of  November  and  he  appeared 
and  qualified  on  the  15th. 


CHAPTER  X 

SECOND  TERM  IN  THE  SENATE 

McHENRY  found  a  personal  matter  unsettled  on  his 
second  appearance  in  the  Maryland  senate. l  The 
attorney  general  had  instituted  proceedings  against 
him,  as  survivor  of  the  firm  of  John  and  James  McHenry,  on 
account  of  a  contract  made  by  them  with  the  late  intendant, 
Jenifer,  for  the  purchase  of  final  settlements  of  revolutionary 
pay.  The  McHenrys  sold  the  certificates  and  there  was  some 
deficiency  in  their  returns,  for  which  suit  was  brought.  On 
December  29,  the  assembly  directed  the  attorney  general  to 
suspend  proceedings  until  the  end  of  the  next  session.  In 
1792,  on  November  26,  McHenry 's  petition  for  relief  was 
finally  refused. 

Shortly  after  taking  his  seat,  McHenry  wrote  Hamilton, 
on  November  19 : 

"Since  taking  my  seat  in  the  Senate,  which  I  have  done 
more  in  conformity  with  your  opinion  than  my  own,  I  have 
used  the  opportunity  it  affords  of  conversing  with  Mr.  Wm. 
Perry,  the  gentleman  I  mentioned  to  you  when  in  Philadelphia 
as  a  person  well  qualified  for  auditor  and  have  discovered  that, 
had  he  been  appointed,  he  would  not  have  refused.  I  have 
two  reasons  for  telling  you  this  now.  That  you  may  keep 
him  in  mind,  should  such  a  vacancy  occur,  as  one  that  may  be 
fully  relied  on.  That  you  may  also  know  that,  besides  his 
being  independent  or  wealthy,  he  exerted  his  whole  influence 
to  establish  our  government,  continues  to  exert  it  for  its  daily 
preservation,  and  possesses  a  large  share  of  public  confidence, 
especially  on  the  Eastern  Shore  where  he  resides  and  for 
which  he  is  senator,  circumstances  which  might  render  him 
peculiarly  proper  for  an  office  in  the  excise,  in  case  of  a  new 
arrangement  of  the  system.  An  opinion  prevails  in  our 
House  of  Delegates  that  our  constitution  wants  mending  and 
Mercer,  Pinkney,  and  Craik  are  to  lead  in  the  business.  They 

1  He  was  absent  from  November  29  to  December  10,  1791. 


1791-1796]  of  James  McHenry  133 

do  not  venture,  I  mean  the  two  first,  for  the  last  is  rather 
federal  to  expose  their  true  reason,  though  they  have  not 
been  able  to  conceal  it.  I  cannot  tell  how  the  project  may 
terminate,  but  I  like  our  constitution  as  it  stands  and  trust 
the  people,  having  heretofore  found  it  a  good  one,  will  not 
easily  be  brought  to  any  radical  alterations." 

At  the  session  of  1791,  1  McHenry  pushed  an  unsuccessful 
project  that  Maryland  should  buy  a  house  for  Lafayette  in 
Washington  City.  It  is  impossible  to  trace  his  activity,  how 
ever,  at  this  session,  or  at  a  short  one  from  April  2  to  6,  1792. 

On  July  17,  McHenry  wrote  Washington  asking  him  to 
stop  in  Baltimore  and  accept  a  dinner  from  the  citizens.     The 
president  replied  on  August  13. 
"Dear  Sir, 

"Your  letter  of  the  17th.  of  July  came  duly  to  hand.  I 
could,  with  pleasure  spend  a  day  in  Baltimore  on  my  return 
to  Philadelphia,  if  time  &  circumstances  would  permit;  but 
it  is  not  for  me  at  this  moment  to  say  whether  either  would 
suit  me;  besides  I  shall  confess  to  you  candidly,  I  have  no 
relish  for  formal  &  ceremonious  engagements,  and  only  give 
into  them  when  they  cannot  be  avoided  —  among  other  rea 
sons  because  it  oftentimes  —  if  not  always  —  proves  incon 
venient  to  some  of  the  party  bestowing,  if  it  is  not  to  the 
party  receiving  the  compliment  of  a  public  dinner  —  and  is  a 
tax  which  I  am  as  unwilling  to  impose  as  many  are  to  pay,  if 
false  delicacy  would  allow  them  to  express  their  real  senti 
ments. 

"If  it  should  so  happen  that  I  can,  conveniently,  spend  a 
day  in  Baltimore,  as  I  return,  it  would  give  me  pleasure  to 
dine  with  yourself  &  a  few  other  friends  in  a  social  way ;  —  & 
on  this  footing  let  the  matter  rest,  as  no  previous  notice  of  my 
coming  is  necessary  in  that  case. 

' '  Having  begun  a  letter  to  you,  I  will  add  something  to  it 
of  a  public  nature 

"Mr.  Potts,  the  District  Attorney  of  Maryland  has  re 
signed  that  office.  Who,  in  general  estimation,  is  best  quali 
fied  to  fill  it? 

"Mr.  Robert  Smith  has  been  spoken  of  —  Mr.  Hollings- 
worth  has  been  mentioned  —  and  Mr.  Tilghman  and  Mr.  Ham- 

1  He  favored  in  principle  the  publication  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
senate  though  he  voted  against  a  bill  to  that  effect  sent  from  the  house 
of  delegates. 


134  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  x 

mond  have  also  been  thought  of,  but  the  two  last  living  on 
the  Eastern  shore,  and  Baltimore  being  the  theatre  for  the 
Courts,  it  might  be  inconvenient  to  both  those  Gentlemen  to 
attend  them;  and  the  appointment  no  inducement  to  their 
removal. 

"Which  then  of  the  other  two  would  be  most  eligable? 
"Would  Mr.  Smith,  if  the  preference  is  given  to  him,  accept? 
• — or  is  there  any  other  person  more  prominently  qualified 
than  either  of  the  Gentlemen  I  have  mentioned  ? 

"Your  sentiments  freely  given,  on  these  enquiries  will 
much  oblige 

"Dear  Sir  — 

"Your  Most  Obedt  &  Affect. 
"Go.  WASHINGTON." 

McHenry's  reply  was  sent  on  the  16th.  Hollingshead, 
he  thought,  was  more  of  a  wit  and  not  less  of  a  lawyer  than 
Smith.  Marriage  has  corrected  some  of  his  levities  and  study 
will  make  him  more  able  than  Smith;  but  the  latter  is  more 
steady,  cautious,  industrious,  and  painstaking,  and  has  a  char 
acter  of  perhaps  greater  probity  in  the  profession.  McHenry 
wished  Craik  would  settle  in  Baltimore.  Tilghman  and  Ham 
mond  are  both  good.  The  former  will  sooner  yield  to  trans 
ient  circumstances  than  the  latter.  Luther  Martin  is  the 
best  qualified  man  in  the  state;  but,  through  his  politics,  is 
the  last  person  wrho  merits  the  appointment.  If  Washing 
ton  sees  Paca  or  Colonel  Lloyd,  who  possesses  "vast  property," 
McHenry  wishes  he  would  speak  of  the  necessity  of  the  lead 
ing  men  removing  misapprehensions  concerning  the  laws.  This 
"may  lead  Paca  from  Mercer,  who  is,  if  possible,  more  des 
perately  mischievous,  than  when  the  open,  decided,  and  de 
clared  enemy  of  the  constitution." 

Washington  answered  this  letter  as  follows: 

"Mount  Vernon  Augt.  31st.  1792 
"Dear  Sir, 

' '  The  characters  given  of  Messrs.  Smith  &  Hollingsworth 
by  you,  comports  very  much  with  those  I  have  received  from 
others,  and  therefore  of  the  two,  the  preference  is  given  to  the 
former.  But  as  neither  stand  upon  such  high  ground  as  Mr. 
Tilghman  or  Mr.  Hammond,  and  as  it  is  my  duty  as  well  as 
inclination  to  fill  offices  with  the  most  suitable  characters,  I 


1791-1796]  of  James  McHenry  135 

pray  you  to  make  all  the  indirect  enquiry  you  can  whether 
either  of  the  last  named  Gentlemen  would  accept;  and,  as 
the  nature  of  the  case  seems  to  require,  would  make  Baltimore 
the  place  of  Kesidence. 

"If  the  result  is  unfavourable,  be  so  good  as  to  cause 
the  enclosed  to  be  delivered.  This  case  requires  a  little  deli 
cacy  in  the  management  and  I  am  persuaded  it  will  receive 
it  from  you 

"I  am  with  sincere  esteem  and  regard  — 
"Your  obed.  &  affect 

"G.  WASHINGTON 
"James  McHenry  Esqr. 

' '  Baltimore 

"The  Postmr  at  that  place,  will  please  to  cause  the  deliv 
ery  of  this  letter  PRESIDENT  U.  S." 

The  matter  was  not  then  settled,  however,  and  Washing 
ton  wrote  again  on  September  21 : 

"Dear  Sir, 

"Fearing  some  accident  may  have  prevented  my  last  (en 
closing  a  letter  for  Mr.  Robt.  Smith)  from  reaching  your 
hands,  I  take  the  liberty  of  giving  you  the  trouble  to  receive 
this,  requesting  to  be  informed  if  this  be  the  fact  —  and  if 
not,  what  has  been  the  result  of  your  enquiries  in  the  business 
committed  to  you 

' '  I  have  had  many  applications  in  favor  of  Mr.  Hollings- 
worth  as  a  fit  character  for  the  attorney,  and  lately,  one  from 
the  District  Judge  in  his  behalf.     No  answer  has  been  given 
to  any  of  them  awaiting  to  hear  from  you  first. 
"With  sincere  esteem  &  regard 
"I  am  —  Dear  Sir 

"Yr.  affect.  &  obedt  servt 
"G.  WASHINGTON" 

On  the  25th,  McHenry  wrote  that  he  had  been  very  ill, 
that  Hammond  had  decided  not  to  remove  to  Baltimore,  and 
that  the  merchants  of  the  city  are  still  anxious  to  tender  Wash 
ington  a  banquet. 

Washington  writes  again  on  October  3 : 

"Dear  Sir 

' '  If  this  letter  shall  have  reached  your  hands  before  that 
which  I  addressed  to  Mr.  Robt.  Smith  (under  cover  to  you) 


136  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  x 

has  passed  from  them,  I  pray  you  to  retain  it  until  you  see 
me,  which  will  be,  I  expect,  about  the  middle  of  next  week  on 
my  return  to  Philadelphia  (if  I  am  not  detained  by  the  con 
valescent  state  of  two  of  my  servants)  — or,  if  that  should 
happen,  till  you  hear  further  from, 

"Dear  Sir, 

"Your  obedt.  &  affect. 
"Go  WASHINGTON" 

The  day  after  Washington's  letter,  McHenry  writes  him 
that  Tilghman  is  considering  whether  he  will  settle  in  Balti 
more.  McHenry  wishes  more  Federal  lawyers  would  do  so, 
as  Hollingshead  is  neither  one  nor  the  other. 

In  the  congressional  election  of  1792,  McHenry  took  a 
warm  interest.  On  the  Eastern  Shore,  in  the  upper  district, 
the  Federalists  of  Talbot  and  Caroline  favored  William 
Perry  1  of  Miles  River.  He  declined  and  William  Hindman 
of  Queen  Anne 's  was  nominated.  Mercer  was  thought  by  the 
Federalists  to  be  at  the  bottom  of  Tilghman 's2  running  in 
opposition,  after  he  had  said  he  would  not  run  against  Perry 
or  Hindman.  Perry  wrote  McHenry  on  August  4,  that  the 
Anti-Federalists  were  closely  linked  together  and  kept  up 
regular  correspondence  throughout  the  state,  asserting  that 
they  are  friends  of  the  federal  constitution,  but  opposed  to 
Hamilton.  They  thus  wound  the  constitution  through  the 
secretary.  Perry  supports  both  constitution  and  the  secre 
tary  and  after  much  travel  in  Talbot  and  Caroline  thinks 
Hindman 's  election  secure. 

On  August  16,  McHenry  wrote  Hamilton  of  state  affairs 
in  the  approaching  congressional  election: 

' '  I  mentioned  Mr.  Carroll  3  as  proper  to  be  brought  for 
ward  to  oppose  a  man  whom  I  suspect  the  antifederal  inter 
est  will  unite  in  supporting,  in  case  of  an  opportunity.  I  cal 
culate  that  Mr.  Carroll  will  not  succeed,  but  it  may  produce 
more  votes  in  this  State  for  some  man  who  ought.  I  mean 
also  that  it  should  operate  to  detach  Mr.  Carroll  from  Mr. 
Jefferson,  whose  politics  have  in  some  instances  infected  him. 
In  all  this,  however,  you  will  understand,  should  it  be  an 

1  Perry   was   Hindman's    brother-in-law    and    had    all    but    one   of  the 
electoral  votes  in  1791  when  chosen  to  the  senate  of  Maryland.     See  George 
Gale's  letter  to  Hamilton,  December  20,  1792. 

2  On    November    18,    McHenry    wrote    Hamilton    that    Tilghman    was 
connected  with  good  Federalists  yet  was  a  disciple  of  Mercer.     The  contest 
became  a  family  affair  and  the  heaviest  weight  fell  on  Perry. 

3  Charies  Carroll  of  Carrollton. 


1791-1796]  of  James  McHenry  137 

eligible  line  of  politics,  that  I  do  not  mean  to  be  an  actor. 
The  interest  you  feel  in  it,  more  than  any  other  considera 
tion,  would  induce  me  to  take  a  little  trouble.  I  still  think 
Mercer  will  carry  his  election.  I  have  been  with  Bishop  Car 
roll,  whose  friendship  and  intimacy  I  enjoy.  He  has  much 
greater  control  over  the  minds  of  the  German  Catholics  than 
Charles  and  I  believe  that  description  of  men  will  vote  for 
Campbell.  Col.  Smith  has  entered  for  this  district.  Mr. 
Ridgely,  you  know,  also  stands.  Ridgely,  I  am  told,  is  a 
friend  to  a  further  assumption  [i.  e.,  of  state  debts].  Samuel 
Smith  is  not.  He  is  however  a  good  federalist.  As  a  mer 
chant,  he  will  dislike  any  increase  of  duties  on  dry  goods.  He 
is,  however,  concerned  in  shipping  in  a  sugar  house  and  dis 
tillery  and  supplies  Williams  &  Co.,  contractors,  with  dry 
goods  for  the  Indian  trade.  Besides  it  would  give  him  great 
pleasure  to  get  Col.  Hall  into  office,  Mr.  Robert  Smith  his 
brother,  a  judge,  and  Robert's  father  in  law,  an  office  of  £1500 
a  year.  On  the  other  hand,  he  is  largely  in  the  iron  works, 
a  man  of  great  wealth,  without  skill  in  public  affairs  and  from 
habits  closely  connected  with  Chase,  whom  he  would  wish  to 
see  noticed.  Mr.  Jefferson,  I  suspect,  will  say  in  reply  to  his 
having  been  against  the  constitution  in  France,  that  you  were 
for  monarchy  in  the  convention  and  will  take  some  of  the 
features  of  your  systems  which  correspond  the  nearest  with 
the  fiscal  systems  of  England,  as  a  commentary  upon  your 
principles.  The  exposition  which  has  been  given  was  wanted. 
God  bless  and  preserve  you." 

McHenry  wrote  again  on  Sunday,  September  30,  stating 
that  he  should  support  Adams  and  resist  the  New  York  pro 
ject  to  set  him  aside  for  another. 

The  campaign  against  Mercer  1  was  brisk  and  the  elec- 

1  Of  Mercer's  conduct  William  Bayly  wrote  Hamilton  on  November  4, 
that  Mercer  had  said  at  Upper  Marlborough  that  he  went  to  Hamilton's 
office  to  get  money  due  him  and  the  clerks  would  not  pay  him.  On  his 
return  he  met  Hamilton  who  said  he  would  pay  the  money,  if  Mercer 
would  vote  for  assumption  of  state  debts.  When  asked  whether  Hamilton 
had  offered  him  money  he  exclaimed,  "Yes,  by  God,  he  had."  Walter 
Bowie  said,  "Hamilton  was  jocular,"  and  Bayly  put  the  question  to  Mer 
cer,  "Was  Hamilton  serious  or  jesting?"  to  which  Mercer  responded  that 
he  had  a  right  to  take  It  either  way.  About  this  time  McHenry  wrote 
Hamilton :  "Knowing  that  I  was  apt  to  lose  letters  out  of  my  pocket 
and  recollecting  that  you  were  a  little  subject  to  lose  them  by  not  putting 
them  into  yours,  I  thought  it  best  that  we  should  burn  them,"  therefore  he 
can  only  say  that,  in  his  letter  to  Hamilton,  he  opposed  Mercer  for  his 
political  principles,  but  was  not  influenced  thereto  by  Hamilton.  McHenry 
has  written  an  article  in  behalf  of  Adams  for  Goddard's  paner,  and  has 
signed  the  article  Consistent  Federalist.  It  will  appear  next  Tuesday. 


138  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP.X 

tion  was  to  be  held  from  Monday  until  Thursday.  McIIenry 
had  written  letters  for  Goddard's  paper,  the  Maryland  Jour 
nal,  signed  Valerius,  while  he  was  "under  a  depression  of 
spirits  and  great  debility,"  and  had  employed  Major  Hopkins 
of  Anne  Arundel  county,  who  was  under  obligations  to  him, 
to  circulate  handbills  with  popular  charges  against  Mercer, 
"fixing  on  him  some  falsehoods."  Mercer's  defeat  was  still 
possible.  Ross,  whose  ability  is  not  equal  to  his  honesty  and 
good  intention,  was  in  Baltimore  to  get  a  reply  published  for 
the  polls,  in  answer  to  Mercer,  who  circulated  a  report  that 
the  president  wished  him  elected.  Washington  denied  this 
and  "the  lie  has  lodged  where  it  ought." 

McHenry  had  been  ill  and  now  only  gets  around  in  his 
garden.  General  Otho  Holland  Williams  was  also  very  ill. 
If  he  die,  McHenry  asks  that  John  Purviance,  the  naval 
officer  of  the  port,  may  succeed  him, 1  as  Purviance  is  the 
' '  natural  heir ' '  of  the  position,  is  ' '  one  of  the  first  merchants 
in  this  town,  and  is  qualified  to  discharge  its  duties. ' '  He  has 
' '  never  shrunk  from  the  right  cause ' '  and  has  a  ' '  very  numer 
ous  and  young  family  to  maintain."  If  Purviance  is  pro 
moted,  McHenry  asks  that  Hamilton  serve  him  by  appointing 
George  Salmon  in  Purviance 's  place.  The  federal  government 
can  procure  no  man  better  qualified  than  Salmon.  "He 
is  popular,  a  man  of  honor,  and  a  respected  judge  in  our 
criminal  and  orphan's  court."  If  neither  appointment  is 
made,  McHenry  asks  that  he  be  informed,  before  any  other 
person  is  chosen.  The  office  "nets  perhaps  better  than  £2000" 
a  year,  possesses  "vast  influence,  and  ought  not  to  be  given 
lightly."  The  letter  closes  with  "Farewell,  God  bless  my 
dear  Hamilton." 

On  October  4,  McHenry  -wrote  Washington  that  Colonel 
Smith  would  probably  defeat  Ridgely  in  the  Baltimore  dis 
trict,  but  that  the  vote  was  small.  It  was  the  last  day  of  the 
election  and  only  one-half  the  town  and  not  a  fourth  of  the 
county  had  voted. 

Later  in  the  month,  2  McHenry  wrote  Hamilton  that  he 
had  been  confined  to  his  bed  with  fever  for  seventeen  days, 
and  had  sat  up  for  the  first  time  the  day  before.  "  If  I  should 

1  On    August    27,     1793,     Samuel     Smith     wrote    Hamilton    that    Daniel 
Delozier   was   the   best    man.  for   surveyor    of   the   port   of    Baltimore   and 
John  Purviance  second  best.     The  people  of  Baltimore  would  not  like  one 
from  elsewhere  in  the  state.     On  August  .28,  James  Dloyd  of  Chestertown 
wrote  'Hamilton  asking  to  be  made  surveyor. 

2  October  20,  Hamilton's  Works,  v,  536. 


1791-1796]  of  James  McHenry  139 

get  to  heaven  before  you,  I  shall  remember  you.  I  must  go 
to  bed.  Yours  affectionately,"  are  the  closing  sentences. 
Hamilton's  letter,  missent  to  Fayetteville,  N.  C.,  had  just 
reached  him  and  he  promised  to  show  it  to  Bishop  Carroll 
on  his  return  to  Baltimore.  "Your  project  with  regard  to 
the  President  in  a  certain  event,  will  I  believe  not  have  an 
opportunity  of  being  executed.  Happily  for  the  public  tran- 
quility,  the  present  incumbent,  after  a  serious  struggle,  in 
clines,  if  I  mistake  not,  to  submit  to  another  election.  If  it 
turns  out  otherwise,  I  say,  unequivocally,  I  will  cooperate  in 
running  the  gentleman  1  you  mention,  as  one  of  the  two  who 
are  to  fill  the  two  great  offices.  "Which  of  the  two  may  turn 
up  first  or  second  must  be  a  matter  of  some  casualty,  as  the 
constitution  stands.  My  real  respect  and  esteem  for  the  char 
acter  brought  into,  view  will  ensure  him  my  best  wishes  in 
any  event. ' ' 2 

The  Maryland  legislature  met  on  November  5,  1792,  but 
the  senate  did  not  have  a  quorum  until  the  12th.  On  the 
13th,  McHenry  came  and  was  present  about  half  of  the  ses 
sion.3  From  Annapolis,  he  wrote  Hamilton  on  November 
18:  ""We  have  scattered  in  air  the  long  string  of  amend 
ments  that  has  been  proposed  to  be  incorporated  into  our 
constitution,  by  those  who  were  no  friends"  to  it,  so  "we  re 
main  a  free  people  and  a  tolerably  virtuous  people."  After 
the  session4  McHenry  expects  to  go  to  his  "little  farm  with 
my  little  wife,  where,  if  my  health  returns,  I  shall  envy  no 
man 's  happiness. ' '  He  recommended  for  an  office,  Perry,  who 
made  uncommon  exertions  in  the  last  election.  Washington 
did  not  appoint  Perry  to  the  desired  post,  as  Hamilton  ex 
plained  in  a  letter  he  sent  McHenry. 

1  Who  was  this  man? 

2  Two  days  later,  Charles  Carroll  of  Carroll  ton,  wrote  Hamilton  that  he  could 
not  find  that  the  Anti-Federalists,  who  maintain  communication  through 
out  the   United   States,   have  whispered  his    (Jefferson's?)    name.     Carroll 
does  not   feel  sure  as  to  his  character  and  noticed  in   him  a  "disposition 
to  perplex  and  puzzle."     "He  seemed  not  to  want  talent  but  judgment  and 
steadiness.     I    suspect    he    possesses    much    ambition."     Carroll    hopes    the 
"friends  of  stability  and  order,   1.  e.,  the  real  friends  of  liberty  and  their 
country,  will  unite  to  counteract  the  schemes  of  men,  who  have  uniformly 
manifested    hostile    temper    to    the    present    government,    the    adoption    of 
which  has  rescued  these  States  from  that  debility  and  confusion  and  those 
horrors  which   unhappy   France   has   experienced." 

3  He    was    away    on    November    26    and    until    December     15.      Session 
adjourned   .December   20.     He   was    on    the   conference    committee   on    the 
militia  bill. 

4  Rowland's  Carroll,  il,   189,  Charles   Carroll  of    Carrollton  resigned 
from  the  United  States  senate,   December  3,   1792,  and  wrote  John   Henry 
that  Potts,   McHenry  and  Stone  are  the  three  spoken  of  to  succeed  him. 


140  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  x 

"Philadelphia 

"April  5,  1793 

"It  is  a  good  while  my  Dear  Mac  since  I  have 
either  written  to  or  received  a  line  from  you.  I  embrace  the 
first  moment  I  have  been  really  able  to  spare  to  say  some 
things  to  you  which  have  for  some  time  'lain  heavy  on  my 
mind' 

"I  have  been  conscious  that  I  owed  you  an  explana 
tion  concerning  the  issue  of  a  certain  Inspectorship  and  I 
have  meditated  it  ever  since  that  issue  took  place. 

"In  giving  it  now,  I  must  rely  on  your  discretion  and 
delicacy ;  for  you  know  I  have  no  occasion  to  make  enemies  — 
and  I  must  confide  to  you  what  in  truth  are  in  the  nature  of 
official  secrets 

"The  Supervisor  named  Perry,  Richardson,  and  Cham 
berlain; —  laying  most  stress  on  Perry.  I  had  a  conversa 
tion  with  Mr.  Coxe  (a  matter  of  course  in  reference  to  his 
office)  and  it  was  agreed  to  recommend  Perry.  The  three 
names  were  given  in  to  the  President  (he  always  chooses  to 
have  more  than  one)  with  a  decided  recommendation  of  Perry. 
I  thought  his  appointment  certain. 

"Coxe  spoke  to  Murray  or  Murray  to  Coxe  about  this 
appointment  Murray  recommended  Richardson  and  Eccles- 
ton,  preferring  rather  the  latter.  I  believe,  but  I  do  not 
know  it,  that  he  rather  spoke  lightly  of  Perry.  A  gentleman 
from  Maryland  (I  think  of  the  name  of  Hammersly)  said  to 
Coxe  several  things  very  disadvantageous  to  Perry.  It 
seems  he  had  opposed  Mr.  Tilghman's  election  &  through  dif 
ferent  channels,  Tilghman  's  Friends  had  approached  Coxe  — 
who,  from  his  connection  with  the  family,  was  not  difficult  to 
be  impressed  against  him. 

"Coxe  came  to  me  with  his  tone  entirely  altered  on  the 
subject  of  Perry.  He  was  a  man  not  respected  by  respectable 
men  —  an  intriguing  and  rather  crooked  character  &c  &c.  I 
perceived  the  influence  of  the  election  story  &  no  impression 
was  made.  My  byass  towards  Perry  continued  &  Coxe 
perceived  it. 

' '  The  next  morning  I  received  a  letter  from  him  of  which 
the  enclosed  is  a  copy.  This  after  the  full  conversations  we 
had  had  was  rather  an  officious  proceeding.  The  design  of 
it  was  not  difficult  to  be  understood. 

"The  same  morning  I  had  occasion  to  call  on  the  Presi- 


1791-1796]  of  James  McHenry  141 

dent  —  he  had  received  a  letter  from  Murray  recommending 
strongly  Richardson  and  Eccleston  and  I  found  he  had 
through  some  channel  been  approached  disadvantageously  to 
Mr.  Perry. 

' '  He  expressed  a  wish  that  I  should  make  further  Inquiry 
&  particularly  of  Mr.  Henry. 

"I  called  on  Mr.  Henry.  He  was  strong  in  favour  of 
Richardson  &  Eccleston  and  unusually  decided  against  Mr. 
Perry. 

"Having  then  no  clue  to  it  and  having  been  led  from 
former  communication  to  entertain  a  favourable  opinion  of 
Henry's  Candor  I  was  much  struck  with  his  decision  against 
Perry  &  I  own  a  good  deal  shaken 

' '  It  was  my  duty  to  state  facts  to  the  President. 

' '  The  Argument  with  him  stood  thus  '  Perry  is  strongly 
objected  to  by  some;  Richardson  is  recommended  by  every 
body  —  Ergo  Richardson  is  the  safest  appointment' 

''Much  could  not  be  said  by  way  of  direct  opposition. 
My  own  mind  had  been  put  in  doubt  —  I  took  the  course  of 
recommending  delay  for  further  Inquiry  &  I  understood  that 
this  idea  would  be  pursued.  I  therefore  wrote  to  you  &  I 
believe  to  Mr.  Gale  —  I  received  letters  from  both  which  threw 
light  upon  the  subject  —  but  to  my  surprise  the  nomination 
was  put  in  before  either  letter  came  to  hand. 

"I  flatter  myself  this  detail  will  give  you  a  correct  idea 
of  the  business  and  that  you  will  be  satisfied  that  I  have 
neither  been  wanting  to  you  nor  to  Mr.  Perry. 

"But  this  explanation  is  sacredly  for  your  own  breast  — 
Mr.  Henry's  communications  in  particular  were  made  under 
the  most  precise  sanction  of  Confidence. 

"Nothing  but  a  desire  to  vindicate  the  propriety  of  my 
conduct  towards  a  friend  could  induce  me  to  disclose  it  at 
any  rate 

"Affecty  &c  truly  Yrs 

"A  HAMILTON 

"What  say  your  folks  as  to  Peace  or  War  in 
reference  to  the  TJ.  states?" 

On  receiving  this  letter,  McHenry  wrote  Perry  as  follows : 

"I  have  had  a  communication  upon  a  recent  subject.  Mr. 
Gale  actually  gave  you  the  preference  in  his  recommendation 
and  the  head  of  the  treasury  handed  in  your  name  to  the 


142  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  x 

President  under  circumstances  which  did" not  seem  to  leave  a 
doubt  as  to  your  appointment.  The  intrigues  against  you 
began  then  to  appear.  Delay  was  proposed  till  further  in 
formation  could  be  obtained  and  it  was  supposed  was  ac 
quiesced  in :  but  it  so  happened  notwithstanding,  that  before 
my  letter  Mr.  Gale's  letter  or  any  other  letter  arrived,  the 
nomination  was  made  to  the  senate.  You  see  I  cannot  be 
particular.  One  day  I  may  be  so.  In  the  mean  while  rest 
assured  that  every  thing  was  done  by  my  little  friend,  and 
that  his  regret  and  disappointment  was  not  less  than  mine. 
'Patience  and  shuffle  the  cards.'  ' 

To  Hamilton,  McHenry  wrote  on  April  14,  that  he  was 
mortified  and  hurt,  exceedingly,  that  Perry  did  not  win,  but 
did  not  blame  Hamilton.  The  Tilghmans  influenced  Coxe 
and  ' '  you  had  greater  things  to  attend  to. ' '  Richardson,  who 
had  been  treasurer  of  the  Eastern  Shore,  is  no  more  worthy 
and  less  active  than  Perry.  McHenry  invites  Hamilton  to 
visit  him  and  says  of  our  foreign  relations  that  "our  people 
wish  to  be  able  to  carry  our  produce  freely  to  all  the  parties 
at  war  who  may  want  it,  without  having  anything  further  to 
do  with  the  war. ' ' l 

Baltimore  was  quite  excited  that  summer;  a  number  of 
French  refugees  arrived  from  the  island  of  Santo  Domingo 
and  McHenry  served  on  the  committee  to  solicit  subscriptions 
for  their  relief.  2  The  sudden  arrival  of  the  refugees  caused 
the  governor  to  make  a  grant  of  the  public  arms  to  the  Balti- 

1  An  interesting  side  light  on  our  relation  to  France  is  found  in  a 
letter  by  William  Vans  Murray,  the  member  of  congress  from  the  lower 
Eastern  Shore  district  then  living  at  Cambridge,  written  on  May  8,  1793  ; 
A  British  prize,  taken  by  a  French  privateer,  was  brought  past  Cambridge, 
under  command  of  a  citizen  of  the  district.  There  was  not  a  man  in 
Dorchester  county  who  could  lawfully  enter  on  board  the  prize,  till  Colonel 
Banning,  an  excellent  officer,  came  from  Oxford,  in  Talbot  county,  across 
the  Choptank,  a  river  as  wide  as  the  Delaware  at  Wilmington.  "So  ex 
tremely  naked  is  the  body  of  the  Federal  government,  so  wanting,  not 
only  in  clothing,  but  in  limbs."  Colonel  Banning  and  Murray  went  aboard 
the  prize  and  the  captain  showed  a  commission  from  the  French  republic 
authorizing  Citizen  Hooper  to  carry  the  prize  to  the  nearest  port.  Colonel 
Banning  seized  the  vessel,  Murray,  the  only  member  of  congress  on  the 
spot  hazarding  the  step,  and  then  writing  Paca,  the  federal  district  judge. 
Murray  adds  that  the  public  are  satisfied,  as  they  support  the  neutrality 
proclamation,  though  they  are  friendly  to  the  French  revolution.  The 
prize  was  lawfully  taken,  but  unlawfully  sent  to  a  neutral  country  and 
became  subject  to  all  the  rights  of  dominion  inherent  in  a  neutral.  Sam 
uel  Smith  wrote  Hamilton"  on  June  16,  that  a  neutral  should  not  permit 
the  sale  of  prizes.  Hooper  is  suspected  to  own  a  share  in  the  privateer 
which  he  fitted  out  in  Charleston  and  sold  it  to  the  French  who  may  bring 
up  other  prizes.  He  is  an  ignorant  young  man  and  is  much  alarmed,  say 
ing  that  the  great  men  and  governor  at  Charleston  misled  him. 

2  Scharf  s  Chron.,  266. 


1791-1796]  of  James  McHenry  143 

more  volunteer  companies,  which  action  was  ratified  by  the  leg 
islature  in  November.  On  November  29,  the  assembly  voted 
that  a  committee  be  appointed  in  Baltimore,  with  power  to 
draw  on  the  treasurer  of  the  Western  Shore,  weekly  for  $500, 
from  December  1  to  February  2,  "for  the  subsistence  of  the 
distressed  French  citizens  now  in  this  State  from  St.  Do 
mingo,"  unless  congress  should  make  earlier  provision.  On 
the  30th,  John  Ganevain  and  William  Du  Bourg  thanked  the 
assembly  for  the  relief,  in  the  name  of  the  refugees.  On  De 
cember  23,  the  house  of  delegates  asked  the  senate  to  join  in 
an  address  to  Maryland's  representatives  in  congress,  to  have 
the  state  recompensed  for  relief  given  1,200  persons  from  San 
to  Domingo  who  arrived  in  Baltimore,  "destitute  of  every  ne 
cessity  of  life,  without  money  and  unskilled  in  our  language." 
Reference  is  made  to  the  glory  England  received  from  rescuing 
such  fugitives  as  the  Huguenots  and  Palatines.  On  August 
11,  McHenry  wrote  Washington  that  the  French  minister  had 
made  a  requisition  on  the  French  merchant  fleet  in  Baltimore 
harbor  for  600  seamen  to  rendezvous  at  Philadelphia  and  had 
ordered  the  consul  at  Baltimore  to  furnish  each  volunteer 
with  $5.  The  greatest  part  had  already  1  left  town. 

On  August  20,  Samuel  Smith  wrote  Hamilton,  support 
ing  the  president 's  action  in  the  Genet  matter, 2  and  saying 
that  an  Irishman,  desirous  of  custom,  hung  out  the  tricolor 
on  July  17,  but,  finding  he  did  not  attract  French  customers, 
pulled  it  in  again.  Robert  Smith,  Captain  Strieker,  and  two 
magistrates  went  to  Fell 's  Point  and  found  that  there  was  no 
foundation  for  the  report  that  there  was  a  French  rendezvous 
there.  Only  one  privateer  was  in  the  harbor.  Kilty  seized 
her,  but  found  she  had  on  board  only  the  arms  which  she 
had  brought,  and  on  sailing,  her  captain  promised  to  take 
off  the  French  that  are  a  burden  and  one  young  Irishman. 

Six  days  later,  Colonel  John  Eager  Howard  wrote  Hamil 
ton  that,  while  he  approved  Hamilton's  instructions  concern 
ing  privateers,  there  is  so  much  money  to  be  made  from  them, 

1  On  August  27,   Samuel    Smith  wrote  Hamilton   that  there  was  no 
truth   in  a  report  that  an   expedition  against  Providence  in  the  Bahamas 
would  set  forth  from  Baltimore. 

2  The  governor,  he  writes,  is  sound  In  principles,  but  Annapolis,   the 
seat  of  government,  is  not  the  seat  of  trade  and  he  is  not  well  informed. 
The   English  at  New  York  hurt  their  own  cause.     On  the   27th,  he  wrote 
that  Governor  Lee  has  been  long  opposed  to   French  measures,   the  mali 
cious  say  because  the  revolutionists  seized  the  priests'  property,  Lee  having 
become  a  Roman  Catholic,  "I  believe,  from  principle."     He  refused  to  give 
Thornton,  the  British  consul,  an  exequatur,  when  in  Baltimore,  as  every 
thing  must  be  done  in  council  at  Annapolis. 


144  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  x 

that  some  persons  are  discontented,  and  that  the  conduct  of  the 
English  privateers  makes  us  wish  for  peace. l 

The  general  assembly  met  on  November  4,  but  McHenry 
did  not  attend  until  the  30th.  On  that  day,  he  introduced  a 
bill  for  a  health  officer  in  Baltimore,  a  city  then  regarded  as 
very  unhealthy  in  summer  and  where  "malignant  contagious 
fever"  had  raged  that  year.  On  December  3,  he  was  ap 
pointed  one  of  a  committee  of  five  to  bring  in  a  bill  to  erect 
Baltimore  into  a  city.  2  This  question  of  incorporation  was 
a  very  live  one  in  local  politics  and  Fell's  Point  was  anxious 
to  be  excluded  from  the  city  limits.  A  charter  was  proposed 
and  passed  the  senate  on  December  24,  but  was  lost  in  the 
house,  and,  when  the  charter  was  finally  passed  in  1796,  it 
is  said  that  the  representatives  from  Baltimore  had  no  small 
ado  to  reconcile  the  city  to  it.  3 

The  militia  bill  was  also  discussed.  McHenry  voted  with 
the  majority  to  exempt  minor  apprentices,  agricultural  la 
borers,  students  under  twenty-one,  and  teachers,  and  that 
volunteer  companies  be  given  up,  save  in  Baltimore,  where  the 
"  public  interest  requires  that  energy  and  activity  of  exer 
tion  which  is  best  produced"  by  them.  The  assembly  wras 
quite  strenuous  on  the  desirability  of  the  federal  senate's  sit 
ting  with  open  doors  and  of  the  enactment  of  the  eleventh 
amendment  to  the  constitution,  preventing  an  individual  from 
bringing  suit  against  a  state.  The  house  of  delegates  made  at 
this  time  an  assault  on  the  annual  gift  to  the  state  colleges,  but 
the  senate  refused  to  join  in  the  repeal.  It  is  interesting  to 
note  that  McHenry  voted  in  favor  of  the  resolution  to  grant 
the  federal  government,  with  consent  of  the  owner  of  the  land, 
permission  to  build  a  fort  or  arsenal  on  Whetstone  Point,  to 
which  fort  McHenry 's  name  was  later  given. 

McHenry  wrote  Washington  on  March  31,  and  April  3, 
1794,  asking  that  he  be  sent  to  France  and  Vienna  to  secure 
the  release  of  Lafayette  and  his  family.  4  This  would  be  like 
the  friendship  of  Achilles  for  Patroclus  and  the  autumnal 
fevers,  from  which  McHenry  had  suffered  in  1792  and  1793, 
caused  him  to  wish  for  a  change  of  air. 

1  On  November   29,   1793,   the     state   senate   unanimously  passed  re 
solves   in   favor  of  neutrality. 

2  He  was  ill  on  the   1.0th. 

3  .Scharf's   Chron.,    280. 

4  Ford,  xii,   412;   Sparks,  x,   397.        McHenry  complains  of  ill  health. 
It  is  interesting  to  note  that  on  April   8,  Monroe  wrote  Washington  pro 
testing  against  the  appointment  of  Hamilton  as  minister  to  Great  Britain, 
which  he  heard  was  proposed. 


1791-1796]  of  James  McHcnry  145 

Washington  answered  on  April  8,  breaking  through  his 
usual  rule  of  not  replying  to  letters  asking  for  appointments, 
"from  motives  of  esteem  and  regard  and  our  former  con 
nexion  in  public  life,"  and  said  that  there  would  be  no  ad 
vantage  in  sending  McHenry,  inasmuch  as  everything  that 
could  be  done,  "without  committing  my  public  character  and 
involving  this  country  in  embarrassments,"  had  already  been 
done.  McHenry  answered  on  April  10,  regretting  that  the 
president  cannot  appoint  him  and  thanking  Washington  for 
news  of  that  "unfortunate  person,"  Lafayette. 

On  July  17,  1794,  Richard  Potts,  one  of  the  federal  sen 
ators  from  Maryland,  wrote  Hamilton,  stating  that  he  in 
tended  to  resign  his  position  because  of  family  losses  and  the 
death  of  a  wife,  who  left  him  with  a  family  of  small  children. 
He  asked  to  be  made  collector  of  the  port  of  Baltimore.  To 
fill  his  place  in  the  senate,  Uriah  Forrest  urged  McHenry  to 
become  a  candidate  as  follows: 

' '  I  presume  you  know  that  Mr.  Potts  does  not  mean  again 
to  attend  the  Senate.  I  need  not  I  am  sure  observe  to  you 
how  important  is  the  replacing  of  his  appointment  well  I 
am  a  sanguine  not  a  desponding  man  —  and  I  do  in  my 
heart  believe  the  time  has  never  been  nor  perhaps  may  never 
again  happen,  when  the  Choice  for  that  House,  from  Mary 
land  was  of  such  consequence  to  the  happiness  of  this  Coun 
try.  Presuming  on  Izard's  successor  being  of  Butler's  senti 
ments,  you  will  find  in  the  Senate,  exclusive  of  Maryland,  an 
equal  number  of  disorganizing  with  orderly  Members.  Then 
on  Maryland  does  every  thing  Hang.  Under  these  circum 
stances,  fond  as  I  know  you  are  of  retirement,  I  count  with 
firm  reliance  on  your  agreeing  to  serve.  Should  opposition 
arise,  You  Shall  be  suported  well  from  this  quarter.  I  have 
not  been  much  in  the  habit  of  Pressing  men  into  service  — 
but  in  times  of  danger,  I  shall  always  be  ready  to  act  &  do 
for  common  good,  &  in  urging  you  by  a  regard  for  that  Com 
mon  good,  by  a  regard  to  your  own  &  others  safety,  &  by  that 
friendship  which  though  for  a  long  time  not  much  professed 
I  hope  never  slept,  I  think  I  am  doing  service,  because  I  think 
it  will  have  some  influence  in  your  determination." 

As  McHenry  was  not  to  be  sent  to  Europe,  he  went  to 
the  Sweet  Springs  again  this  summer  for  his  health.  Some 
of  his  letters  to  his  wife  give  interesting  pictures  of  the  life 


146  Life  and  Correspoadence  [CHAP,  x 

at  that  resort.     Thus  he  wrote  on  the  8th  of  August,  1794 : 
"My  dear  Peggy. 

"My  last  letter  to  you  was  dated  at  the  warm 
springs  and  sent  by  a  traveller  as  far  as  Frederick  where  it 
was  to  be  put  into  the  post  office. 

"I  arrived  at  this  place  the  4th  instant  in  the  forenoon, 
and  have  got  into  a  good  room,  near  the  water  and  have  no 
reason  to  complain  of  the  table  or  general  accommodations. 
There  are  about  sixty  boarders,  of  which  twelve  or  fourteen 
are  ladies.  The  gentlemen  dine  at  a  common  table ;  the  ladies 
in  their  huts  or  rooms. 

"There  are  several  consumptive  patients  at  the  springs; 
those  in  the  early  stages  of  that  disorder  seem  to  receive  bene 
fit,  those  far  advanced  according  to  an  observation  I  made  in 
1789,  seem  on  the  contrary  to  fall  sooner  than  they  would 
have  done  by  the  natural  course  of  the  disease  under  a  proper 
regimen.  Indeed  the  latter  appears  so  well  established  as  to 
admit  of  little  or  no  doubt.  There  may  however  be  excep 
tions  to  the  rule  arising  from  the  species  of  consumption. 

"The  care  of  souls  is  not  neglected  in  this  quarter.  I 
attended  a  methodist  sermon  yesterday  and  heard  card  play 
ing  and  dancing  condemned  as  damnable  sins.  The  sermon 
was  scarcely  ended  when  some  of  the  gentlemen  returned  to 
the  card-table,  and  others  joined  the  ladies  to  receive  their 
approbation  for  an  assembly.  Whether  the  ladies  were  con 
vinced  by  the  arguments  of  the  preacher  or  the  beaux  a  little 
time  will  determine.  The  holy  men  I  find  propose  to  preach 
on  Sunday  and  no  doubt  will  resume  the  subject  should  they 
hear  of  these  attempts  to  mislead  the  fair,  and  perpetuate  the 
practice  of  gaming. 

"The  amusements  of  this  place  are  neither  so  numerous 
nor  various  as  to  draw  off  my  attention  from  those  affection 
ate  attractions  I  have  left  at  home.  These  often  make  my 
day  dream  and  always  my  night.  Fancy  thus  removes  the 
distance  and  brings  me  near  to  those  I  love  with  the  most 
tender  affection.  Shall  I  not  soon  receive  news  to  realize  my 
hopes  and  convince  me  of  your  health  and  that  of  our  dear 
little  ones?  I  shall  then  enjoy  a  real  and  solid  satisfaction, 
next  to  that  of  seeing^and  embracing  you  and  my  children. 

"Did  I  say  amusements?  Why  there  are  none  here  un 
less  card  parties  are  considered  of  that  class.  I  have  heard 
of  an  assembly  it  is  true,  but  dancing  to  no  music  or  bad 


1791-1796]  of  James  McHenry  147 

music  can  hardly  be  called  an  amusement.  One  may  occupy 
themselves  however  in  yarious  ways.  First  in  drinking  the 
water,  and  next  in  riding  or  walking  to  get  quit  of  it.  Then 
comes  breakfast  about  8  o'clock  after  having  kept  the  appe 
tite  on  the  rack  for  an  hour  or  more  before.  About  eleven 

0  'clock  you  renew  your  potions  of  water ;  make  little  riding  or 
walking  excursions,  visit  Beaver  dam,  or  sit  on  benches  or 
chat  till  three  o'clock  when  every  one  is  anxious  to  hear  a 
horn  blow  which  is  the  summons  to  dinner.     From  six  to 
eight  o'clock  there  is  a  little  more  water  drinking  after  which 
those  who  choose  coffee,  tea,  bread  and  milk  or  rye-mush  eat 
supper,  and  in  a  general  way  thus  begins  proceeds  and  closes 
the  diurnal  occupations  of  the  Sweet  Springs. 

"Mr.  Barton  has  been  here  a  few  days  and  sets  out  on 
his  return  tomorrow;  so  that  I  expect  by  Sunday  week  you 
will  have  this  letter  in  your  possession.  But  when  shall  I 
get  one  from  you?  It  will  be  ten  days  at  least  before  our 
post  comes  from  Staunton,  for  the  arrangement  fell  some 
what  short  in  point  of  expedition  of  what  I  have  described  it 
to  you.  Instead  of  being  here  once  a  week  it  will  be  once  a 
fortnight  only.  Continue  however  to  write  me  once  a  week, 
and  let  them  be  put  into  the  post  office  the  evening  before  the 
mail  is  closed  for  Winchester  by  the  way  of  Alexandria,  which 

1  imagine  to  be  the  shortest  route  to  Staunton. 

"God  bless  my  dear  Peggy  and  our  little  one,  with  our 
dear  Jane,  to  whom  remember  me. 

"Your  affectionate 
"JAMES  MCHENRY" 

"Sweet  Springs  18th  Augt.  1794. 
"My  dear  Peggy. 

"My  last  letter  mentioned  to  you  my  excursion  to  Bote- 
tourt,  and  a  hurried  account  of  the  aspect  of  the  country 
through  which  I  passed.  The  town  of  Botetourt  was  erected 
about  twenty  years  since;  contains  about  one  hundred  and 
thirty  houses;  has  a  church  without  a  clergyman;  a  court 
house  and  goal  in  good  order;  a  tolerable  tavern,  and  four 
teen  stores  or  shops.  It  and  the  neighbourhood  furnishes  a 
scanty  practice  for  one  Doctor,  and  sufficient  employment  for 
several  lawyers. 

"Two  miles  on  this  side  of  the  town  is  a  plantation  late 
the  property  of  one  Carper,  now  Mr.  Breckenridges,  with 
whom  I  had  some  business  that  led  me  to  Botetourt.  What 


148  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  x 

induces  me  to  notice  this  plantation  is  a  kind  of  circular  mole 
or  monticello  which  commands  a  fine  view  of  the  whole  vale 
below,  a  meandring  stream,  and  numerous  surrounding  moun 
tains.  Upon  the  summit  of  this  hill,  which  attracts  the  atten 
tion  from  all  other  objects  is  Carper's  house;  but  if  this 
Dutchman  has  discovered  taste  in  the  choice  of  ground  it 
stands  on,  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  he  has  left  neither  tree 
nor  shrub  visible  from  the  road  that  might  have  afforded 
shade  or  shelter,  or  added  by  their  arrangement  to  the  natural 
charms  of  the  place.  The  road  from  whence  I  contemplated 
this  beautiful  spot  lays  about  one  quarter  of  a  mile  from  the 
house.  To  arrive  here  from  the  Sweet  Springs  you  must  ride 
twenty  three  miles  over  stupendously  high  and  rugged  moun 
tains,  where  a  horse  never  trots,  by  a  pathway  sometimes  bor 
dering  on  precipices  and  sometimes  winding  on  the  steep 
banks  of  rivers,  with  not  more  than  three  or  four  small  pieces 
of  cultivated  ground  to  relieve  the  eye  during  the  whole  dis 
tance.  It  is  more  than  likely  that  such  a  journey  prepares 
the  mind  to  reject  none  of  the  beauties  of  Carper's  hill,  nay, 
may  do  more,  serve  to  enhance  them 

"Seated  again  at  the  springs  I  wish  I  could  find  where 
withal  to  amuse  you.  Here  everything  wears  the  same  face 
as  when  I  left  them  save  some  changes  the  company  have 
undergone  by  departures  and  arrivals.  The  preachers  have 
all  withdrawn  except  one,  and  seemingly  yielded  to  the  as 
cendency  of  loo  and  whist.  Much  of  the  female  youth  and 
beauty  which  supported  the  hopes  of  future  assemblies  have 
also  disappeared  whilst  in  addition  to  this  stroke  the  sudden 
conversion  of  the  only  fidler  in  these  parts  to  methodism,  has 
effectually  destroyed  all  expectation  of  their  renewal  during 
the  season. 

"You  will  be  surprised  perhaps  to  hear  that  I  have  spent 
a  part  of  this  morning  and  yesterday  in  the  examination  of 
ancient  and  modern  inscriptions,  or  to  learn  that  so  remote 
a  quarter  of  the  world  should  contain  any  food  for  the  an 
tiquarian.  Here  the  stool  you  sit  on,  the  table  you  eat  off, 
the  walls  and  door  of  the  room  or  hut  you  sleep  in  present 
you  with  the  names  of  persons  who  have  visited  these  waters, 
and  in  many  instances-  with  the  place  of  their  abode  and  dates 
of  their  arrival  and  departure,  carved,  some  in  Eoman  and 
some  in  Italian  characters  with  much  apparent  labour  and 
pen-knife  ingenuity.  I  find  that  I  am  acquainted  with  sev- 


1791-17%]  of  James  Me  Henry  149 

eral  of  these  candidates  for  distinction  and  immortality;  but 
it  is  greatly  to  be  apprehended  that  the  whole  group  may  be 
gradually  lost  to  posterity  in  proportion  as  the  materials  they 
have  made  the  vehicle  of  their  fame  shall  moulder  and  decay. 
One  thing  is  very  remarkable  in  these  records,  that  no  lover 
should  have  carved  the  name  of  his  mistress,  nor  any  mis 
tress  that  of  her  lovers  or  her  own. 

"To  you  my  dear  Peggy  who  loved  me  early  and  who 
loves  me  still  I  inscribe  myself  on  paper  your  still  fond  and 
affectionate  lover  and  husband  JAMES  Me  HENRY" 

"Sunday  — Sweet  Springs  24  Augt.  1794. 
"My  dear  Peggy. 

"I  have  been  this  morning  to  hear  a  very  animated  ser 
mon  delivered  by  Bishop  Maddison  upon  the  excellency  of  the 
Christian  worship ;  the  superiority  of  the  morality  it  pre 
scribes,  the  hope  it  inspires,  and  the  means  it  enjoins  to  attain 
its  end.  As  the  shortest  route  to  persuasion  seems  to  have 
been  intended  he  was  no  ways  sparing  in  rhetorical  figures 
allusions  and  similes,  most  of  which  appeared  to  be  happily 
placed  and  some  of  the  last  perhaps  new.  On  the  whole  I 
felt  pleased  as  well  with  the  sentiments  and  turn  of  expres 
sion  as  general  texture  of  the  discourse,  and  could  have  lis 
tened  to  another  of  the  same  kind  without  danger  of  falling 
asleep.  I  can  further  say,  that  of  five  sermons  by  different 
persons  which  I  have  heard  since  my  arrival  here,  the  Bishop 's 
notwithstanding  Pope's  irony  is  decidedly  the  best. 

A  judge  is  just  a  chancellor  juster  still 

a  gownman  learn'd,  a  Bishop  what  you  will, 

"But  as  Mr  Maddison  is  a  philosopher  as  well  as  Bishop 
we  propose  to  renew  our  chemical  experiments  to-morrow  on 
the  Sweet  Spring  water. 

"Your  absent  and  affectionate 
"JAMES  MCHENRY" 
"Sweet  Springs  Sept.  7th  1794. 
"My  dear  Peggy. 

' '  The  first  of  this  month  I  used  the  bath  for  the  first  time 
and  have  repeated  it  every  morning  since,  but  make  the  exper 
iment  under  circumstances  which  render  its  utility  doubtful. 
I  do  not  know  as  yet  whether  I  shall  continue  to  use  it.  One 
thing  I  can  say,  that  I  have  as  yet  perceived  no  inconvenience 
from  the  experiment.  I  get  up  about  5  o'clock;  wrap  my 
cloak  round  me,  and  in  that  dress  go  down  to  the  bath  house 


150  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  x 

which  is  within  one  hundred  yards  of  my  room:  I  stay  in 
the  bath  about  five  minutes  return  and  dress  myself;  ride 
three  or  four  miles  immediately  after,  drink  about  a  quart 
of  the  red-spring  water  (a  mile  from  the  Sweet  Springs)  and 
return  to  breakfast  which  is  generally  on  table  between  eight 
and  nine.  About  eleven  o'clock  I  ride  six  miles  drink  again 
of  the  red  spring  water,  and  dine  about  3  o'clock.  I  ride 
no  more  during  the  day,  and  generally  spend  the  afternoon 
in  sauntering  or  making  experiments  on  the  waters. 

' '  Adieu  my  dear  Peggy  adieu  and  God  bless  you  and  our 
dear  little  ones." 

"Sweet  Springs  16  Sept.  1794. 

"My  dear  Peggy. 

"  Yesterday  I  visited  some  thermal  waters  on  the  edge 
of  Snake-run  about  five  miles  from  this  place  and  four  miles 
nearer  to  Baltimore.  As  far  as  one  can  judge  by  the  eye  taste 
and  sensible  effects  of  these  waters  they  possess  at  least  in  as 
great  a  degree  the  same  operative  principals  as  the  Sweet  and 
Red  Spring  waters;  of  course  are  no  less  valuable  in  a  med 
icinal  point  of  view.  The  one  whose  qualities  are  similar  to 
the  Red  Spring  water  gushes  out  of  a  rock  at  the  base  of  a 
mountain  into  a  large  natural  bason  with  an  aperture  in  it 
like  the  lip  of  a  jug  through  which  its  contents  pass  into 
Snake-run  colouring  the  stones  and  sides  of  the  bason  with  an 
ochry  matter  such  as  the  Red-spring  exhibits. 

' '  Close  by  this  is  another  gaseus  water  from  which  fixed 
air  rises  abundantly  in  bubbles,  and  which  tastes  as  acidulous 
as  the  water  of  the  Sweet  Spring;  while  a  few  yards  further 
on  there  rises  from  the  same  mountain  a  stream  of  pure  com 
mon  spring  water  devoid  of  the  medicinal  qualities  of  either 
of  the  others.  Thus  has  bountiful  Providence  in  a  small 
compass  given  to  his  creature  man  two  invaluable  gifts,  and  at 
the  same  time  placed  them  in  a  salubrious  climate  and  fertile 
soil;  for  altho'  the  land  in  the  vicinity  of  these  waters  is 
chiefly  high  and  mountainous  much  of  it  is  nevertheless  cap 
able  of  being  converted  into  fine  upland  meadow  and  corn 
and  wheat  fields. 

' '  Snake-run  which  is  considerably  increased  by  these  ther 
mal  waters,  meanders  through  a  narrow  vale  formed  by  tw^o 
opposite  mountains  whose  sides  and  summits  are  covered  with 
large  trees.  After  it  gets  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  the 


1791-17%]  of  James  McHenry  151 

springs  the  fixed  air  of  the  thermal  waters  which  held  in  dis 
solution  their  saline  and  calcarious  matters,  having  chiefly 
evaporated,  these  matters  precipitate  and  adhere  to  whatever 
obstruction  they  find  to  cross  the  stream,  and  form  by  gradual 
and  successive  accumulations  masses  of  a  porous  stoney  sub 
stance  ranged  in  order  like  the  seats  of  a  theatre,  over  which 
the  water  tumbles  and  murmurs  and  whitens  into  foam,  giv 
ing  an  image  in  miniature  of  the  roarings  and  dashings  of 
gigantic  Niagara. 

' '  To  this  fine  spectacle  is  subjoined  another  perhaps  more 
beautiful,  but  more  concealed  from  observation  and  difficult 
of  access.  Having  clambered  up  about  the  third  part  of  a 
very  high  rugged  and  rocky  mountain  adjoining  the  medicinal 
springs,  you  descend  (taking  with  you  lights)  a  kind  of  shaft 
about  twenty  feet  in  depth,  \vhen  there  opens  to  the  right  and 
left  several  suits  of  subterranian  appartments,  repeated  and 
extended  much  further  than  I  chose  to  penetrate.  Some  of 
these  are  very  lofty  and  spacious  and  all  of  them  adorned 
and  incrusted,  tho'  with  unequal  elegance,  with  pillars  and 
wainscotting  composed  of  a  depositum  of  a  christalline  ap 
pearance.  This  substance  or  depositum  is  in  many  of  the 
compartments  of  a  snowy  whiteness  and  fleecy.  Many  of  the 
pillars  which  it  forms  are  ornamented  with  great  fancy  and 
exhibit,  as  well  as  the  pitted  vaults  and  sides  of  the  rooms  and 
passages  various  natural  and  fantastical  figures.  Over  a  hor- 
isontal  projection  seems  to  hang  a  young  child  not  badly 
expressed,  while  at  a  small  distance,  a  half-pillar,  which  stands 
as  if  it  had  been  placed  by  design  to  assist  you  to  descend  from 
one  appartment  to  another,  represents  the  bald  head  of  an  old 
man.  Some  of  these  pillars  and  their  plates  which  fall  like 
curtains  from  the  walls  are  sonorous  when  struck,  and  gently 
echo  the  gurgling  of  a  stream  of  water  (supposed  to  be  Snake- 
run)  which  takes  its  dark  and  devious  way  through  these 
abodes  of  eternal  dampness,  darkness  and  solitude.  You  know 
my  dear,  that  this  subterranean  creation  so  various  and  inter 
esting  is  produced  by  means  apparently  the  most  simple.  You 
know  that  the  water  which  is  continually  filtering  through 
the  mountain  above  into  the  cave  through  the  crevices  of  its 
rock  brings  with  it  matter  that  christallises  into  this  assem 
blage  of  pillars,  wThite  roofs  and  fleecy  wainscotting ;  and  that 
each  new  addition  of  christalline  fluid  which  distills  from  the 
incumbent  rocks  changes  and  varies  the  size  and  appearance 


152  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  x 

of  the  pillars,  the  roof,  the  wainscotting  and  all  the  figures 
that  adorn  and  embellish  this  beautiful  assemblage. 

"There  is  another  cave  in  the  vicinity  of  this  one,  but  as 
it  exhibits  only  inferior  beauties  you  will  not  be  displeased 
at  me  for  omitting  its  description. 

"Would  you  believe  it  that  the  medicinal  waters  of 
Snake-run  and  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  acres  of  land  con 
taining  all  these  interesting  spectacles  could  be  bought  for 
about  £250.  Whereas  I  have  no  doubt  considering  the 
probable  progress  of  population  and  wealth  that  at  no  very 
remote  period  the  purchase  will  require  two  or  three  thousand. 

' '  I  have  only  one  intimation  to  give  you  should  curiosity 
ever  lead  you  to  view  this  cave:  do  not  venture  into  it  when 
heated  by  the  exercise  of  ascending  the  mountain,  but  patiently 
saunter  about  till  you  acquire  somewhat  of  the  coolness  of  its 
atmosphere  otherwise  you  may  pay  too  dear  for  a  view  of  its 
beauties. 

' '  Thus  my  dear  Peggy  I  have  given  you  a  faithful  trans 
cript  of  my  yesterday's  excursion  and  survey.  To-morrow 
Mr.  Richie  who  accompanied  me  from  Frederick  leaves  me  and 
will  carry  this  letter;  but  as  he  talks  of  some  delays  on  the 
road,  it  may  not  reach  you  in  the  usual  time  by  some  days. 
Adieu  my  dear  Peggy  far  dearer  than  the  medicinal  waters 
of  Snake-run,  its  caves  and  their  christalline  beauties  to  your 
affectionate 

"MCHENRY" 

"Sweet  Spring  28th  Sept.  1794 
"My  dear  Peggy. 

"Yesterday  I  received  Mr.  Jorri's  letter  of  the  9th  inst. 
which  you  may  be  certain  gave  me  pleasure  inasmuch  as  it 
assured  me  you  and  our  children  were  well  when  he  wrote ; 
but  had  it  been  convenient  for  you  to  have  said  so  yourself  my 
pleasure  would  have  been  much  more  perfect. 

"How  embarrassed  with  sick  servants,  and  overloaded 
with  fatigue  for  want  of  assistants  since  I  left  you !  Under 
such  accounts  I  cannot  stay  longer  here  and  be  at  rest  in  my 
mind;  I  shall  therefore  leave  this  place  so  as  to  arrive  at 
Staunton  Wednesday  next  which  is  the  post  day  when  I  hope 
to  find  a  letter  fr©m  yourself  of  a  later  date  than  that  from 
Mr.  Jorri.  Why  did  you  not  give  ten  dollars  a  month  rather 
than  be  without  servants?  Why  subject  yourself  to  fatigues 
in  hot  weather,  which  might  be  injurious  to  your  health? 


1791-17%]  of  Jamcx  McHenry  153 

"The  waters  are  at  present  in  their  best  state  and  will 
continue  so  throughout  October ;  and  yet  the  company  have  al 
most  all  disappeared,  even  those  who  found  most  benefit  from 
them,  or  rather  stood  most  in  want  of  their  assistance.  It 
would  seem  that  the  idea  of  solitude  was  more  dreadful  to 
some  than  the  prospect  of  disease.  The  appearance  of  the 
place  it  is  true  is  very  different  from  what  it  was  a  few  weeks 
ago.  A  village  deserted  by  its  inhabitants  whose  houses  are 
falling  into  ruin  gives  a  faint  idea  of  the  deserted  and  ruinous 
state  of  the  huts  at  the  Sweet  Springs.  You  walk  through 
them  without  seeing  any  of  their  late  inhabitants  and  hear 
nothing  to  disturb  the  silence  that  universally  reigns  save  the 
noise  of  the  wood  pecker,  the  falling  of  the  leaves  of  trees  or 
the  murmuring  of  the  hollow  wind  among  the  neighbouring 
mountains  and  everlasting  forests. 

"Can  one  find  any  amusement  amid  such  scenes?  Yes 
my  Peggy,  were  I  but  certain,  that  you  were  well,  at  your 
ease,  and  our  children  so  also,  I  should  like  to  remain  an  in 
habitant  of  these  solitary  places  during  the  month  of  October. 
The  wind  should  answer  to  my  love  murmurs,  while  echo 
would  carry  your  name  through  the  mountains,  and  the  falling 
leaves  speak  to  my  soul  most  excellent  morality.  He  is  poor 
in  ideas  and  barren  in  resources  indeed  who  sees  in  solitude 
nothing  but  frightful  chimeras,  and  in  these  mountains  no 
amusement  whatever. 

"But  whatever  praise  may  be  due  to  solitude,  and  what 
ever  entertainment  these  places  may  contain,  I  yield  all  with 
pleasure  for  you  and  Fayetteville. 

"God  bless  you  my  Peggy  and  make  our  meeting  happy 
prays  your  affectionate 

' '  JAMES  MCHENRY  ' ' 

On  November  2,  the  day  before  the  assembly  should  meet 
at  Annapolis,  Chase  wrote  McHenry  on  the  projected  incor 
poration  of  Baltimore  City  as  follows: 

"Balto.  Sunday  Noon. 
"Dear  Sir, 

' '  The  place  of  the  Clerk  of  the  Senate  will  be  solicited  by 
several  Gentlemen.  Mr.  Ninian  Pinkney,  brother  of  Mr. 
William  Pinkney,  my  friend,  will  be  one  of  the  applicants, 
and  I  wish  he  may  meet  your  Approbation.  I  have  no  doubt 
that  he  is  every  way  qualified  to  execute  the  Duties  of  the 


154  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  x 

Office,  and  therefore  I  earnestly  recommend  him  to  your  pa 
tronage  and  friendship,  —  if  you  should  be  pleased  to  honour 
him  with  your  Vote  You  will  confer  on  Me  a  personal  obli 
gation. 

"I  only  returned  yesterday  afternoon  from  Annapolis, 
and  have  no  Information  of  any  thing  intended  by  the  friends 
of  the  proposed  Bill  for  the  incorporation  of  Balto  Town.  I 
have  seen  the  thing  proposed  by  the  united  Committees,  and 
your  strictures  on  it.  I  imagine  it  would  be  proper  to  draw 
instructions  to  the  Representatives  of  this  place,  directing 
them  to  ratify  the  Bill  and  altho  I  am  inclined  [  ?]  to  propose 
to  the  Senate  certain  amendments,  to  agree  to  such  others  as 
will  effectuate  the  great  object  of  the  original  Bill,  the  estab 
lishment  of  an  energetic  Government  for  Baltimore  founded 
with  principles  of  a  Republican  Government. 

"It  appears  to  Me  from  the  Numbers  (500)  who  last  year 
petitioned  for  a  law  of  Incorporation,  a  fourth  Thing  was 
proposed  by  the  Senators,  that  all  kinds  of  Citizens  agree  in 
the  Necessity  of  incorporating  the  Town,  but  differ  about  the 
form  of  the  Government.  I  return  to  Annapolis  on  tomorrow 
Week.  I  am 

' '  With  great  respect 

"Yr.  Hble.  Obedt  Servt. 
"SAM.  CHASE." 

McHenry  did  not  appear  in  the  senate  until  the  17th, 
but  this  delay  seems  to  have  been  a  characterisiic  of  most  of 
the  members;  for,  frequently,  two  weeks  passed  before  a 
quorum  was  secured  and  the  body  organized  at  this  time,  on 
the  day  when  McHenry  came. 

On  December  3,  he  introduced  a  bill  to  establish  a  bank 
in  Baltimore  and  on  the  16th,  with  Carroll  of  Carrollton,  he 
voted  in  the  minority  against  ratifying  the  eleventh  amend 
ment.  1 

He  had  but  one  voting  with  him,  while  ten  were  against 
him,  on  the  adoption  of  the  following  resolutions,  which  he 
offered  on  the  18th : 

"Resolved  that  the  situation  and  circumstances  of  the 
people  of  this  State  make  it  expedient  to  frame  a  system  of 
county  schools,  as  subsidiary  to  the  colleges  and  the  more 
expensive  promulgating  of  learning. 

l  He  was  absent  on  December  24. 


1791-1796]  of  James  McHenry  155 

"Resolved  that  a  committee  from  the  Senate  should  be 
appointed  to  confer  with  a  committee  from  the  House  of  Dele 
gates  in  order  to  obtain  their  sentiments  on  the  subject  and 
what  taxes  might  be  with  propriety  laid  to  support  the  said 
schools. ' ' 

He  stood  with  nine  others  against  the  two  who  voted  to 
take  the  annual  grant  from  St.  John's  College,  voted  with 
four  others,  against  seven,  to  destroy  the  governor's  council 
and  brought  in  a  bill  to  permit  members  of  the  legislature  to 
affirm  instead  of  taking  an  oath. 

Washington  had  great  trouble  with  his  cabinet  in  his 
second  administration.  Hamilton  and  Knox  resigned  in  the 
winter  of  1794-95,  and  the  feeling  in  Philadelphia  about 
the  secretaryship  is  clearly  shown  in  two  interesting  letters 
William  Vans  Murray,  a  member  of  congress,  sent  McHenry  at 
the  time. 

"Philad.  16  Dec.  1794. 
"Dear  Sir, 

' '  There  has  nothing  new  come  forward  lately  from  Eng 
land.  It  would  appear  as  though  the  publication  (by  Mr. 
R[andolph])  of  the  two  official  notes  from  Mr.  Jay  &  Lord 
Grenville  were  an  untimely  gratification  of  public  curiosity. 
It  show'd  the  feebler  part,  the  mere  introduction  of  the  busi 
ness,  of  a  scheme  in  which  vigour  appeared  necessary,  at  least 
appeared  so  to  the  public  mind  here  which  was  greatly  excited 
by  recent  injuries.  —  &  a  proper  regard  to  silence  on  an 
uncertain  event  necessarily  prevented  a  further  publication  of 
that  part.  The  effect  was  not  happy  here  as  they  did  not 
see  all,  they  ought  perhaps  to  have  seen  nothing  —  and  yet 
directions,  or  rules,  might  have  been  given  by  the  Secretary 
of  State  for  the  guidance  of  the  sufferers  or  claimants  agree 
ably  to  Mr.  J  's  ideas  —  but  the  murmur  soon  subsided  The 
impression  of  the  [whiskey]  insurrection  aided  in  smoothing 
down  every  asperity.  It  has  been  deep,  &  effective,  it  is  to 
be  hoped.  The  roots  of  the  cause  however  are  perhaps  to  be 
looked  for  if  any  where  existing  in  the  remnant  of  the  Demo 
cratic  clubs.  These  will  I  am  convinced  still  go  on.  They 
assume  a  ground  so  plausible  in  a  free  country  that  they  will 
still  flourish  &  ocassionally  produce  convulsions,  or  rather 
prepare  the  public  mind  for  them.  The  present  time  how 
ever  is  certainly  propitious  to  a  sober  examination  of  their 
tendency,  &  perhaps  of  their  Objects.  Every  thing  is  to  be 


156  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  x 

hoped  for  from  the  good  sense  of  the  public  when  so  lately 
roused  into  reflexion. 

"That  your  old  Military  comes  Col  Hamilton  should  be 
about  to  retire  from  office  must  give  you  &  every  friend  to  the 
country  much  regret.  Knox  too  talks  of  resigning.  In  fact 
the  government  does  not  seem  to  grow  better,  as  to  its  agents, 
In  every  part  of  it  —  instead  of  growing  more  mellow  —  it 
seems  more  crude  &  green.  The  prospect  of  the  new  elections 
too  for  the  next  Congress  presents  no  consolation  —  much  I 
fear  that  the  Majority  in  this  house  at  least  if  not  in  the 
Senate  will  be  wrong,  to  say  no  more.  That  is  they  will  be 
composed  of  a  majority  who  will  be  composed  of  two  sorts 
of  men.  A  few  who  were  anti  in  87  —  and  are  so  still  — 
and  those  also  were  Federal  in  87  —  and  also  think  themselves 
to  be  so  still  —  men  who  do  not  wish  to  overturn  the  govern 
ment  —  but  who  by  an  undue  infusion  of  new  f angled  disor 
ganizing  principles  are  outrageously  wild  in  their  theories  & 
practice,  &  who  wish  to  make  the  constitution  the  post  on 
which  they  would  hang  up  these  new  principles  —  These  men 
would  ruin  this  or  any  other  energetic  system  by  their  mode 
of  administering  &  working  it.  They  sail  down  a  current  — 
and  mean  to  stop  at  the  cataract.  They  would  unintention 
ally  go  down  the  cataract  at  last.  For  I  can  not  believe  that 
you  can  find  twelve  men  in  the  government  who  would  by  one 
decisive  blow  destroy  it.  But  the  other  description  are  & 
will  be  too  much  guided  by  these. 

"Between  our  selves,  there  is  ground  to  expect  that  this 
late  affair  to  the  Westward  will  produce  a  sort  of  crisis  in  the 
parties  of  the  ancient  Dominion  —  where  a  respect  for  the 
personal  private  characters  of  some  pretty  eminent  men  has 
hitherto  evaded  an  open  &  marked  line  between  the  puzzlers 
&  disorganizing  politicians  &  the  sober,  good  &  firm  Federalists. 
I  rejoice  that  my  name  has  not  been  brought  forward  agt 
Mr.  Henry  or  to  the  slightest  interruption  of  his  re-election  — 
&  am  much  flattered  by  the  kind  manner  in  which  you  mention 
the  circumstance" 

"Philad.  1.  Jany  1795. 
"Dear  Sir, 

"The  stream  of  time  running  on  silently  for  ages  would 
be  a  dutch  canal,  tame  &  insipid  were  it  not  intersected  by  here 
&  there  a  point  of  flowers  and  verdure  to  enliven  its  banks. 


1791-1796]  of  James  McHcnry  157 

Sundays  —  months  &  years  —  even  fasts  as  well  as  festivals 
aid  the  mind  &  spirits  like  these  resting  points.  I  can  easily 
conceive  why  the  ladies  &  fine  gentlemen  drop  the  ceremony 
of  gratulation  on  the  birth  of  the  new  year  &  it  is  for  the 
reason  you  have  given  —  wrinkles  —  We  love  the  new  year 
perhaps  because  not  to  have  reached  it  would  have  been  a 
greater  evil  than  to  grow  old.  Like  you  I  had  rather  enjoy 
it  at  home  in  the  true  Maryland  feudal  like  style  of  the  E. 
Shore.  To  make  the  Banjo  (in  lieu  of  the  Hall's  Harp,  or 
the  Bagpipe)  drone  away  in  the  Kitchen  —  to  give  out  brandy 
to  the  poor  slaves  &  see  them  eat  blood  puddings  as  a  luxury. 
But  Mrs.  Murray  is  with  me  &  I  am  consoled.  Though  the 
beating  of  the  drums  near  us  &  the  firing  of  guns  &  ringing 
of  bells  at  Twelve  o'clock  last  night  were  not  absolutely] 
necessary  to  that  repose  which  is  so  necessary  before  a  man 
starts  on  the  long  journey  of  a  full  year.  But  I  am  well  to 
day  —  &  what  is  better  the  President  is  in  fine  health  &  seems 
to  defy  the  ravages  of  time  during  life  as  much  as  his  name 
certainly  will  after  death.  We  all  went  to  see  him  to  day  — 
&  he  so  little  understands  the  taste  of  politicians  as  to  have  had 
a  treat  of  sweet  cake  &  wine  ready  for  his  'faithful  commons.' 

"The  subject  which  engages  the  House  is  a  Naturalization 
bill  —  we  would  lengthen  the  time  of  residence.  The  flood 
of  men  &  of  their  opinions  is  to  be  feared  by  all  who  can  trace 
the  fitness  of  the  people  to  their  governments,  and  of  those 
to  the  People  —  most  of  this  fitness  perhaps  arises  more  from 
the  peculiar  composition  of  the  Society  than  from  any  exercise 
of  the  will  of  the  people.  So  naturally  &  essentially  do  the 
Theories  belong  to  the  opinions  habits  &  immemorial  practice 
of  the  citizens  of  the  U.  S.  that  their  General  and  particular 
modes  of  Government  can  hardly  be  said  to  have  been  Willed. 
What  ever  will  materially  affect  or  suddenly  derange  this  com 
position  perhaps  ought  to  be  guarded  against.  It  is  fair  to  ex 
pect  probably  one  million  of  souls  here  in  less  than  three  years, 
let  the  contest  end  as  it  may  in  France.  Ought  we  not  to  set  a 
high  price  on  a  participation  of  citizenship  where  an  easy 
acquisition  of  it,  by  those  who  must  have  very  different  ideas 
from  those  of  our  citizens,  might  affect  the  political  complexion 
of  the  mass  &  of  course  be  felt  in  the  government. 

"I  am  so  much  flattered  by  an  agreement  with  you  in 
former  opinions,  that  you  see  I  venture  to  go  on  in  giving  mine 
freely  —  indeed  this  is  the  line  I  have  taken  in  the  Debate. 


158  JLife  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  x 

Giles  has  made  a  very  frivolous  motion  relatively  to  the  bill 
wh.  you  will  see  in  the  enclosed  paper  of  Brown's.     Wishing 
you  &  Mrs  McHenry  a  happy  new  year  in  a  continuance  of 
all  your  own  blessings  I  am  with  sincere  esteem  Dear  Sir 
"respectfully  yrs 

"W.V.MURRAY. 

"Genl.  Knox  resigned  yesterday  —  Pickering  is  talked 
of  —  a  sober  man  &  accurate  but  not  so  known  on  the  broad 
scale  —  we  certainly  are  retrograding  as  to  characters.  Jef 
ferson  succeeded  by  R.  —  Knox  by  P.  —  Hamilton  by  —  any 
body  no  —  I  have  no  reason  to  believe  that  Mr.  J.  has  been 
thought  of  seriously  —  once  I  heard  his  name  out  of  Doors. ' ' 

In  consequence  of  Hamilton's  retirement,  McHenry  wrote 
him  on  February  17,  1795,  the  first  letter  he  had  sent,  since 
Perry  failed  to  receive  the  desired  appointment.  l  Though 
not  writing  ' '  I  have  not  ceased  to  love  you,  nor  for  a  moment 
felt  any  abatement  of  my  friendship."  He  had  not  written, 
for  he  thought  thus  to  free  Hamilton  from  embarrassment  and 
that,  if  Hamilton  wished  his  services,  he  would  write  for  them. 

"You  see  how  well  I  have  persevered  in  this  determin 
ation  and  that  it  is  only  now,  when  I  can  have  nothing  to 
expect  and  you  nothing  to  give,  that  I  recall  you  to  the  remem- 
berance  of  our  early  union  and  friendship.  It  is  during  this 
period,  my  dear  Hamilton,  that  you  will  find  unequivocal  in 
stances  of  the  disinterested  friendship  I  feel  for  you  and  which 
ought  to  convince  you,  how  well  I  am  entitled  to  a  full  return 
of  yours.  The  tempest  weathered  and  landed  on  the  same 
shore,  I  may  now  congratulate  you  upon  having  established 
a  system  of  credit  and  having  conducted  the  affairs  of  our 
country  upon  principles  and  reasoning,  which  ought  to  insure 
its  immortality,  as  it  undoubtedly  will  your  fame.  Few  pub 
lic  men  have  been  so  eminently  fortunate,  as  voluntarily  to 
leave  so  high  a  station  with  such  a  character  and  so  well 
assured  a  reputation  and  still  fewer  have  so  well  deserved  the 
gratitude  of  their  country  and  the  eulogiums  of  history.  Let 
this  console  you  for  past  toils  and  pains  and  reconcile  you  to 
humble  pleasures  and  a  private  life.  What  remains  for  you, 
having  ensured  fame,  but  to  ensure  felicity?  Look  for  it  in 
the  moderate  pursuit  of  your  profession  or,  if  public  life  still 
flatters,  in  that  office  most  congenial  to  it  and  which  will  not 

1  Hamilton,  v,  623  ;  J.  C.  Hamilton,  Life  of  Hamilton,  v,  194. 


1791-1796]  of  James  McHcnry  159 

withdraw  you  from  those  literary  objects  that  require  no 
violent  waste  of  spirits  and  those  little  plans  that  involve 
gentler  exercise  and  which  you  can  drop  or  indulge  in  without 
injury  to  your  family.  I  have  built  houses.  I  have  culti 
vated  fields.  I  have  planned  gardens.  I  have  planted  trees. 
I  have  written  little  essays.  I  have  made  poetry  once  a  year 
to  please  my  wife,  at  times  got  children  and,  at  all  times, 
thought  myself  happy.  Why  cannot  you  do  the  same?  for, 
after  all,  if  a  man  is  only  to  acquire  fame  or  distinction  by 
continued  privations  and  abuse,  I  would  incline  to  prefer  a 
life  of  privacy  and  little  pleasures." 

On  June  14,  McHenry  wrote  Washington  1  expecting  soon 
to  start  for  the  Sweet  Springs  and  recommending  Samuel 
Chase  for  a  position  on  the  federal  bench,  without  his  knowl 
edge,  saying, ' '  Chase  and  I  are  on  neither  good  nor  bad  terms, 
neither  friends  nor  enemies.  To  profound  knowledge,  he  adds 
a  valuable  stock  of  political  science  and  information." 

In  that  summer,  which  McHeury  spent  in  Virginia,  came 
the  scandal  about  the  French  dispatches,  followed  by  Ran 
dolph's  resignation,  which  led  Murray  to  write  McHenry  aa 
follows : 

"Dear  Sir, 

"Your  letter  I  answered  by  Doctor  Sulivan  who  went  to 
the  Berkley  Springs  as  he  had  no  opportunity  of  delivering 
it  —  he  brought  it  back.  Since  that  period  you  have  I  hope 
found  your  old  friends  the  mountains  and  cascades  true  to 
their  promises  of  health  as  well  as  pleasure  &  now  enjoy. in 
the  rosy  cheeks  of  your  little  ones  the  best  evidence  the  nature 
of  such  friendship  will  admit. 

"You  are  —  you  must  be  very  solicitous  to  know  some 
thing  of  the  mysteries  of  Fauchet's  letter.  I  have  seen  it's 
copy  in  english.  It  is  a  most  curious  affair  —  &  highly  dis 
graceful  to  certain  men  in  this  country.  He  declares  that 
Randolph  2  came  to  him  during  the  critical  appearances  of 
the  Insurrection  and  made  him  the  offers  —  referring  to  No.  6 
wh.  I  have  not  seen.  This  No.  6  must  have  contained  something 
wh.  he  (F.)  deemed  infamous  —  for,  after  the  reference  to 
No.  6  —  he  bursts  into  an  apostrophe.  Thus  the  consciences 
of  these  pretended  patriots  have  their  price  (tariff).  Thus 

1  He  asks  information  about  Lafayette. 

2  On    this    episode   see    Conway's       "Omitted   Chapters   of   History." 
which  is  a  defense  of  Randolph's  acts. 


160  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  x 

for  a  few  thousand  dollars  the  Kepublic  wd.,  had  she  been 
disposed  to  pay  men  for  doing  their  duty,  have  decided  on 
peace  or  a  Civil  War —  (by  duty  he  means  from  the  preceed- 
ing  speculations  on  the  degeneracy  &  aristocracy  of  the  Govt 
—  to  have  supported  the  Insurrection).  (What  will  be  the 
old  age  of  this  country  if  its  infancy  is  thus  decrepid ! ) .  He 
says  R.  came  to  him  (in  another  part  of  his  long  letter)  and 
told  him  the  GOVT.  was  determined  to  push  these  people  into 
open  violence  that  a  pretext  might  be  obtained  for  force  & 
the  establishment  of  despotic  principles.  He  says  the  explo 
sion  was  too  soon.  That  the  excise  was  the  ostensible  motion 
&  the  habits  of  the  W.  people  gave  a  fitness  for  the  workings 
of  party.  That  they  expected  friends  in  the  East  &  South 
nay  even  in  the  bosom  of  the  Govt  itself ! 

"This  letter  is  a  valuable  comment  upon  many  appear 
ances  at  that  period  &  since  &  before  —  to  preserve  the  alli 
ance  of  the  French  Govt.  wth.  the  antis  *  *  *  here  for  the 
purpose  of  overturning  the  Govt.  —  he  says  to  confine  the 
actual  crisis  (of  the  Insurrection)  to  the  simple  question  of 
the  excise  is  to  reduce  it  much  below  its  real  scale.  It  is  con 
nected  with  a  general  explosion  long  since  prepared  in  the 
public  mind  but  wth.  this  local  &  precipitate  eruption  ren 
dered  abortive  or  at  least  put  back  for  a  long  time. 

"If  Mr  R.  is  innocent  he  will  clear  himself  at  least  I 
hope  so  —  but  he  must  have  a  power  over  the  Science  of  Con- 
struction  more  than  is  conceivable  to  me  if  he  can  hold  out 
even  a  shadow  of  vindication.  His  defence  is  not  out.  It 
will  be  an  attack  on  the  administration  —  &  a  slurring  of  the 
president."  1 

1  On  December  24,  17&5,  W.  V.  Murray  wrote  McHenry  in  reference 
to  Chase  and  Randolph  as  follows : 

"I  have  several  times  brought  up  Mr.  Chace  to  view  while  the  official 
wheel  was  in  motion.  I  have  taken  pains  to  place  his  &  Martins  politics 
in  the  true  point  of  view  —  as  yet  no  consequence  has  follow'd  except 
perhaps  a  preparation.  Yes  —  Rutledge  was  rejected.  It  is  said  openly 
that  he  is  in  an  unhappy  State  of  mind  —  &  often  deranged  —  by  gentle 
men  immediately  from  his  own  country. 

"I  have  always  been  of  your  opinion  with  respect  to  foreign  ministers, 
&  have  constantly  avoided  any  intercourse  more  than  formal  visits  & 
even  those  I  have  not  gone  into  more  than  two  years  past.  Not  having 
been  visited  by  any  British  minister  for  two  years  nor  by  any  French  min 
ister  for  two  years  —  nor  having  seen  the  first  at  his  own  house  or  my 
own  for  three  winters  nor  the  second  but  once  at  his  own  house  at  dinner 
once  Fauchet  —  nor  having  dined  with  the  Spanish  minister  these  three 
years  though  I  shall  next  monday  dine  with  him  —  in  a  gala  style.  'Hav 
ing  not  been  of  consequence  enough  to  be  sought  —  &  being  too  proud 
unsought  to  be  won.  I  am  but  little  known  to  them  Genet  &  Fauchet 
never  returned  my  visit.  Nor  that  of  many  others  of  my  complexion  — 
&  last  winter  not  having  even  paid  the  visit  of  ceremony  to  Hammond  of 
course  I  had  no  visit  from  him.  I  have  waited  on  Adet  —  but  he  has  not 


DR.  JAMES    McHENRY 

Reproduced  in  original  size  from  miniature  owned  by  the  heirs  of 

Dr.   James  McHenry 
(Copyright,  1907,  The  Burrouls  Brothers  Company} 


1791-1796]  of  James  McHenry  161 

Washington  offered  the  place  left  vacant  to  Thomas 
Johnson,  who  declined  it  in  a  letter  of  August  29,  shortly  after 
returning  from  a  visit  to  the  Old  White  Sulphur  Springs :  "I 
am  far  from  being  out  of  humor  with  the  world  on  my  own 
account.  It  has  done  me  more  than  justice,  in  estimating 
my  abilities  and  more  justice  than  common  in  conjecturing 
my  motive.  I  feel  nothing  of  fear,  either,  in  hazarding  again 
the  little  reputation  I  may  have  acquired;  for  I  am  not  con 
scious  of  having  sought  or  despised  applause.  But,  without 
affectation,  I  do  not  think  I  could  do  credit  to  the  office  of 
Secretary,  I  cannot  persuade  myself  that  I  possess  the  neces 
sary  qualities  for  it  and  I  am  sure  I  am  too  old  to  expect 
improvement.  My  strength  declines  and  so  too  probably  will 
my  mental  powers  soon,  my  views  151  this  world  have  been  for 
sometime  bounded  chiefly  to  my  children ;  they,  yet  for  a  little 
while,  may  have  me  to  lean  on,  being  constantly  with  them 
adds  to  their  happiness  and  makes  my  chief  comfort.  Most 
sincerely  wishing  you  less  alloy  in  the  Returns  of  this  world 
and  the  fullness  of  joy  in  the  next,  I  remain  with  truth  your 
affectionate  and  most  obedient  servant. ' '  * 

While  Washington  was  trying  to  fill  the  place,  Hamilton 
wrote  him,  on  November  5,  making  a  number  of  suggestions. 
Among  them,  he  said,  not  letting  his  friendship  cause  him  to 
praise  over  much:  "McHenry,  you  know.  He  would  give 
no  strength  to  the  administration,  but  would  not  disgrace  the 

yet  called  on  me  —  upon  Le  Freire  I  have  called  and  he  on  me  —  upon 
Bond  as  charge  des  affaires  I  have  called  —  he  not  yet  on  me.  You  will 
pardon  this  monstrous  egotism,  when  I  tell  you  that  Forrest  once  told  me 
this  time  two  years  that  a  man  told  him  that  a  baker  in  this  town  said 
(to  his  Son  who  told  F. )  that  the  british  minister  &  consul  were  night  & 
morning  at  my  lodgings  in  Union  Street.  I  told  F.  to  tell  the  baker's  Son 
that  his  Father  Lied  —  from  me  if  he  saw  him  again — &  showing  Forrest 
a  note  In  which  I  stated  the  fact  of  his  (Mr  Forrest's  report)  &  that  he 
was  a  liar.  F.  wd.  not  let  me  send  it  —  as  a  thing  perfectly  beneath  my 
notice.  Neither  Bond  nor  Hammond  having  been  once  in  my  lodgings 
that  winter  &  spring.  Such  stories  were  industriously  circulated  I  believe 
through  the  town  where  Madison's  propositions  had  been  a  little  in  dis 
cussion. 

"  'Randolph's  Vindication  of  his  Resignation'  is  out  &  much  read.  In 
vain  I  looked  into  F's  explanation  for  an  innocent  meaning  of  terms  so 
portentous  of  infamy  —  not  that  I  think  R.  received  money  but  that  the 
passages  still  impress  the  conviction  of  his  duplicity  &  of  some  sort  of 
corruption. 

"Do  you  remember  anything  of  a  letter  on  the  Secret  flies  of  the  old 
Congress  —  written  by  Marbois  &  intercepted?  a  chain  of  evidence  rises 
gradually  to  view  highly  illustrative  of  the  old  policy  of  the  French 
Court  &  connects  their  policy  as  one  &  indivisible  with  that  wh.  I  firmly 
believe  actuates  the  Republican  court  of  Paris.  In  this  the  nation  has 
little  to  do. 

"I  thank  you  for  your  good  intentions  towards  Mr  Robertson  &  can 
only  lament  that  circumstances  deprived  him  of  the  benefit  I  intended  him" 

1  Hamilton,  xi,  63. 


162  Life  and  Correspondence  CHAP-X 

office.  His  views  are  good.  Perhaps  his  health  &c  would 
prevent  his  accepting." 

Three  days  later,  McHenry  wrote  Washington  that  he 
was  going  shortly  to  Annapolis  and  would  there  favor  the  ap 
plication  to  the  state  for  a  loan  towards  public  buildings  in 
the  District  of  Columbia.  He  enclosed  a  prospectus  of  a  new 
"bank  proposed  to  be  established  in  Baltimore  and  had  written 
an  address  which  appeared  in  the  Winchester  (Va.)  papers 
of  October  15,  on  political  matters.  "Let  me  add,"  he  con 
tinues,  "my  humble  intreaty  to  that  of  the  prayers  of  all 
good  men  that  the  publications  pointed  at  yourself  with  the 
evident  intention  to  induce  you  either  to  resign  or  withdraw 
from  another  election  may  not  be  permitted  to  have  that  effect. 
You  know  the  force  and  danger  of  the  present  crisis  and  how 
indispensible  your  remaining  at  the  helm  is  to  subdue  it  and 
give  permanence  to  our  prosperity  and  government." 

The  assembly  met  at  Annapolis  on  November  2,  but  Mc 
Henry  did  not  attend  l  until  the  16th.  Shortly  afterwards  a 
declaration  of  confidence  2  in  Washington  was  introduced  in 
the  house  of  delegates  by  William  Pinkney,  "a  man  of  real 
talents  and  genius  and  a  fascinating  speaker"  and  was  sup 
ported  "beautifully  and  irresistibly"  by  him,  as  McHenry 
wrote  Washington  on  December  5.  "His  influence  and  conduct 
on  the  occasion  overawed  some  restless  spirits  and  reached  even 
into  the  Senate,"  which  body  passed  it  with  the  same  unan- 
imitv  as  the  house. 


1  He  was  absent  on  December  7,     l-S   and   19.     He  voted  to  enlarge 
the  state's  investment  in  the  Potowmack  company. 

2  Ford,  xi,  138,  140.     Washington      thanked  Governor  John  H.   Stone 
for  this  declaration  of  confidence. 


CHAPTER  XI 

WASHINGTON'S  SECRETARY  OF  WAR 

WASHINGTON 'S  difficulties  as  to  his  cabinet  increased 
towards  the  end  of  his  second  administration.  Pick 
ering  was  finally  transferred  from  the  department 
of  war  to  that  of  state,  leaving  the  former  department  vacant, 
General  Pinckney  of  South  Carolina,  Colonel  Edward  Carring- 
ton  of  Virginia,  and  Governor  John  Eager  Howard  of  Mary 
land  all  declined  it.  Washington  now  thought  of  his  old  secre 
tary,  McHenry,  and,  on  January  20, 1796,  wrote  him  l  "that  it 
would  now  give  me  sincere  pleasure  if  you  will  fill  the  office 
of  Secretary  of  War. ' '  2  With  frank  candor  and  friendliness, 
the  president  tells  of  the  three  previous  tenders  of  the  office, 
but  states :  ' '  Let  this  letter  be  received  with  the  same  friend 
ship  and  frankness  with  which  it  is  written ;  —  nothing  would 
add  more  to  the  satisfaction  this  would  give  me  than  your 
acceptance  of  the  offer. ' '  He  pressed  McHenry  for  an  ' '  imme 
diate  reply"  and,  if  the  reply  be  favorable,  for  an  immediate 
journey  to  the  seat  of  government,  even  though  Mrs.  McHenry 
and  the  family  be  not  brought  along  ' '  in  the  present  State  of 
the  roads." 

Washington  further  asked  McHenry  to  ascertain  whether 
Samuel  Chase  will  accept  a  seat  on  the  "Supreme  judicial 
bench  of  the  United  States." 

McHenry 's  answer  was  dated  9  P.  M.,  January  21,  and 
said :  "I  have  this  moment  received  your  favour  of  the  20th 
and  am  truly  sensible  of  the  sincerity  of  your  wishes  that  I 
should  accept  of  the  war  office  department.  On  my  part,  I  beg 
you  to  believe  that  nothing  could  give  me  more  pleasure  than 
to  be  near  you  for  a  few  years,  independent  of  public  motives 
or  considerations.  I  must,  however,  pray  you  to  allow  me  till 
Mondav  to  reflect  on  the  offer  and  determine  whether  I  can 


1  Ford,  xiii,  113;  Sparks,  xi.  106. 

2  Brown's    McHenry.    21.     Me  Henry's    nephew,    John,    wrote    that    he 
felt  Washington's  letter  was  "an   injunction  that  he  could  not  refuse  and 
most   reluctantly   accepted   the   appointment,    leaving  his   pleasant   retire 
ment  to  embark  in  the  troubled  sea  of  politics." 


164  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP.  XI 

with  propriety  and,  as  it  respects  my  family,  venture  upon  a 
change  of  position,  which,  by  bringing  me  into  public  life, 
must  necessarily  bring  with  it  much  care  and  trouble  and 
uneasiness.  My  inclination  is  to  accept,  but  I  shall  be  definite 
by  next  post.  In  the  meantime,  I  shall  obtain  Mr.  Chase's 
sentiments,  which  shall  accompany  my  letter." 

On  Monday,  January  24,  McHenry  wrote  again,  accepting 
the  office  that  was  for  more  than  four  years  to  bring  him  from 
his  quiet  home  into  the  rush  and  glare  of  public  life :  "  I  re 
sume  the  answer  to  your  letter.  I  cannot  say  that  I  have  ever 
experienced  so  much  hesitation  between  giving  way  to  inclin 
ation  and  attachment  to  you  personally  and  my  own  interest 
and  ease,  as  has  taken  place  during  the  two  past  days.  It  is 
now,  however,  all  over  and  it  is  right  I  should  confess  that  the 
soothing  idea  of  serving  under  you,  more  particularly  at  this 
crisis,  has  effectually  and  irresistibly  silenced  all  opposition. 
Such  then  as  I  am  and  with  a  heart  truly  devoted  to  you  and 
the  public  good,  dispose  of  as  you  please. 

"I  shall  commence  tomorrow  to  prepare  everything  to 
facilitate  my  departure  hence  as  soon  as  it  is  practicable  after 
hearing  from  you  and,  in  the  meanwhile,  have  obtained  Mrs. 
M's.  consent  to  remain  here,  till  I  can  get  &  house  in  Philadel 
phia  and  the  necessary  furniture  for  her  reception  and  accom 
modation.  Chase  will  accept  too.  Thus,  sir,  you  see  what 
you  have  done,  you  have  made  an  old  veteran  very  proud  and 
happy  and  one  not  very  young  to  approach  the  station  you 
have  assigned  him  with  fear  and  trembling,  for  who,  hereafter, 
may  hope  to  escape  without  a  wound,  while  there  are  men  to 
be  found  who  could  aim  poisoned  arrows  at  yourself?" 

On  the  receipt  of  McHenry 's  letter,  his  nomination  was 
at  once  sent  to  the  senate  and  promptly  confirmed,  as  was 
Chase's  which  was  sent  in  at  the  same  time.  Williamson  and 
Murray  wrote  warm  letters  of  congratulation  as  follows : 

"Philada.  27th  Jany  1796. 
"Dear  Sir 

"You  will  probably  learn  from  another  Hand  by  this 
days  Post  that  you  are  nominated  and  appointed  Secy  at  War. 
Your  friends  and  many  Persons  who  know  you  only  by  Char 
acter  hope  that  you  may  serve  in  this  Office  although  it  is 
known  that  you  have  "generally  been  averse  from  public  Em 
ployment.  Knox,  as  you  know,  was  considered  to  be  a  Man 
who  went  on  a  most  expensive  Scale.  The  follies  of  a  gamb- 


1796-1797]  of  James  Me  Henry  165 

ling  wife  were  passed  to  the  Debit  of  her  Husband,  in  Addition 
to  his  own  —  no  great  Stock  of  Talents.  Pickering  was  con 
sidered  to  be  a  firm  &  frugal  Man  and  the  Appointment  I 
think  gave  much  satisfaction.  Since  he  had  been  advanced, 
Terror  has  siezed  the  public  mind  from  the  apprehension  that 
we  should  be  reduced  to  a  State  of  insolvency  by  Genl.  Wayne 
or  Govr.  Lee  in  the  Character  of  Secy,  of  War.  Both  of  them 
have  been  spoken  of  and  both  are  supposed  to  have  been  seek 
ing  the  Place.  And  within  a  few  hours  I  have  seen  several 
countenances  illuminated  with  the  Idea  of  being  again  out  of 
danger.  Nothing  is  so  fervently  desired  by  Eastern  men  &  by 
Southern  Men  wrho  take  the  trouble  of  thinking  as  that  in  our 
War  Department,  the  Channel  through  [which]  the  greater 
Part  of  our  Treasure  goes,  we  may  have  a  prudent,  firm,  frugal 
Officer  who  in  private  Life  having  shown  that  he  knows  the 
Value  of  money  may  be  expected  to  be  equally  attentive  to  the 
National  Property.  When  you  cast  an  eye  on  the  two  Can 
didates  here  named  and  the  ci-devant  Secy,  you  will  readily 
discover  the  former  cause  of  apprehension,  a  present  Cause  of 
Satisfaction. 

"Believe  me  to  be 

' '  Dr.  sir  With  great  sincerity 
"Your  obedt  Servt. 
"Hu.  WILLIAMSON." 

"Philadelphia, 

"Thursday  Evening  January  28  1796. 
"Dear  Sir, 

"To  day  the  Senate,  I  hear,  unanimously,  concurred  in 
the  Presidents  nomination  of  you  as  Secretary  at  War.  I 
know  not  whether  the  President  had  previously  obtained  your 
consent.  This  however  I  can  assure  you  of  that  he  is  exceed 
ingly  solicitous  that  you  should  come  into  the  administration. 
Many  names  pretty  high  in  military  rank,  and  some  in  that  of 
Talent  too,  were  in  view,  &  yours  among  them.  You  will,  I 
know,  not  misconstrue  me  when  I  venture  to  urge  you  to  ac 
cept.  I  do  not  think,  upon  my  honour,  that  you  will  consult 
your  own  glory  in  accepting  this  tribute  of  confidence  from 
the  first  of  men,  after  an  intimate  knowledge  of  you  for  so 
many  years,  part  of  which  time,  the  most  trying  too,  was  past 
in  his  own  family.  Till  the  present  administration,  He  has 
always  had  some  of  his  old  family  with  him.  I  think  he  still 
wishes  to  have  his  old  inmates  with  him.  This  is  certainly  a 
habit  that  grows  out  of  time,  that  no  sudden  confidence,  how- 


166  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  xi 

ever  solid  &  merited,  comes  up  to,  as  it  respects  the  affections. 
Since  Hamilton 's  days  he  has  not  had  one  of  his  old  set.  The 
Two  gentlemen, l  confidentially,  though  men  of  honour,  and 
capacity  and  of  clear  judgement  &  of  very  improvable  minds, 
are  without  doubt  your  inferiors  as  Cabinet  ministers  —  in 
That  &  that  only  is  the  present  admon.  weaker  than  Hamil 
ton's —  a  more  various  reading  &  more  general  knowledge  of 
mankind  would  make  them  strong  in  this  point  for  each  has 
strength  &  vigor  of  mind. 

"The  more  disagreeable  part  of  official  business  in  the 
War  Department  is  infinitely  lessened  by  the  present  &  pros 
pective  State  of  affairs  —  and  yet  such  is  the  political  ticklish- 
ness  of  it  that  a  steady  policy  in  the  admon.  will  be  essential 
for  three  or  four  years.  Cabinet  business  is  conducted  by 
the  Three  conjointly  —  for  instance  Randolph  was  directed 
by  the  P.  to  address  the  B.  minister  in  a  memorial  on  the  provi 
sion  orders  —  &  was  desired  to  lay  it  before  the  other  heads 
of  Departt  &  the  attorney  Genl.  —  &  they  thought  it  too  fiery 
&  hostile  for  that  season  of  our  negociation  &  refused  their 
consent. 

"You  have  this  consolation,  &  it  ought  to  be  a  great  one 
to  you,  certain  I  am  it  will  be  so  to  your  boys  when  they  grow 
up  &  Washington  shall  be  gone,  that  your  nomination  was  the 
Presidents  own  act  —  &  the  original  conception  of  it  entirely 
his  OAvn.  After  he  had  determined,  he  sent  for  me,  &  I  found 
it  was  to  know  if  I  thought  you  would  accept.  I  stated  to 
him  that  though  you  found  your  own  home  extremely  endeared 
to  you,  I  firmly  believed  that  your  affectionate  respect  for  him 
&  good  wishes  to  the  Fedl.  Govt.  would  supersede  every  other 
consideration  &  that  you  would.  He  then  talked  a  great  deal 
about  you  &,  on  the  whole,  I  am  convinced  has  felt  no  common 
emotion  in  the  nomination. 

"Depend  on  this,  that  men  long  known  to  the  public  must 
accept  these  high  offices  or  the  Govt.  dwindles  into  insignifi 
cance  —  and  what  public  duty  is  there  wh.  to  a  certain  degree 
does  not  demand  some  sacrifice  of  predetermined  schemes  of 
life  &  personal  quiet?  Vanity  &  ambition  I  know  you  will 
say  will  always  supply  candidates  enough.  I  know  that,  & 
that  is  the  reason  why  such  candidates  shd.  not  be  accepted. 

"Education  is  here  at  your  door.  Mrs.  McHenry  would 
be  happy  in  her  native  place  —  as  to  the  Salary  (though  it 
will  be  increased,  if  not" this,  the  next  session)  it  will  maintain 


1  Timothy   Pickering  and   Oliver  Wolcott 


1796-1797]  of  James  Me  Henry  167 

you  in  that  easy  style  of  elegant  but  quiet  accomodation  wh.  I 
think  you  love  —  at  all  events  it  does  Wolcott  &  Pickering. 
The  first  lives  in  Fourth  South,  at  the  corner  of  Spruce,  in  a 
neat  house  of  two  rooms,  one  small,  on  a  floor  and  must  I 
think  live  wh  in  his  means.  He  is  a  very  worthy  man  &  quite 
equal  to  his  duty  —  his  wife  one  of  the  mildest  &  most  amiable 
women  in  town  —  an  excellent  manager,  kind  but  economical. 
Col.  P.,  Sec.  of  State,  you  must  have  known  — •  a  plain,  indus 
trious,  well  informed  man  —  with  a  wife  &  four  or  five  child 
ren.  They  see  little  company.  I  have  never  been  at  his  house 
as  a  visitor  —  he  lives  plainly  but  quietly.  Both  these  men 
are  practicable  men  to  deal  with  to  work  with  —  without  hu 
mours  or  caprice  &  perfectly  agreeable,  I  think  they  wd.  prove 
to  you  as  associates  in  business. 

' '  Another  reason  for  your  accepting.  You  are  known  as 
an  officer  connected  wt.  the  Genl.  during  the  war  —  as  a  mem 
ber  of  our  Senate  —  a  member  of  the  old  Congress  —  a  mem 
ber  of  the  convention  —  at  present  a  Senator.  These  extrinsic 
circumstances  become  intrinsic  fitnesses,  &  do  more;  they 
enable  a  man  to  do  what  is  right  in  his  own  opinion.  This 
a  character  however  intentionally  great  wh.  has  been  but  just 
built  up  can  not  always  do. 

"Besides  you  will  be  gratify 'd  with  that  literary  treasure 
"Wh  though  certainly  not  full  is  here  more  copious  than  in 
Baltimore.  You  renew  that  intercourse  of  mind  with  Hamil 
ton  Wh.  ever  must  have  been  a  source  of  consolation.  So  large 
&  changed  is  the  city  that  a  man  may  be  retired  if  he  please. 

"In  fact  my  dear  Sir,  if  you  review  your  life  or  look 
forward,  you  belong  to  that  Federal  Interest  wh.  you  are  called 
on  in  the  most  flattering  wray  to  support  —  &  you  will  obey  the 
call. 

"AT  ALL  EVENTS  COME  UP  HERE!  if  it  be  only 
for  three  days. 

"I  have  been  confined  to  my  room  since  Sunday  by  an 
inflamation  in  my  jaw  that  obliges  me  Literally  to  hide  my 
face.  S.  Smith's  motion  will  be  on  next  Monday.  Strange 
work  at  such  a  time  to  make  such  a  motion ! 

"If  the  President  consulted  you  —  you  will  laugh  at  all 
this  —  if  he  did  not  —  be  contented  to  be  Secretary  at  Warl 
of  the  most  flourishing  and  free  people  on  earth. 

"Yours,  Dear  Sir,  Sincerely 
"WM.  V.  MURRAY." 


168  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAf>.  xi 

Washington  repeated  the  urgency  of  his  first  letter,  when 
the  nomination  had  been  confirmed. 

"Philadelphia  28th.  Jan  1796 
"Dear  Sir, 

"Your  letters  of  the  21st  &  24th.  instant  have  been  duly 
received.  The  last,  in  time  on  tuesday,  to  give  in  the  nomina 
tions  of  yourself  &  Mr.  Chase  for  the  offices  contemplated.  The 
day  following  they  were  advised  &  consented  to  by  the  Senate, 
—  and  the  commissions  will  be  ready  for  the  reception  of  you 
both  on  your  arrival  in  this  city  —  of  this  be  so  good  as  to 
inform  Mr.  Chase ;  and,  if  he  is  still  at  Baltimore,  to  remind 
him,  that  monday  next  is  the  day  appointed  for  the  sitting  of 
the  Supreme  Court,  and  without  him,  there  is  no  certainty 
of  a  sufficient  number  of  Judges  to  constitute  it 

"For  the  reasons  assigned  in  my  last  to  you,  and  which 
press  more  &  more  every  day,  I  shall  look  anxiously  for  your 
arrival.  Always  &  affectly 

"I  am  —  Yours 
"Go.  WASHINGTON" 

McHenry  replied,  on  the  31st,  that  he  expected  to  leave 
Baltimore  on  horseback  on  the  following  Wednesday  and  to 
be  in  Philadelphia  by  Friday  or  Saturday.  He  had  a  bad 
cold  and  so  must  take  lodgings  before  sundown  and  start  after 
sunrise  each  day.  He  perceived  the  incompatibility  of  public 
office  and  private  business  and  told  the  president  that,  "hav 
ing  been  connected  in  two  mercantile  partnerships,  I  have 
thought  it  fit  to  enter  into  my  office  totally  free  from  any  such 
connection.  One  of  them  I  have  settled  yesterday  at  an 
actual  loss  of  about  £3,000.  The  other,  which  has  netted  me 
for  five  years  past  £1,000  annually,  I  expect  will  be  finally 
adjusted  tomorrow,  after  which  I  shall  meet  you  with  a  disem 
barrassed  mind  and  rich  enough  to  require  no  increase  of 
salary  and,  by  no  means,  displeased  at  any  sacrifice  I  have 
made  that  approached  me  at  this  moment  to  your  labours  and 
cares. ' ' 

On  the  8th  of  February,  McHenry  took  the  oath  of  office 
before  Chase  and  entered  upon  his  duties,  which  included  the 
care  of  military  and  naval  affairs  and  of  Indian  relations. 

It  is  of  Indian  affairs  that  we  first  have  information  in 
the  following  letter  from  Washington. 

-  "Tuesday  Morning  —  28th  Feb. 
"Dear  Sir 

"Let  me  entreat  you  to  attend  early  this  morning  to  a  fit 


1796-1797]  of  James  Me  Henry  169 

character  as  a  Comr.  to  attend  the  proposed  Treaty  with  the 
Indians,  by  Mr.  Morris  —  and,  on  this  head,  and  on  the  mes 
sage  proper  to  accompany  the  nomination,  I  wish  you  would 
advise  with  Col.  Pickering,  who  has  had  more  to  do  in  Indian 
affairs  than  any  other  officer  now  in  the  Government,  and 
perhaps  may  more  readily  think  of  a  proper  person  to  be 
entrusted. 

"As  it  is  several  days  since  the  application  was  made,  I 
wish  to  make  the  nomination  without  further  delay.  If  a 
gentleman  from  New  Jersey,  Delaware,  or  Maryland  could  be 
obtained  it  wd.  be  desirable  —  or  from  Connecticut,  and  I 
believe  Mr.  Larned  is  in  Town  —  so  is  Mr.  Dexter  both  good 
characters.  Something  must  also  be  done  with  the  Military 
Bill,  this  day 

' '  Yours  always 

"Go.  WASHINGTON'' 

It  may  be  convenient  to  survey  McHenry's  relations  to 
Indian  affairs  under  Washington,  at  this  place.  On  March 
10,  Pickering  wrote  him  to  accept  the  accounts  of  Chapin,  the 
Indian  superintendent,  without  vouchers  as  the  Indians  can 
give  none.  A  payment  had  been  made  to  Captain  Joseph 
Brant  (Thayendanega)  l  at  the  treaty  of  1794  and  was  not 
certified  to  by  Jasper  Parish,  the  interpreter,  as  Brandt  under 
stood  English  pretty  well  and  his  character  is  too  well  known  to 
Pickering  to  believe  that  he  would  ' '  have  received  the  present, 
but  in  absolute  privacy."  The  supplies  for  the  Iroquois 
should  be  gradually  reduced  to  the  fixed  annuity  of  $4,500, 
especially  since  the  Western  war  is  over,  but  we  have  made  too 
many  professions  of  warm  friendliness  for  the  six  nations, 
suddenly  to  abandon  them  and,  particularly,  to  neglect  the 
chiefs.  A  few  days  later,  Pickering  wrote  again  to  Wash 
ington  on  the  affairs  2  of  the  Iroquois. 

"The  Secretary  of  State  respectfully  returns  to  the  Pres 
ident  his  report  on  the  claims  of  the  Cohnawagos,  or  Seven 
Nations  of  Canada,  with  the  draught  of  a  letter  which  he 
thinks  proper  to  go  from  the  department  of  war,  with  the 
report  to  the  Governor  of  New- York.  The  Secretary  also 
transmits  a  press  copy  of  the  report,  to  be  lodged  in  the  war- 
office,  which  will  enable  the  Secretary  of  War  to  dispatch  the 
original  this  day  by  post.  The  Governor  may  then  be  pre- 

1  Konondaigua,    Pickering   calls    him. 

2  A   second   letter   on    this   subject   was   sent   on    April    18. 


170  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  xi 

pared  to  give  an  answer  to  the  deputation  as  soon  as  they  reach 
New- York.  And  it  is  of  consequence  to  the  deputation  not  to 
be  detained  in  that  city;  because  the  Commissioners  of  the 
State,  at  the  treaty,  told  the  Cohnawagos  that  they  were  not  to 
reckon  on  the  State  to  defray  the  expenses  of  any  more  of  their 
deputations. 

"The  Secretary  supposes  it  will  be  necessary  to  make  a 
present  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  or  three  hundred  dollars  to 
Colo.  Louis  and  the  rest  of  the  deputies,  to  enable  them  to 
return  to  Cohnawaga.  And  if  this  be  given  them  to-day,  they 
may  certainly  leave  this  city  to-morrow-morning.  Mr.  Fran 
cis,  on  notice,  will  have  their  passages  engaged. 

"TIMOTHY  PICKERING. 
"March  21.  1796." 

On  April  25,  the  Caughnawaga  question  was  still  unset 
tled  and  Pickering  wrote  McHenry : 

' '  Finding  no  such  paper  as  the  Cohnawagos  now  call  for, 
I  returned  from  my  house  to  examine  once  more  at  my  office : 
but  no  such  paper  appears :  and  I  am  confident  I  never  saw 
any  paper  purporting  to  be  a  power  from  the  Chief  to  Colo. 
Louis  and  others;  for  when  by  their  speeches  they  declared 
they  were  impowered  to  make  a  final  agreement  for  their 
nation,  I  recollect  that  the  idea  was  perfectly  new  to  me. 

"I  think  however,  that  the  final  settlement  may  be  made 
in  the  way  I  suggested.  I  am  disposed  to  believe  the  present 
deputation  to  have  been  empowered,  as  they  declare.  The 
negotiation  then  may  be  held  with  them,  and  the  terms  agreed 
on.  They  may  then  return  to  their  nations,  and  the  State  of 
New- York  suspend  the  payments  stipulated,  until  agents  duly 
empowered  shall  come  to  receive  them.  To  make  the  transac 
tion  still  more  satisfactory,  New- York  might  send  an  agent 
with  the  deed  or  treaty  which  the  present  deputies  shall  con 
clude,  and  obtain  a  formal  ratification  by  the  signatures  of  all 
the  Chiefs  of  the  Seven  Nations." 

It  was  with  the  Western  Indians  that  McHenry  was 
chiefly  concerned  however,  especially  in  connection  with  the 
transfer  of  the  Western  military  posts  from  Great  Britain  to 
the  United  States  as  a  consequence  of  the  Jay  treaty. 1  The 

1  "June  8.  1796. 

"Dear    Sir, 

"I  have  received  from  a  highly  respectable  source  the  following  ob 
servations. 

"  'It  certainly  is  desirable  that  the  officers  commanding  the  detach- 


1796-1797]  qf  James  McHenry  171 

frontiersmen  were,  of  course,  hostile  to  these  Indians  and,  on 
May  22,  Thomas  Dillon  wrote  McHenry  from  Nashville,  urg 
ing  him  to  invest  in  "Western  lands  and  saying  that  he  had  been 
at  several  forts,  at  each  of  which  ' '  are  stationed  about  fifteen 
men,  altho  not  under  that  regular  discipline  or  subordination 
as  might  be  expected,  many  of  them  being  commonly  absent, 
from  which  a  body  might  be  apt  to  infer,  that  supporting  the 
Garrisons  were  useless  and  unnecessary ;  but  the  fact  is  other 
wise  ;  I  think  them  highly  necessary,  and  very  proper  barriers 
between  the  whites  and  Indians.  These  garrisons  are  very  ill 
supplied  with  provisions  owing  in  some  measure  to  the  econ 
omical  ideas  of  Col.  Henly,  the  agent  for  Indian  affairs  at 
Knoxville.  The  people  murmur  very  much.  These  parsimon 
ious  ideas  ought  not  to  prevail,  so  as  to  injure  the  public  credit. 
Many  of  the  whites  are  disorderly  and  licentious  and  would  be 
glad  to  seek  an  opportunity  of  kicking  up  a  dust  with  the 
Indians,  but  these  are  of  a  class  that  have  nothing  to  lose  or 
that  have  lands  within  the  Indian  boundaries;  the  more  re 
spectable  and  thinking  part,  however,  are  highly  averse  to  any 
proceedings  that  might  have  a  tendency  to  involve  the  Country 
in  a  war.  In  Cumberland,  I  believe  they  are  possessed  of 
these  sentiments  to  a  man.  Those  on  Holstein  1  are  less  or 
derly"  and  have  recently  killed  some  Indians. 

On  Indian  relations,  we  find  a  very  interesting  letter  writ 
ten  to  McHenry  by  Bishop  John  Carroll,  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  church. 

"  Baltimore  May  29th  1796. 
"Dear  Sir 

"Your  kind  favour  of  April  23d.  inclosing  one  from  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Rivet,  Missionary  on  the  Ouabache  and  among  the 

merits  who  are  to  occupy  tl-e  posts,  should  be  moderate  and  discreet  men. 
I  have  heard  that  a  Capt.  Bruff  is  to  be  one  of  them  —  that  he  is  violent 
&  precipitate ;  and  also  warm  in  his  resentments  to  the  British.  All  this 
may  not  be  accurate ;  but  I  mention  it  as  worthy  of  attention  &  enquiry ; 
not  conceiving  myself  at  liberty  to  mention  whence  I  had  these  hints, 
I  mention  them  in  confidence,  &  only  as  inducements  to  enquiry.' 

"I  am  inclined  to  suspect  the  character  of  Capt.  B.  may  warrant  the 
above  remark :  but  if  he  has  been  designated,  as  I  suppose  is  the  fact, 
for  that  service,  I  do  not  see  how  any  change  can  be  made :  But  a  very 
serious  caution  may  be  given  to  him  and  to  every  other  officer,  to  avoid 
every  cause  of  irritation,  and  on  the  contrary,  to  study  on  all  occasions 
to  conciliate,  and  establish  a  friendly  intercourse,  so  far  as  any  inter 
course  shall  arise  out  of  the  service :  a  very  familiar  intercourse  would 
be  too  expensive  for  the  American  officers. 

"Sincerely  yours 

"T.  PICKERING" 

A  letter  from  General  Anthony  Wayne  to  McHenry  about  the  equip 
ment  of  the  Western  posts,  dated  Philadelphia,  February  24,  1796,  was 
printed  in  2nd  series  Hist.  Mag.,  ii. 

1  Holston    River. 


172  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP.  XI 

Illinois  and  neighbouring  Indians,  was  received  some  time  ago, 
and  gave  me  new  reason  to  regret  my  absence  from  Baltimore 
at  the  time,  when  you  received  your  appointment;  because  I 
should  have  taken  the  liberty  of  making  you  acquainted  with 
his  merit,  and  sollicitude  to  render  important  services  to  the 
United  States,  by  humanising  &  moralising  the  Indians;  and 
of  interesting  your  sensibility  for  him  and  his  companion  who 
have  undergone  the  greatest  hardships,  by  an  unfortunate 
delay  of  payment,  and  other  disappointments.  But  that,  which 
seems  to  affect  him  the  most,  is,  that  tho'  he  is  engaged  in  a 
pursuit  so  useful  and  humane,  he  does  not  meet  with  that 
support  and  consideration  from  the  officers  of  the  United 
States,  which,  he  thinks,  it  would  be  proper  for  them  to  afford 
to  him,  whilst  he  is  acting  under  public  authority,  &  for  a 
public  purpose,  as  well  as  the  benefit  of  those  wild  savages. 
He  says:  'je  suis  id  sans  conseil,  sans  credit,  sans  moiens 
quelconques  pour  parvenir  aux  fins,  que  le  gouvernement 
paroit  s'etre  propose.  Ce  n'est  pas  ainsi,  que  la  France  est 
parvenue  a  civiliser  et  reformer  entierement  plusieurs  de  ces 
tribus.  Ausi  ma  commission  est  elle  id  dans  un  discredit 
total.  Le  commandant  du  poste  tie  m'a  appelle  d  aucun 
conseil  des  Savages  tenus  au  fort,  quoiqu'il  me  I'eut  promis 
lors  de  mon  arrivee,  et  que  cela  se  fut  toujours  pratique  sous 
les  Francois.  J'ai  ecrit  au  General  d  Greensville  pour  les 
objects  tres  essentiels;  je  n'en  ai  eu  aucune  reponse;  aussi  je 
n'ose  presque  plus  faire  un  pas,  former  une  demande,  ou  offrir 
une  reflexion  &c. '  After  citing  thus  his  own  words,  allow  me 
to  submit  to  your  prudence  and  discretion  the  propriety  of 
recommending  him  to  the  countenance  and  regard  of  those, 
who  may  contribute  to  the  good  purposes  of  his  mission:  to 
which  will  greatly  contribute  some  good  regulations,  faithfully 
executed,  with  respect  to  the  furnishing  of  the  Indians  with 
spirituous  liquors.  Every  person  must  be  sensible  of  the  diffi 
culty  of  this  measure ;  but,  as  it  appears  from  your  letter  to 
have  engaged  your  attention,  it  may  be  reasonably  hoped  that 
all  will  be  effected,  that  is  possible  under  our  laws. 

"Mr.  Rivet  requested,  for  the  sake  of  greater  security  to 
letters  for  him,  that  they  might  be  sent  by  the  same  convey 
ance  if  possible  as  those  from  your  department ;  and  with  your 
recommendation  of  them.  I  adopt  this  method  with  diffidence, 
and  shall  not  persist  in  it,  if  there  be  the  least  impropriety. 

' '  Receive,  Dr.  Sir,  tho '  late  my  cordial  congratulation  for 
the  distinguished  testimony  of  esteem  and  confidence  bestowed 


1796-1797]  of  James  McHenry  173 

on  you  by  him  by  whom  it  is  so  honourable  to  be  esteemed :  and 
assure  yourself,  that  I  feel  the  more  pleasure  at  your  being 
raised  to  your  present  station,  not  merely  because  it  is  a  public 
acknowledgement  of  your  merit,  but  because  I  believe  in  my 
heart  that  you  are,  in  every  respect,  worthy  of  it 
' '  I  am  with  great  esteem  and  respect, 
1  'Dr.  Sir, 

"Your  most  obedt.  &  humble  St. 

"  J.  Bishop  of  Baltimore. 

"P.  S.  I  have  been  addressed  to  provide  Clergymen  at 
tached  to  the  United  States,  for  the  stations,  which  are  now 
to  be  ceded  by  the  British,  and  I  have  taken  already  some 
measures  to  that  effect:  and  you  may  rest  assured,  that  the 
persons  appointed  will  make  it  their  endeavour  to  reconcile 
the  inhabitants  to  our  Government  and  interests.  Amongst 
other  places  requiring  such  provision  there  is  one,  including,  I 
believe,  the  rapids  of  the  Miami,  and  called  la  riviere  aux 
raisins.  The  parish  priest  residing  there,  under  the  British, 
is  called  Edmund  Burke;  and  I  am  informed,  that  he  was 
obnoxious  to  General  Wayne  &  our  officers,  from  a  persuasion, 
they  were  under,  that  he  instigated  the  Indians  to  enmity  with 
the  United  States.  I  have  reason  to  think  nevertheless  that 
Mr.  Burke  wishes  to  become  a  citizen  with  us :  and  in  a  letter 
to  me  he  denies  in  the  most  peremptory  manner,  the  charge 
brought  against  him ;  which,  he  says,  has  no  other  foundation, 
than  his  having  opposed,  with  success,  the  machinations  of 
inflammatory  emisaries  from  the  faction  of  Genet,  who  has 
penetrated  to  Fort  Detroit  and  its  neighbourhood,  to  produce 
anarchy  and  insurrection.  I  take  the  liberty  of  mentioning 
this,  that  if  there  be,  in  your  office,  any  certain  documents  of 
Burke 's  enmity  to  the  United  States,  you  may  be  pleased  to 
advise  me  thereof.  &  I  may  know,  how  to  proceed  with  him." 

On  May  9,  "Washington  wrote  McHenry  to  facilitate  the 
march  of  troops  to  Western  posts,  but  to  proceed  with  cau 
tion.  1  On  June  28,  McHenry  wrote  Washington,  describing 
the  reception  in  Quebec  of  Major  Lewis  with  dispatches  con 
cerning  the  Western  posts.  2  He  ' '  was  treated  with  much 
civility  by  Lord  Dorchester's  family"  and  reported  "that  the 
people  seemed  everywhere  pleased  with  the  prospect  of  a 
friendly  intercourse  with  our  citizens. ' '  Dorchester  was  par- 

1  Sparks,  xi,   125. 

2  Ford,  xiii,   222.     Dorchester,   formerly  Sir  Guy   Carleton,  was  gov 
ernor  of  Canada. 


174  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  xi 

ticular  in  his  inquiries  as  to  Washington's  health,  and,  at  the 
dinners,  which  were  so  numerous  that  Major  Lewis  could  have 
dined  out  for  a  month  in  Quebec, ' '  the  first  toast  was  The  King 
of  Great  Britain,  the  second,  invariably,  the  President." 
Washington,  in  his  answer  on  July  1,  referred  to  these  ac 
counts  as  "very  pleasing,"  as  they  point  toward  the  realization 
of  "that  tranquility  and  peace  with  the  Indians,  which,  in 
itself,  is  so  desirable  and  has  been  so  much  wished  and  sought 
for."  In  the  same  letter,  he  directed  McHenry,  "by  civil 
expressions,  to  stimulate  the  present  Governor  of  Tennessee 
to  an  effectual  repression  of  encroachments  on  Indian  terri 
tory  (secured  to  them  by  treaties)."  If  he  will  not  act,  "the 
honor  of  the  government  and  the  peace  of  the  Union  require ' ' 
that  the  laws  be  "promptly  and  energetically  (with  temper 
and  prudence)  enforced." 

On  August  8,  Washington  informed  McHenry  1  of  the  oc 
cupation  of  Fort  Ontario  and  discussed  sending  supplies  to 
that  post.  The  Federalists  felt  the  transfer  of  the  posts  re 
dounded  much  to  their  credit  and  Murray  wrote  on  August  21 : 

"Would  it  not  be  a  good  thing  to  paragraph  &  press  a 
little  the  late  events  in  the  delivery  of  the  posts.  A  manner 
pointedly  conciliatory  &  even  handsome  seems  to  have  char 
acterised  all  the  several  surrenders  —  as  we  hear  —  much 
might  be  made  of  this  at  least  as  fringe  work  to  the  Triumphs 
of  the  Treaty  &  its  friends.  Events  strike  more  powerfully 
than  systems.  Wayne !  ah  could  we  both  have  but  seen  W  's 
Entre  into  Detroit !  when  he  pranced  over  the  Barbacon. ' ' 

Troubles  with  the  Creeks 2    and    with    the    Cherokees, 


1  Sparks,    xi.    159. 

2  The  Secretary  of  War. 
Sir, 

Your  letter  of  the  18th  Instant  with  its  enclosures,  came  to  hand 
by  the  last  Mail.  Such  of  the  latter,  as  are  original,  I  herewith  return 
to  your  Office. 

It  would  appear  from  the  extract  of  Mr.  Habersham's  letter,  that 
the  Treaty  (or  rather  meeting)  between  the  Georgians  and  Creek  In 
dians,  has  terminated  unfavourably,  and  will  tend,  it  is  to  be  feared,  to 
hostilities.  A  favorable  result  could  not  have  been  predicted  from  the 
speech  of  the  Georgia  Commissioners,  at  their  commencement  of  the 
business  with  the  Indian  chiefs ;  and  it  having  ended  without  a  cession 
of  Land,  I  shall  be  agreeably  disappointed  if  there  are  not  other  means, 
soon  used,  to  get  possession  of  them. 

By  the  letters  from  General  Wilkinson  and  Captn.  Bruff,  I  expect  the 
Western  Posts  will  soon  be  in  our  possession ;  and  I  hope  proper  measures 
will  be  adopted  to  keep  the-  Garrisons  well  supplied  with  provisions  and 
Military  Stores. 

Mount    Vernon    22d    July 
1796 

Go.   WASHINGTON 


1796-1797]  of  James  Me  Henry  175 

also  occupied  McHenry's  thoughts.  1  As  to  the  former  tribe, 
McHenry  wrote  Washington  on  August  3,  urging  him  to  place 
regulars  rather  than  militia  in  the  Indian  country.  For  the 
latter  tribe,  McHenry  drafted  a  talk  which  he  sent  Washing 
ton  -  on  August  24,  recommending  instructions  to  Dinsmore, 
the  agent,  and  adding,  "I  have  consulted  him  upon  the  prae- 
ticableness  of  teaching  the  women  to  spin  and  weave  and  he 
thinks  it  may  be  accomplished."  Pickering,  in  a  letter  to 
Washington  of  September  2,  criticised  the  talk  as  not  digni 
fied.  Shortly  afterwards  McHenry  wrote  certain  instructions 
to  Hawkins,  3  which  Washington  returned  with  the  follow 
ing  note: 

"Wednesday  Morning  [September  7,  1796.] 
"Private 
"Dear  Sir, 

"The  principles  of  the  Enclosed  Instructions  I  approve; 
and  since  they  are  drawn,  I  shall  not  object  to  the  Phraseol 
ogy  ;  tho '  considering  that  it  is  addressed  to  our  Agent,  for  his 
Government,  part  of  them,  I  think  is  too  much  in  the  stile  of 
a  talk  to  the  Indians.  And  I  think  too,  as  it  is  intended  for 
the  general  superintendent  his  attentions  seems  to  be  too  much 
confined  to  the  Creek  Nation 

' '  Yours  always  —  &  sincerely 

"Go.  WASHINGTON." 


1  Pickering  wrote  McHenry : 

"Department   of   State   July   8.    1796. 
"Dear  Sir 

"The  President,  In  two  letters  I  have  received  this  week,  mentions 
these  points  for  consideration  — 

"1.  'How  soon  &  in  what  manner'  the  Cherokee  boundary  can  and 
ought  to  be  run  &  marked,  agreeably  to  the  treaty  of  Holston. 

"2.  What  can  be  done  relative  to  the  appointment  of  an  Indian  agent 
(superintendant)  in  the  room  of  Governor  Blount;  and  of  the  Agents 
for  carrying  on  the  Indian  Trade." 

2  Washington  wrote  McHenry  on  July   18    (Ford,   xiii,   246),  regret 
ting  that  the  boundary  of  their  reservation  could  not  be  marked  before 
spring,   as  no  commissioners   to   superintend   it  could  be   appointed  in   the 
recess    of    the    senate.     He    also    stated    that   he    hoped    the   visit    of    the 
Cherokee  chiefs  might  be  deferred  until   November. 

A  short  note  from  Washington  about  this  time  reads  thus : 
"Sir, 

"The  enclosed  Conditions  appear  proper  —  but  as  there  are  certain 
principles  I  practice  that  govern  in  such  cases  —  it  would  be  too  hazard 
ous  to  Give  an  opinion  with  out  consulting  them  —  and  it  is  impossible 
for  me  to  go  into  such  detail. 

"Philadelphia  t4th.  Sep. 
"1796 

"Go.  WASHINGTON." 

3  Benjamin   Hawkins   was  born   in  North   Carolina  in    1754,    gradu 
ated  at   Princeton,  served  in  the  Revolutionary  War,  was  a  delegate  in 
the  confederation  congress,  was  United  States  senator  from  North  Caro 
lina  during  the  years  1789-95,  and  then  became  agent  for  superintending 
all  the  Indians  south  of  the  Ohio  River. 


176  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  xi 

On  September  13  and  on  October  13,  Pickering  wrote 
McHenry  about  the  Oneida  and  Stockbridge  Indians  and  their 
annuities.  Among  those  tribes,  the  Quakers  had  built  a  grist 
mill  and  a  meeting  house. 

McHenry  had  much  at  heart  the  improvement  of  the  In 
dians'  condition,  as  is  shown  by  a  letter  sent  him  by  Murray 
in  October. 

' '  Of  the  policy  which  you  are  now  organizing,  the  civiliza 
tion  of  the  Savages,  great  doubts  may  be  entertained  without 
an  affront  to  the  Czar  who  attempts  so  much  glory.  From 
what  is  known  of  the  progress  of  nations  from  infancy  to  man 
hood  may  it  not  be  ventured  as  a  general  proposition  that  the 
means  which  have  drawn  out  the  social  character  have  been 
such  as  were  congenial  to  the  State  in  wh.  any  nation  was,  to 
whom  they  were  applyd. 

''Every  one  of  the  European  nations  was  martial.  It  is 
thus  that  of  their  Savage  State  we  know  nothing.  We  have 
testimonies  of  their  barbarism  or  second  state  only,  but  from 
the  data  which  these  furnish,  something  may  be  learned  of 
that  scheme  wh.  might  most  probably  draw  them  from  the 
savage  to  the  barbarous.  One  engine  of  incalculable  powers 
is  now  possest  by  the  civilizing  hand  that  was  not  known  in 
the  early  ages,  the  art  of  printing,  yet  this  affords  not  a  ready 
source  of  those  habits  which  constitute  Society  as  it  stands 
any  where.  An  individual  may  acquire  learning  by  it  —  but 
it  would  teach  the  indian  scholar  things  applicable  to  refined 
Society  not  to  his  own  —  were  it  possible  to  digest  a  plan  of 
Property  for  them  in  Land  agreeably  to  the  Feudal  earlier 
ideas,  the  most  congenial  to  their  present  State,  it  appears 
probable  that  it  would  not  last  long.  The  existence  of  nations 
behind  this  belt  of  civilization  which  you  would  stretch  along 
the  Frontier  would  hold  out  a  tempting  asylum  for  original 
habits  &  manners  &  the  belt  would  be  gradually  depopulated. 
Were  there  an  ocean  interior  of  a  Mississippi  a  plan  of  coarse 
&  improving  principles  might  possibly  be  formed  —  as  it  is,  I 
confess,  I  almost  despair  —  because  I  can  find  nothing  like  it 
elsewhere.  I  fear  that  the  only  way  to  civilize  savages  is  to 
first  enslave  them  —  all  nations  have  so  advanced.  It  is  dread 
ful  —  but  I  fear  true.  Peter  &  the  following  Czars,  for  some 
time,  seemed  inclined  to  consider  the  vast  nation  they  owned 
as  capable  of  any  civil  impressions  they  might  choose  to  give. 
They  found  this  not  the  case  —  that  a  half  savage  nation  have 


1796-1797]  of  James  Me  Henry  177 

habits  as  inveterate  as  a  refined  nation  &  perhaps  the  habits 
of  such  a  nation  are  more  so  —  &  that  to  advance  Such  a 
nation  it  was  necessary  not  to  consider  it  as  a  blank  paper 
upon  wh.  any  thing  might  be  written,  but  to  ascertain  the  last 
step  it  had  taken  in  its  progress  &  only  invite  the  foot  a  little 
forward  in  what  was  the  most  natural  attitude.  I  have  all 
along  imagined  it  a  useless  attempt  to  make  the  Indians  like 
a  white  nation  —  my  humble  (&  I  own  it  may  be  a  crude)  plan 
is  if  any  attempt  is  made,  to  make  them  as  much  as  possible 
like  the  Barbarians  of  Germany  —  first,  still  infusing  that 
milder  tinge  into  their  character  that  would  follow  the  art  of 
printing  —  one  mistake  in  all  the  plans  I  have  seen  seems  to 
me  to  be  that  the  whole  was  predicated  upon  what  could  be 
done  upon  one  or  two  individuals  educated  in  a  white  country. 
Were  it  possible  to  bring  a  tribe  of  infants  &  educate  them  in 
Philad.  it  would  prove  nothing  that  was  not  as  well  known 
before.  The  difficulty  is  in  rearing  a  nation  from  old  habits 
by  attracting  them  to  higher  habits,  analogous  to  those  they 
are  invited  to  forsake.  But  you  are  fatigued  by  objections 
without  reasoning  that  points  to  any  alteration  —  &  all  must 
[be]  jejune  to  you  who  have  been  turning  the  subject  over  and 
over  for  some  time.  I  write  for  the  mere  pleasure  of  having 
conversation  with  you  &  always  in  strict  confidence  —  so  it  is 
like  a  fire  side  chat." 

By  the  admission  of  the  Southwest  territory,  on  June  1, 
1796,  as  the  state  of  Tennessee,  the  office  of  superintendent  of 
Indian  affairs  there  ceased.  McHenry  1  wished  to  appoint 
agents  for  carrying  on  commerce  with  the  Indian  tribes,  in 
accordance  with  a  recent  act  of  congress,  but  Wolcott  said  he 
had  no  money  for  that  purpose.  In  that  case,  said  Washing 
ton  in  his  letter  of  July  18,  we  can  have  no  agents,  but  a 
temporary  regulation  of  the  trade  in  the  hands  of  some  one 
man  may  be  made. 2 

In  his  report  to  congress,  3  McHenry  opposed  a  petition 
favored  by  Andrew  Jackson,  to  pay  a  claim  for  militia  called 
out  in  1793  to  act  offensively,  but  said  congress  must  decide 

1  He    estimated    the    six    nations    as    3580    in    number.     A    drunken 
smith  is  complained  of. 

2  Ford,    xiil,    246. 

3  State    Papers,    Indian    Affairs,    i,    585,    621.     In    November,     1796. 
John    D.    Chisholm    (Am.    Hist.    Rev.,    595)    brought    with    him    to    Phila 
delphia   about    twenty-two    Indians    and    a   petition   of   about    twenty"five 
British  residing  in  the  territory  of  the  Indian  nations  asking  to  be  made 
United    States    citizens.     He    presented    this    petition    to    McHenry,    who 
treated  it  with  coldness  and  said  he  would  refer  it  to  Hawkins. 


178  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  xi 

how  far  the  Indian  aggressions  constituted  an  imminent  dan 
ger,  or  whether  the  expedition  was  a  just  and  necessary  meas 
ure. 

In  relation  to  appointments  to  office  McHenry  appears  to 
have  had  but  little  trouble  under  Washington.  Only  two  let 
ters  have  been  found  on  this  subject  and  one  of  them  is  an 
answer  to  a  tender  of  an  office  made  by  Washington  through 
McHenry.  1 


1  Pinkney  was  offered  the  position  of  commissioner  under  the  Jay 
treaty  to  adjust  claims  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States. 

Another  letter  respecting  an  appointment  reads  thus : 

"New  York  llth  April  1796. 
"Dear  Sir 

"A  Letter  reed,  the  oth  inst.  intimating  that  one  of  my  little  Boys 
was  ill  of  a  Fever  occasioned  my  sudden  Departure  for  the  Place.  The 
child  is  happily  recovered  and  runs  about  as  usual. 

"It  is  high  Time  that  my  little  Boys  went  to  School  and  I  wish  if 
possible  to  have  them  under  my  own  Eye  but  how  to  effect  that  Arrange 
ment  is  the  Question  If  I  was  to  remove  them  to  Carolina  and  either 
of  them  to  sink  under  the  Climate  I  should  never  forgive  myself  knowing 
the  Climate  there  to  be  very  unfavourable  to  Children.  To  settle  in  the 
Country  might  not  be  agreeable  to  a  person  accustomed  to  converse  with 
Men  of  good  Information  and  my  finances  on  the  present  Scale  of  Prices 
are  not  quite  equal  to  a  City  Establishment.  8  or  10  hundr.  additional 
Dollars  per  Annum  would  answer  my  Purpose  but  I  cannot  submit  to 
any  subordinate  Station  and  higher  ones  are  generally  Objects  of  much 
Competition.  There  is  a  Bill  now  before  the  Senate  for  opening  a  land 
Office  It  contemplates  a  Surveyor  Genl.  I  have  not  heard  what  Salary 
he  is  to  have.  I  am  informed  that  Ellicot  will  be  appointed  to  run  the 
Line  between  Spain  &  the  U.  S.  viz  the  boundary  of  Florida.  The  Sur 
veyor  Genl.  ought  to  be  fully  acquainted  with  Geometry.  I  think  I 
should  not  greatly  overrate  my  Abilities  in  supposing  that  on  the  meer 
Question  of  Capacity  to  execute  the  Office  I  should  not  have  many  Rivals. 
I  should  not  refuse  the  Place  if  it  was  offered  and  presume  you  could 
with  a  safe  Conscience  before  the  President  has  fixed  on  any  Person, 
intimate  that  I  might  be  considered  capable  of  executing  such  an  Office. 
I  know  that  if  the  Salary  is  respectable  Members  from  the  several  States 
will  be  pressing  the  Interest  of  some  of  their  Constituents.  The  North 
Carolina  Members  are  I  believe  without  exception  desirous  to  do  any 
thing  that  in  their  Opinion  would  be  profitable  or  acceptable  to  me,  but  as 
they  are  at  present  every  one  in  Opposition  to  the  Measures  of  Govt 
I  know  they  would  not  willingly  ask  favours.  Wherefore  I  have  never 
intimated  to  any  one  of  them  that  I  would  accept  of  any  Employment. 
If  the  President,  when  the  Object  is  simply  presented  to  his  View,  does 
not  make  the  appointmt.  he  ought  not  to  be  solicited,  but  as  he  probably 
may  never  have  heard  that  Geometrical  Calculations  had  formed  part 
of  my  Study,  you  probably  will  have  no  Objection  to  mention  to  him 
what  You  take  to  be  the  general  Opinion  on  this  Head. 

"I  find  people  here  very  anxious  concerning  the  Determination  of 
Congress  on  the  Subject  of  Treaty  appropriations. 

"I   have   no   pretentions    to    Prophecy   but   believing   that   things   will 
happen  as  they  usually  have  happened  and  having  read  from  History  to 
be  informed  how  they  have  evented,   I  am  under  strong  Impressions  that 
if  French  Obstinacy  or  Pride  of  conquest  produces  another  Campaign  the 
Republican  Governmt.  of  that  Country  will  be  in  great  Danger.     French 
Arms  have  uniformly  proved  unfortunate  across  the  Rhine. 
"I  am  Dr  sir  with  great  Respect 
"Your  obedt.  hble.  Servt. 
"Hu   WILLIAMSON." 


1796-1797]  of  James  Me  Henry  179 

' '  Susquehanah  Ferry 

"March  21st  1796. 
"Dear  Sir. 

"Your  friendly  letter  has  found  me  at  Mrs.  Rodger's,  at 
a  distance  from  my  Family,  excessively  fatigued  and  somewhat 
indisposed ;  and  you  will  of  course  perceive  that  I  ought  not 
to  determine  conclusively  on  the  subject  of  it  until  I  reach 
Annapolis,  for  which  place  I  am  under  the  necessity  of  setting 
out  Tomorrow. 

"I  will,  however,  state  to  you  my  private  Impressions; 
and  hope  that  a  definite  Answer  may  be  dispensed  with  for  a 
few  Days. 

"The  Veneration  and  Attachment  I  have  always  felt  for 
the  President  of  the  United  States  can  hardly  admit  of  addi 
tion  ;  but  I  confess  to  you  that  I  have  never  experienced  any 
gratification  superior  to  that  which  results  from  this  flattering 
Proof  of  his  Confidence.  Without  Expectations  of  any  Sort 
from  the  Federal  Government  I  had  not  for  a  Moment  turned 
my  views  to  any  appointment  under  it;  but  I  have  felt  an 
uniform  Anxiety  to  obtain  the  good  opinion  of  the  President 
as  a  valuable  Testimony  that  I  have  not  lived  in  vain.  Your 
Letter,  affords  me  this  Testimony  in  a  Way  so  honorable  to 
myself  that  I  cannot  express  to  you  the  pleasure  it  affords  me. 

"My  inclinations  lead  me  to  avail  myself,  immediately, 
of  the  Presidents  favourable  Intentions  —  and  I  believe  it  to 
be  my  Interest  to  do  so.  If  I  should  decide  finally,  at  this 
Time,  I  should  undoubtedly  declare  my  ready  Acquiescence. 
But  as  the  Acceptance  of  this  Trust  might,  and  certainly 
would,  materially  change  my  future  Prospects,  and,  during 
a  considerable  period,  suspend  my  professional  pursuits,  it 
will  be  prudent  to  reflect  a  little  on  its  Consequences  before  I 
act  definitely.  I  shall  not  require  more  than  four  or  five  days 
for  this  purpose  and  will  communicate  the  Result  by  Express. 

' '  I  cannot  avoid  expressing  the  grateful  sense  I  feel  of  the 
Interest  you  are  good  enough  to  take  in  my  concerns. 

"You  may  be  assured  that  I  shall  not  easily  lose  the  Re 
membrance  of  it  and  that  I  shall  seek  opportunities  of  mani 
festing  the  Value  I  place  upon  your  Friendship. 

"I  am,  Dr  Sir,  with  sincere  Esteem 
"V.  Obedt  Servt. 

"WM.  PlNKNEY." 


180  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  xi 

On  the  side  of  his  naval  duties, 1  McHenry  's  chief  care 
was  the  superintendence  of  the  disgraceful  task  of  building 
the  frigate  which  the  country  gave  the  Dey  of  Algiers  and 
which  Pickering,  on  August  11,  recommended  to  be  built  at 
Portsmouth,  as  it  could  be  completed  there  in  twelve  months, 
while  it  would  take  sixteen  months  in  New  York.  The  "ma 
terials  must  be  durable,  or  we  shall,  in  a  few  years,  have  to 
build  another  frigate  for  the  same  use. ' '  McHenry  was  slight 
ly  uncertain  at  .first,  whether  he  or  Pickering  should  built  it, 
though  he  thought  it  fell  in  his  province  and  wrote  Washing 
ton  who  was  at  Mt.  Vernon  on  July  7,  asking 2  about  it. 
Twice,  on  July  8,  Pickering  wrote  McHenry  on  the  general 
plan  of  the  ship : 

"I  have  conversed  with  Mr.  Wolcott:  We  are  both  of" 
opinion  that  the  first  step  towards  building  the  frigate,  is  to 
send  Mr.  Fox  to  the  different  Navy  Yards,  to  take  an  account 
of  the  timber,  and  to  converse  with  the  principal  builders,  to 
see  on  what  terms  &  within  what  time  they  will,  any  of  them, 
undertake  to  have  her  completed.  We  think  it  ineligible  and 
fruitless  to  advertise  for  a  contract.  The  explanation  which 
Mr.  Fox  can  give  to  the  master  builders,,  will  enable  them 
to  state  their  terms,  which  he  will  bring  back  with  him,  &  then 
a  choice  may  be  made.  I  am  convinced  that  it  will  be  in  vain 
to  seek  a  substitute  for  Mr.  Fox :  &  I  beg  you  to  decide  thereon 
that  his  instructions  may  be  prepared  to  enable  him  to  start, 
by  farthest  on  Monday." 

' '  In  answer  to  your  enquiries  relative  to  the  dimensions  of 
the  frigate  for  the  Mediterranean  service,  I  have  to  inform 
you,  that  she  is  to  carry  36  guns,  of  which  24  are  to  be  nine 
pounders,  and  the  other  twelve  six  pounders.  On  these 
grounds,  I  desired  Mr.  Humphreys  to  calculate  the  proper 
dimensions  of  the  hulk,  and  to  make  a  draught  of  the  same. 
The  draught  I  presume  Mr.  Fox  has  completed,  in  which  the 
dimensions  must  be  accurately  stated.  Independently  of 
which  however,  Mr.  Humphreys  made  the  inclosed  statement : 
but  if  it  varies  from  the  draught  (for  it  was  written  you  will 
see  on  the  29th  of  June,  when  the  draught  was  only  begun) 
the  latter  must  be  the  guide.  Her  masts,  spars,  sails  and  cor 
dage  may  be  calculated  after  Mr.  Fox 's  return,  as  well  as  the 

1  On    February    21,    1797,    he    suggested    to    Hamilton    the   establish 
ment  of  a  permanent  navy  yard,  and  enclosed  a  draft  of  his  departmental 
report  in  which  he  tried  not  to  censure  his  predecessors. 

2  Wolcott    also    wrote    Washington    on    the    7th,    asking    whether    he, 
McHenry,  or  Pickering  should  superintend  the  building.     Sparks,  xi,   147. 


1796-1797]  of  James  McHenry  181 

anchors  and  all  her  other  equipments.  The  guns,  powder  & 
shot,  you  will  perceive  by  the  inclosed  letter  &  estimate  of  Mr. 
Hodgdon,  are  on  hand.  The  guns,  however,  ought  to  be  criti* 
cally  examined,  and  proved:  they  ought  also,  I  think,  to  be 
uniform;  and  if  those  we  have  are  not  so,  it  may  be  best  to 
cast  a  new  set  at  Cecil  furnace,  and  to  have  them  turned  (to 
take  off  the  most  considerable  roughness  at  least)  while  they 
are  boring. ' ' 1 

Washington  answered2  McHenry 's  note  on  the  13th, 
expressing  his  surprise  and  displeasure  that  the  frigate  had 
not  already  been  begun,  but  not  answering  McHenry 's  question 
and  saying,  ' '  Let  me,  in  a  friendly  way,  impress  the  following 
maxims  upon  the  Executive  Officers.  In  all  important  mat 
ters,  to  deliberate  maturely,  but  to  execute  promptly  and  vig 
orously,  and  not  to  put  things  off  until  the  morrow  which  can 
be  done  and  require  to  be  done  today.  Without  an  adherence 
to  these  rules,  business  will  never  be  well  done,  or  done  in  an 
easy  manner,  but  will  always  be  in  arrear;  with  one  thing 
treading  upon  the  heels  of  another."  Five  days  later,3  he 
wrote  again,  stating  that  he  approved  McHenry 's  plans  for 
the  frigate  and  directing  him  to  sell  all  timber  and  plank 
owned  by  the  government  and  not  needed  for  the  building  of 
the  Algerine  frigate  or  the  three  which  were  to  be  constructed 
for  our  own  navy.  4 

On  July  12,  McHenry  ordered  Josiah  Fox  to  inspect  the 

1  Cecil    furnace    was    probably    that    at    Principio,    in    Cecil    county, 
Maryland.     Another  letter  of   Pickering   is  as   follows : 

"Department  of   State   July    14,    1796. 
"Sir, 

"The  following  are  the  articles  about  the  procuring  of  which  it  is  de 
sirable  that  Mr.  Fox  may  make  enquiry,  as  to  the  places  where,  and  the 
terms  on  which  they  can  be  obtained. 

"60  masts,  90  feet  long,  3.2  inches  diameter;  110  spars,  80  feet  long, 
20  inches  diameter;  1500  pine  planks) 

1500   oak  planks)    44  feet  long,   6   inches  thick,   200 
pieces  of  pine  scantling. 

"I  suppose  pine  planks  should  be  hard  pine.  No  breadth  is  mentioned 
In  the  stipulation  for  planks,  nor  any  dimensions  for  the  pine  scantling. 
The  oak  planks  should  doubtless  be  of  white  oak.  It  may  be  practicable 
to  procure  some  of  the  spars,  plank  and  scantling  without  delay ;  and 
it  Is  much  to  be  desired  that  at  least  one  ship  load  may  be  obtained  to 
be  sent  to  their  destination  the  ensuing  autumn.  If  some  of  the  planks 
were  shorter  and  some  longer,  so  as  to  average  44  feet  in  length,  I 
should  imagine  the  purpose  would  be  answered. 

"Your  obt.  servt. 

"T.  PICKERING" 

2  Sparks,    xi,    146. 

3  Ford,    xiii,    246. 

4  Three   frigates   formerly  planned   had  been   discontinued   by  a  re 
cent  act  of  congress.     Six  frigates  were  ordered  to  be  built  against  the 
Algerines  by  act  of  March  27,   1794, 


182  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  xi 

navy  yards  and  on  September  13,  tke  specifications  for  can 
nons  for  the  frigates  were  issued.  1 

When  McHenry  came  to  the  department  of  war  he  found 
the  army  organized  in  a  legion  composed  of  the  three  branches 
of  the  service. 

McHenry 's  first  report  was  made  to  a  senate  committee 
on  March  14.  He  advised  against  reducing  the  military  force 
of  the  United  States,  placing  the  necessity  of  a  military  estab 
lishment  on  the  following  grounds:  It  enables  us  to  repel 
insult  and  invasion  and  maintain  our  dignity,  it  counteracts 
the  influence  of  the  British  and  Spanish  armies  in  exciting 
Indian  hostilities,  it  serves  as  a  model  or  school  for  an  army 
and  furnishes  experienced  officers  to  form  one  in  case  of  war, 
and  it  supplements  the  inadequacy  of  the  militia.  The  diffi 
culty  is  to  avoid  useless  expense  and  yet  secure  these  advan 
tages.  The  British  and  Spanish  forces  in  North  America  are 
probably  greater  than  ours  and  are  not  likely  to  be  contracted 
on  the  evacuation  of  the  posts,  for  England  will  not  wish  to 
lessen  her  influence  over  the  Indians  and  will  try  to  preserve 
the  influence  and  safety  of  Canada,  where  she  finds  a  link  in 
the  great  chain  of  her  dependencies,  especially  important  in 
respect  to  the  West  Indies,  while  Spain  has  even  stronger  rea 
sons,  for  the  new  treaty  will  bring  our  citizens  near  her  posses 
sions.  He  thought  there  was  no  need  of  a  judge  advocate  at 
present  and  that,  probably,  there  could  be  no  saving  in  the 
quartermaster's  department,  for  the  expenses  of  transport  to 
the  Western  posts  will  be  great,  whether  by  land  or  water. 

On  May  30,  1796,  a  law  was  passed  changing  the  organi 
zation  of  the  army  into  one  of  four  regiments  of  infantry,  a 
troop  of  dragoons,  and  a  battery  of  artillery.  This  reorgani 
zation  was  clearly  a  result  of  McHenry 's  suggestion,  as  Wash 
ington's  letter  of  July  1st  to  him  shows. 2  The  arsenal  at 
Harper's  Ferry  had  been  begun.  3 

1  State   Papers,    Milit.   Aft.,    i,    114.     Naval   Aff.,    44,    54. 

2  Sparks,  xi,   132  ;   Ford,  xiii,   222. 

3  Mount   Vernon    16th    Oct    1797. 
Dear  Sir, 

Your  favour  of  the  2d  instant,  came  duly  to  hand.  For  the  perusal  of 
the  enclosure  I  thank  you.  It  is  returned. 

We  heard  with  much  concern,  but  long  after  the  thing  had  hap 
pened,  of  the  accident  which  befel  your  son.  we  hope  he  is  perfectly  re 
covered  from  the  fall,  and  you  from  your  bilious  attack. 

Having  no  news  to  entertain  you  with,  and  could  only  fill  a  letter 
with  the  perplexities  I  experienced  daily  from  workmen,  and  other  oc 
currences  of  little  moment  to  any  besides  myself,  I  shall  conclude  this 
letter  with  best  respects  —  in  which  Mrs.  Washington  and  Nelly  Custis 

nons  for  the  frigates  were  issued. 23 


1796-1797]  of  James  McHenry  183 

During  the  summer,  charges  were  laid  against  General 
Wayne,  the  head  of  the  army,  by  General  James  Wilkinson. 
Washington,  in  his  letter  of  July  1,  directed  McHenry  to 
obtain  the  opinion  of  the  other  heads  of  departments  as  to  the 
proper  course  for  him  to  pursue.  He  doubts  whether  a  court 
martial  can  be  called.  In  any  case,  he  thinks  Wayne  should 
have  a  copy  of  all  the  charges  made  against  him,  and  Wilkin 
son  should  be  furloughed.  For  advice  as  to  what  should  be 
done  in  reference  to  these  charges,  McHenry  wrote  to  Hamil 
ton,  Chase,  Murray,  and  Charles  Lee,  the  attorney  general, 
from  all  of  whom  he  received  replies.  Hamilton,  on  July  15, 
answered  that  the  president  might  order  a  general  court  mar 
tial,  but  it  would  be  preferable  for  him  to  examine  into  the 
charges  as  commander  in  chief  and  displace  Wayne,  as  holding 
his  commission  "during  pleasure,"  if  he  found  him  guilty, 
Chase,  in  an  extra  judicial  opinion,  on  July  22,  held  that 
Wayne  might  ask  for  a  court  of  inquiry,  or  be  tried  by  a  court 
martial.  Murray,  on  August  6,  held  that  there  could  be  no 
court  martial  of  the  commanding  general  and  seemed  to  think 
there  was  no  legal  method  of  action. l  Lee,  on  November  22, 
not  yet  having  seen  the  charges,  wrote  that  either  a  court  of 
inquiry  or  a  court  martial  could  be  held.  Before  any  steps 
could  be  taken,  however,  Wayne 's  death,  on  December  15,  put 
an  end  to  the  controversy. 

unite  —  to   Mrs.   McHenry  and  yourself  —  and   with   assurances   of  being 

Dear  Sir 

Your   Affecte  friend 

Go.  WASHINGTON. 

P.  S.  My  mind  during  the  last  days  of  my  remaining  in  Philadelphia  was 
so  much  occupied  with  public  &  private  concerns  taat  I  always  forgot, 
when  I  was  in  your  company,  to  enquire  whether  Mr.  Lear  had  accounted 
to  the  War  Office  for  the  money  he  had  received  to  purchase  the  site  for 
the  Arsenal  on  Potomac.  As  I  was,  in  some  measure  the  cause  of  his 
Agency  in  that  business,  I  wish  to  know  whether  it  is  settled  to  your 
satisfaction. 

Be  so  good  as  to  send  the  letter  for  Mr.  Dandridge  to  his  lodgings 
if  he  has  not  sailed,  or  left  the  City. 

Private  Tuesday  llth.  Jan.   1797. 

Dear  Sir, 

I  shall  have  occasion  to  write  to  Mr.  Lear  by  tomorrow's  Post,  and 
would  thank  you  to  let  me  know  (in  a  summary  way)  what  money  he  has 
drawn  on  acct.  of  the  Arsenal  on  the  Potomack ;  and  what  report  he  has 
made  to  the  War  Office  of  his  proceedings  in  that  business ;  for  I  shall 
take  an  occasion  (as  from  myself)  to  ask  him  what  has  been  done 
therein  Yours  always 

Go.  WASHINGTON. 

McHenry  answered  this  letter. 

1  "Upon  the  point  which  you  told  me  to  write  an  opinion  on  (W's 
trial)  I  can  collect  nothing  but  from  unaided  reflexion  for  I  have  no  books 
at  command  in  which  I  could  find  Precedents  —  if  I  had  you  (know)  I 
would  search  with  —  pleasure  &  alacrity."  See  "Army  and  Navy  Journal," 
xlii,  195. 


184  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  xi 

How  well  McHenry  succeeded  in  smoothing  over  difficul 
ties  between  officers  and  how  tactful  he  was  in  so  doing,  may 
be  seen  from  the  letter  he  addressed  Captain  Decius  Wads- 
worth,  on  July  1,  in  response  to  a  letter  from  the  captain  ask 
ing  that  papers  making  charges  against  him  be  sent  him. 

"I  well  know,  having  often  witnessed  the  struggles  of 
high  minded  men  in  the  course  of  that  obedience  which  mili 
tary  subordination  exacts,  how  difficult  it  is  to  bear  with  the 
neglects  and  sometimes  rude  ignorance  of  superior  rank,  or 
to  suppress  the  idea  of  revenge  for  matters  which  torture  the 
soul  without  their  coming  under  the  description  of  noticeable 
insult.  These  are  among  the  incidental  evils  of  a  military  life, 
which  to  support,  requires  magnanimity,  joined  to  patience, 
which  looks  forward  for  better  things,  while  it  submits  to  what 
it  cannot  avoid.  It  is  in  the  service,  we  expect  to  find  an 
honor  that  shrinks  from  every  thing  mean  and,  at  the  same 
time,  a  respect  to  rank  and  strict  conformity  to  the  right 
principles  of  subordination,  without  which  an  army  must  soon 
become  one  huge  mass  of  discontent  and  sedition.  If  men  of 
sense,  on  such  occasions,  will  not  give  up  every  consideration 
but  their  honor,  if  they  will  not  make  sacrifices  of  feelings  for 
the  sake  of  their  country,  I  must  relinquish  the  idea  of  being 
useful  to  the  corps,  but  I  trust,  without  fear  of  being  disap 
pointed,  upon  receiving  assistance  of  men  of  your  under 
standing  to  calm  the  spirits  which  have  been  excited,  to  re 
store  the  harmony  which  has  been  disturbed,  and  save  the 
corps  from  dissolution.  Relying  on  your  cooperation  in  these 
particulars,  you  will  at  once  perceive  that  it  will  be  best  that 
the  request  which  you  have  made  me  for  a  copy  of  Col.  Roche- 
f ontaine  's  defence  should  not  be  urged.  It  is  a  writing,  com 
posed  when  the  Colonel's  sensibilities  were  high,  and  if  it 
includes  any  observation  to  which  you  could  take  exception, 
consider  that  it  is  not  intended  for  publication,  that  it  can  not 
escape  from  my  keeping,  and,  above  all,  that  it  contains  noth 
ing  which  has  produced  any  change  in  the  good  opinion  I  had 
formed  of  your  understanding  and  honor." 

With  Washington,  the  secretary's  relations  were  pleasant 
and  even  in  rebuke  the  chief  was  thoughtful  and  considerate. 
When  Lafayette's  son  came  to  Philadelphia,  Washington  wrote 
McHenry  on  April  llr  1796. 

"Dear  Sir 

"Young  Fayette  and  his  friend  are  with  me.     Come  & 


1796-1797]  of  James  McHenry  185 

dine  with  them  to  day  at  3  o'clock  if  you  are  not  otherwise 
engaged 

"Yours  always 
"Go.  WASHINGTON." 

When  Washington  1  wrote  his  official  letter  of  July  1, 
previously  referred  to,  he  also  wrote  a  personal  letter  which 
follows : 

"By  the  Post,  rather  than  by  the  Express,  you  will  re 
ceive  my  Official  letter,  and  its  Enclosures.  For  the  differ 
ence  of  a  few  hours,  in  a  case  that  is  not  urgent,  I  would  have 
you  avoid  sending  an  Express  to  me.  The  latter  does  not 
travel  faster  than  the  mail;  of  course  there  cannot  (unless 
Sunday  intervenes)  be  more,  in  any  case  (supposing  an  occa 
sion  to  arise  in  one  hour  after  the  mail  was  closed)  than  the 
difference  of  48  hours  in  the  receipt  of  the  dispatches;  as  I 
send  regularly,  every  Post  day,  to  Alexandria  for  my  letters. 
Your  Express  came  in  yesterday  at  5  o'clock  in  the  afternoon, 
and  if  you  had  sent  the  letters  by  the  mail  of  Wednesday,  they 
would  have  been  here  at  9  o'clock  this  afternoon,  a  difference 
of  28  hours  only. 

' '  The  information  brot.  by  Captn  Lewis  is  very  pleasing ; 
and  I  hope  the  orders  on  both  sides  will  go  smoothly  into 
effect:  but  the  Aurora  will  have  doubts,  that  all  is  not  well, 
notwithstanding.  This,  however,  is  a  matter  of  course;  for 
the  Executive  Acts  must  be  arraigned. 

"I  hope  you  have  got  perfectly  recovered,  and  that  Mrs. 
McHenry  and  the  rest  of  your  family  are  well  also. 

"When  I  left  Philadelphia,  it  was  expected  that  Mr.  & 
Mrs.  Liston  (and  from  their  own  declaration)  was  to  follow, 
on  a  visit  to  this  place,  in  ten  days ;  an  interval  of  a  few  days 
—  and  then  the  Chevr.  de  Freire  &  Lady  were  to  follow  them ; 
and  altho'  Mr.  Adet  gave  me  (tho'  asked)  no  assurance  that 
he  would  make  me  a  visit,  yet  to  Mr.  Fayette  he  said  he  should 
set  out  in  ten  days  —  since  which  I  have  heard  nothing  from, 

1  "Return  the  enclosed  as  soon  as  Mr  Ross  (under  strong  injunc 
tions)  has  read  it.  Never  put  papers,  improper  to  be  sent,  under  a  cover 
sealed  with  a  wafer  —  at  any  time,  but  especially  when  wet.  the  contents 
may  be  seen  and  the  cover  closed  again  without  suspicion,  or  appearance 
of  being  opened. 

«G  W N" 

This  note   is  thus   docketed : 

"This  enclosed  the  information  given  by  Mr  Wolcott  respecting  [Col- 
lot  Waren]  &c  —  which  I  communicated  to  Mr  Ross 

"4   June   179« 

"J  McH" 


186  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  xi 

or  of  any  of  them,  which  occasions  suspence,  that  impede  other 
arrangements. 

' '  If  you  could,  therefore,  indirectly,  or  at  least  informally, 
ascertain  whether  and  when,  I  am  to  receive  these  visits,  I 
should  be  obliged  to  you;  as  it  wrould  enable  me  to  regulate 
some  other  matters  which  depend  thereon. 

"With  sincere  esteem  &  regard 
"I  am  —  Dear  Sir 
"Yr.  Affectionate 

"Go.  WASHINGTON 
"Friday 

"7  oclock  in  the  morng. 

"Have  you  allotted  any  Infantry  for  the  Posts  of  Oswego  & 
Niagara  ?     How  many,  &  when  will  they  be  there  ? ' ' 

On  July  5,  McIIenry  writes  that  the  Chevalier  Le  Freire 
and  Listen  will  soon  start  to  visit  Washington,  at  Mount  Ver- 
non,  but  that  he  has  no  news  as  to  Adet. 1  Two  days  later,  he 
writes  that  Chevalier  Freire  will  not  come,  as  his  wife  thinks  it 
is  too  hot  for  the  journey.  McHenry  himself  was  somewhat  un 
well  at  the  time  and  shortly  afterwards  writes  that  he  has  heard 
a  rumor  that  Washington  had  been  thrown  from  his  phaeton, 
and  is  glad  it  is  false.  "I  know  not  what  new  sacrifices  we 
may  yet  have  to  require  of  you.  The  world  grows  older  and 
republics  occupy  more  and  more  of  its  surface  but  I  do  not 
find  that  it  becomes  better. ' '  Washington  seems  to  have  been 
quite  offended  at  the  rumor  of  his  injury  and  replied  on  July 
18. 

"18th.  July  96. 
"Private 
"Dear  Sir, 

' '  I  have  not  sagacity  enough  to  discover  what  end  was  to 
be  answered  by  reporting  —  first,  that  I  was  to  be  in  Phila 
delphia  on  the  4th  July  and  secondly,  when  that  report  was 
contradicted  by  my  non-appearance,  then  to  account  for  it 
by  a  fall  from  my  Phaeton. 

' '  If  any  scheme  could  have  originated,  or  been  facilitated 
by  these,  or  any  other  reports,  however  unfounded,  I  should 
not  have  been  surprised  at  the  propagation  of  them ;  for  evi 
dence  enough  has  been^given  that  truth  or  falsehood  is  equally 

1  On  July  11,  Washington  wrote  (Ford,  xiii,  214)  that  he  invited 
Adet,  as  cordially  as  he  did  the  others,  and  trusts  that  McHenry  will  re 
peat  to  him  the  invitation.  Listen  was  the  British  minister. 


1796-179?]  of  James  McHenry  187 

•used,  and  indifferent  to  that  class  of  men,  if  their  object  can 
be  obtained. 

' '  I  wish  you  well  &  am  always  your 
' '  Affectionate 

"GO.   WASHINGTON."1 

As  early  as  August,  "Washington  began  to  consider  the 
framing  of  his  message  to  congress  2  and  wrote  McHenry  on 
the  8th. 
''Dear  Sir, 

"Your  private  letter  of  the  3d.  instant,  accompanying 
the  Official  one  of  the  same  date,  came  to  hand  by  the  last 
Post.  The  draught  of  the  letter  to  the  Governor  of  Georgia 
is  approved.  I  have  added  a  word  or  two  to  the  last  para 
graph  but  one  —  by  way  of  hint,  where  we  shall  look  for  the 
cause,  if  Peace  is  not  preserved  on  the  frontier  of  that  State. 

"I  request  that  you  would  begin  to  note  the  occurrences 
that  have  happened  in  the  War  Department  (since  the  ad 
journment  of  Congress)  which  will  require  to  be  communi 
cated  to  that  body  in  the  Speech,  or  by  messages,  at  the  next 
Session.  It  is  from  the  materials  furnished  by  each  Depart 
ment,  and  the  Memorandums  taken  by  myself,  that  the  first  is 
framed;  and  it  will  be  an  omission,  not  to  commit  these  to 
writing  in  the  moment  they  occur;  it  being  much  easier  to 
select,  than  to  collect  matter,  for  these  purposes,  when  the 
hour  arrives  for  digesting  them  into  form.  If  other  things 
(although  they  may  be  extraneous  to  your  department)  should 
occur  let  them  be  noted  also.  It  is  better  to  have  them  in  all 
than  to  escape  all  the  Memorandums  I  shall  be  furnished  with. 

"I  am  always  &  sincerely 
"Your  Affectionate 

"Go.  WASHINGTON." 

Relations  with  France  were  growing  more  strained.     On 


1  Private  Mount   Vernon    1st.    Augt.    1796. 
Dear  Sir, 

This  letter  will  be  presented  to  you  by  Mr.  Dandridge,  who  has 
rejoined  my  family  and  proceeds  to  Philadelphia  in  order  to  facilitate  the 
recording  of  my  loose  flies. 

As  he  left  my  family  a  little  suddenly  I  thought  it  necessary  to  men 
tion  this  matter  to  you,  lest  that  circumstance  should  be  ascribed  to  un 
worthy  motives  none  of  which  I  have  to  charge  him  with ;   as  I  always 
had  and  still  have  a  high  opinion  of  his  honor  and  integrity. 
I  am  your  sincere  friend 
and   affectionate   Servt. 
Go.   WASHINGTON. 

2  Mount  Vernon   19th.   Oct.    1796. 
Dear  Sir, 

Your  letter  of  the  14th.  came  duly  to  hand.     On  the  contents  of  the 


188  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  xi 

June  1,  Hamilton  wrote  l  telling  McHenry  that  he  writes  to 
him  rather  than  Adams  or  Pickering,  as  his  information  is  not' 
official,  but  that  he  hears  that  the  Directory  complain  of 
Parish,  the  American  consul  at  Hamburg,  and  adds :  ' '  We 
must  not  quarrel  with  France  for  pins  and  needles.  Tis  a 
case  for  temporizing,  reserving  our  firmness  for  great  and 
necessary  occasions."  Monroe  was  not  satisfactory  as  our 
minister  at  Paris  and,  on  June  15,  Hamilton  wrote  Wolcott: 
"  After  turning  the  thing  over  and  over  in  my  mind,  I  know 
of  nothing  better  that  you  have  in  your  power  than  to  send 
McHenry.  He  is  not  yet  obnoxious  to  the  French,  and  has 
been  understood,  formerly,  to  have  had  some  kindness  towards 
them.  His  present  office  would  give  a  sort  of  importance  to 
the  mission.  If  he  should  not  incline  to  an  absolute  relin- 
quishment,  his  mission  might  be  temporary,  and  Col.  Pickering 
could  carry  on  his  office  in  his  absence.  He  is  at  hand  and 
might  depart  immediately;  and  I  believe  he  would  explain 
very  well  and  do  no  foolish  thing. ' ' 2 

On  July  2,  Pickering,  Wolcott,  and  McHenry  united  in 
recommending  to  Washington  Monroe's  recall.  Washington 
answered  McHenry  on  the  8th: 

"Dear  Sir; 

' '  Having  written  a  great  many  letters  for  this  day 's  Post, 
and  being  a  good  deal  fatigued  thereby  and  with  the  heat  of 
the  weather,  I  shall  do  no  more  at  present,  than  to  inform  you 
that  your  letters  of  the  2d.  and  3d.  instant  with  the  enclosures 
of  the  first  came  perfectly  safe,  and  that  my  letter  to  the 
Secretary  of  State  of  this  date,  will  inform  you  confidentially 
of  my  decision  with  respect  to  the  recall  of  Colo.  Monroe  and 
the  measures  which  I  am  pursuing  to  provide  a  Successor 

"I  am  sorry  to  hear  you  have  been  [unjwell,  and  glad  to 


enclosure  I  shall  make  no   comments  'till  I  see  you ;  —  which,  probably, 
will  be  on,  or  about,  the  first  part  of  next  month. 

Let  me  remind  you  of  what  I  have  before  requested  —  namely, — to 
have  noted  against  my  arrival,  all  those  things  which  will  be  fit  and  proper 
subjects    for    my    communication    to    Congress    (in    the    Speech)    at    the 
opening  of  the  session ;  that  I  may  have  time  to  consider  and  digest  such 
of  them  as  are  proper  for  that  occasion,  before  the  meeting  of  it. 
I,  am   always   and   sincerely 
Your  affectionate 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

1  Hamilton,  vi,   127.     Lodge's  Hamilton,  x,    171. 

2  Gibbs,    i,    359. 


1796-1797]  of  James  McHenry  189 

hear  you  are  better.     Keep  so  —  one  well  day  is  worth  a  dozen 
sick  ones 

"I  Am 

"Yours  always 
"Go.  WASHINGTON" 

Hamilton  wrote  McHenry  on  July  15,  "Have  you  de 
vised  any  means  of  ensuring  an  explanation  to  the  French 
Government  ?  If  it  be  not  done  and  anything  amiss  happens, 
I  don 't  know  what  will  befall  you  all. ' '  On  news  of  Monroe 's 
recall,  France  at  once  suspended  her  embassy  to  the  United 
States,  summoning  Adet  to  return. 

Murray  wrote,  on  August  29,  concerning  the  recall  of 
Monroe : 

' '  The  executive  may  be  abused,  as  no  doubt  they  will  be 
by  the  Jacobins,  on  the  Eecall  of  Monroe,  but  the  measure  is 
perfectly  proper.  Surely  unless  there  was  perfect  confidence 
in  a  co-operation  from  a  foreign  minister  in  the  systems  & 
designs  of  his  government  well  known  &  openly  manifested, 
that  minister  can  be  no  longer  a  fit  instrument  of  the  country 's 
affairs.  Now,  in  this  case,  there  can  hardly  be  a  doubt  that 
there  was  no  co-operation  in  the  part  of  the  system  lately  ex 
hibited,  the  Treaty.  A  new  minister  will  be  able  to  conciliate 
this  late  event,  with  explanation,  with  the  duties  the  U.  S.  owe 
as  an  ally  to  France.  This,  it  may  be  suspected,  has  not  been 
M.  inclination  &  conduct  —  yet  considering  the  pains  taken 
in  this  country  by  our  precious  fellows  to  misrepresent  the 
temper  of  Govt.  towards  France  &  stir  up  her  indignation, 
it  wd.  appear  as  a  measure  of  prime  consequence  to  have  a 
man  who  would  counteract,  not  increase  these  impressions. 
I  do  rejoice  at  the  measure  —  one  of  the  Pinkneys  is  a  man 
of  capital  parts  it  is  said.  I  only  hope  it  may  not  be  the  anti 
Treaty  spouter.  I  doubt  not,  however,  it  is  the  Mr.  P.  of 
whose  genius  &  learning  I  have  heard  much  —  &  who  will 
be  an  ornament  to  the  corps.  You  will  be  brilliant  as  well 
as  strong  in  the  foreign  corps.  I  had  hoped  that  Ames  would 
have  been  the  man,  if  a  move  took  place  &  was  yet  aware  of 
the  obstacle  in  his  seat." 

On  November  22,  1796,  Murray  wrote  again  from  Cam 
bridge,  Md. : 

"To  day  I  received  yours  of  the  12th.  and,  after  some 
recollection,  have  been  able  to  get  the  paper  containing  the 


190  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  xi 

address  of  the  French  Directory,  (not  embassador,  as  I  be 
lieve  I  had  it)  to  the  Spanish  nation  &c.  This  is  better  than 
I  had  imagined.  Yes  I  have  seen,  &  twice  or  thrice  read, 
the  answer  to  Adet  —  and  I  &  others  too  believe  it  to  be  yours 
—  &  I  can  assure  you  it  gives  pleasure  —  concise,  clear  —  firm 
&  temperately  retortive.  It  is  the  first  opening  of  the  present 
administration  on  great  ground  with  foreign  nations  that  has 
been  published.  I  was  very  much  pleased  to  hear  from  Ship- 
pen  that  it  was  supposed  to  be  yours  —  as  it  proved  my  pen 
etration.  If  all  the  Union  were  as  we  are  here  and  for  Fifty 
miles  on  each  side,  you  might  utter  strong  things  to  the  citi 
zen  &  his  treacherous  directory.  My  fears  are  unaffected 
about  the  views  of  France  upon  us.  Canada,  Nova  Scotia, 
Newfoundland,  &  the  Floridas  Hers,  a  disorganised  public 
mind  within  the  union !  where  are  we  ?  Fisheries  —  posts  — 
&  a  mighty  influence  more  powerful  than  armies  in  the  very 
bosom  of  the  Union !  Yet  do  I  believe  that,  in  a  crisis, 
the  PEOPLE  so  well  understand  her  &  their  own  good  that 
they  would  follow  their  Govt. " 


Hugh  Williamson  wrote  on  the  same  subject  from  Phila 
delphia  on  the  21st  of  November,  after  the  publication  of  a 
letter  from  Adet  attacking  the  administration. 

"I  have  noted  writh  Indignation,  I  had  almost  said  with 
Surprise,  the  Manifesto  of  Mr.  Adet  published  this  Morning, 
for  there  are  some  Points  of  extravagance  to  which  the  wildest 
Citoyen  francais  could  hardly  be  expected  to  attain.  I  am 
aware  that  Mr.  Pickering  cannot  return  an  Answer  to  a  dead 
or  sleeping  Minister  and  yet  I  have  Reasons  for  thinking  that 
a  solid  and  speedy  answer  to  this  Manifesto  would  have  most 
salutory  Effect  on  the  public  Mind.  Though  an  official  an 
swer  cannot  come  out,  any  Citizen  has  a  right,  at  this  Hour, 
to  publish  his  Remarks  on  that  Insult  on  the  rights  of  an  in 
dependent  nation,  who  ought  not,  it  seems  ever  to  make  a 
Treaty  with  Pirates  without  consulting  France.  Clear  solid 
and  conclusive  answers  have  been  given  by  Jefferson  and 
others  to  most  of  the  acts  complained  of  in  this  long  address 
to  the  Passions  of  the  People,  but  those  answers  are  detached 
and  in  few  hands.  A<-  clear  and  general  answer,  conclusive 
to  every  mind,  as  was  Mr.  Pickering's  last  Note  to  the  French 
Minister,  is  now  wanted.  Such  a  piece,  if  published,  might 


1796-1797]  of  James  McHejiry  191 

soon  be  circulated  with  equal  speed  and  universality  to  that 
with  which  the  Manifesto  is  now  propagated. 

' '  I  have  strong  and  some  very  particular  Reasons  for  say 
ing  that  such  a  Publication  as  I  have  been  describing  is  greatly 
needed  &  cannot  fail  of  having  salutary  Effects  on  the  Minds 
of  People  in  the  southern  &  Western  Part  of  the  Union.  I 
confide  that  some  of  you  who  have  every  necessary  Informa 
tion  on  the  Subject  will  give  dispatch  to  this,  as  I  believe, 
necessary  work." 

On  January  25,  1797,  Isaac  McKim,  a  Baltimore  mer 
chant,  wrote  McIIenry  from  Philadelphia  regarding  the  vex 
atious  conduct  of  the  French  in  the  West  Indies  in  seizing 
our  merchantmen: 

"Having  lately  arrived  from  the  city  of  Cape  Francois 
in  Saint  Domingo,  I  beg  leave  to  inform  you  some  intelli 
gence  of  a  private  nature  which  I  heard  during  my  stay 
there,  viz.  that  between  the  6th  &  12th  day  of  December  last, 
being  in  company  with  a  Mr  Labigar,  a  merchant  of  the  Cape, 
he  informed  me  that  he  had  heard  the  Commissary  Sothonax 
declare  that,  if  Mr.  Jefferson  was  elected  president  of  the 
United  States,  he  would  annul  all  those  decrees  lately  passed, 
so  injurious  to  the  American  Commerce,  but  if  Mr.  Adams  was 
elected  President  they  should  all  be  continued  in  force,  as 
also  on  the  23d  day  of  Deer,  last,  I  was  informed  by  Mr 
Carriere  that  he  had  heard  one  of  the  officers  of  Government 
say  that  the  French  minister  Adet  wrote  out  to  them  that 
they  could  not  possibly  treat  the  Americans  too  bad,  this  in 
telligence  I  believe  was  received  by  a  French  gentleman  who 
came  passenger  with  Captain  Decosta  from  this  place,  and 
brought  dispatches  from  the  French  minister  here  to  the  Di 
rectory,  Capt.  Decosta  left  Philadelphia  about  the  20th  No 
vember  &  arrived  in  Cape  Francois  on  the  8th  of  December. 
It  was  not  believed  in  Cape  Francois  that  the  island  Directory 
condemned  our  vessels  &  property  by  orders  received  from 
France,  but  had  done  it  from  seeing  the  decree  issued  by 
the  National  Directory,  respecting  the  treatment  of  neutral 
powers,  and  which  decree  they  received  by  the  schooner,  Gen 
eral  Green,  who  arrived  from  here  about  the  5th  of  Novem 
ber.  Previous  to  this  vessel's  arrival,  we  had  been  assured 
by  the  Directory  that  all  our  vessels  should  be  restored,  pro 
vided  we  had  no  contraband  articles  on  board,  and  a  decree 
had  been  passed  forbidding  the  privateers  of  the  Republic  to 


192  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  xi 

capture  any  more  of  our  vessels,  and  their  conduct  in  other 
respects  to  the  Americans  was  friendly  —  the  correspondence 
between  the  Secretary  of  State  and  the  French  Minister  here, 
arriving  shortly  after  the  schooner  Genl.  Green  by  the  Brig 
Abigail  of  New  York,  there  was  an  immediate  change  took 
place  in  the  conduct  of  the  Directory  towards  the  Captured 
vessels  and  those  daily  arriving  from  the  Continent,  by  the 
cargos  of  those  vessels  arrived,  being  put  in  requisition  for 
the  Republic,  and  if  the  owner  of  them  refused  selling  them 
to  the  Administration,  the  cargo  was  taken  by  force  for  the 
use  of  the  Republic.  I  left  Cape  Francois  on  the  24th  of 
December,  at  which  time  their  cruisers  was  daily  sending  in 
our  vessels,  either  from  or  bound  to  English  ports,  and  there 
had  been  no  instance  of  any  of  the  vessels  under  these  cir 
cumstances  being  cleared." 

On  the  same  subject  Pickering  wrote  McIIenry  on  Feb 
ruary  2,  1797: 

' '  I  showed  you  Mr.  Swan 's  letter  to  Gen.  Smith,  in  which 
the  former  would  have  it  understood  that  the  conduct  of 
Santhonax  and  the  other  agents  of  the  French  Governments 
have  not  determined  on  their  late  depredations  on  American 
Commerce  in  consequence  of  any  orders  or  letters  from  M. 
Adet,  and  that  he  has  no  communications  from  France  that 
authorize  the  conduct  now  followed  there,  and  that  he  (M. 
Adet)  believes  that  it  can  never  have  entered  into  the  'Heads 
of  power'  (by  which  it  must  be  presumed  he  means  the  Direc 
tory  in  f ranee)  to  make  such  a  regulation. 

''Without  enquiring  whether  Mr.  Swan's  statement  is  or 
is  not  correct,  I  will  just  remark,  that  the  first  captures  made 
of  American  vessels  by  order  of  Victor  Hugues  for  having 
Horses  and  other  contraband  articles  on  board,  are  expressly 
grounded,  by  that  'Special  Agent'  of  the  French  Directory, 
on  the  advices  he  had  received  from  M.  Adet,  under  the  date 
of  the  Messidor  or  2nd.  of  July  last,  and  that  twelve  days 
after  (July  14th.)  M.  Adet,  in  answer  to  a  number  of  ques 
tions  I  had  proposed  to  him  relative  to  any  new  orders  which 
might  have  been  issued  by  the  French  Government,  or  any 
branch  of  it  for  capturing  American  Vessels,  professed  en 
tire  ignorance  on  the  subject. 

"I  will  further  inform  you  that  the  capturing  of  Ameri 
can  Vessels  going  to  or  from  British  ports  is  not  confined  (as 


1796-1797]  of  James  McHenry  193 

M.  Adet  seems  inclined  to  have  us  believe)  to  the  West  Indies; 
the  same  Game  is  playing  in  Europe :  and  not  against  Amer 
icans  only:  for  the  French  Privateers,  beside  two  of  these, 
had  captured  three  Swedes  and  two  Danes  and  carried  them 
into  Spain,  or  the  Spanish  port  of  Ceuta  on  the  Barbary 
Coast  and  the  French  Consul  at  Cadiz  avowed  his  determina 
tion  to  condemn  all  neutral  vessels  going  to  or  coming  from 
ports  of  any  of  the  enemies  of  France;  adding  that  he  had 
authority  so  to  do.  Such  was  the  State  of  things  agreeable  to 
my  latest  information  from  Spain. 

"Thusmuch  I  thought  it  would  be  agreeable  to  you  to 
know  after  Swan 's  letter  to  General  Smith. ' ' 

Meanwhile  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney,  who  had  been 
appointed  to  succeed  Monroe,  arrived  in  Paris  on  December 
3,  and  presented  his  credentials  on  the  12th.  He  was  soon 
notified  that  no  minister  could  be  received  from  the  United 
States.  Monroe  was  still  in  Paris,  of  which  place  he  took 
public  leave  on  December  30.  Pinckney  remained  over  a 
month  longer,  but,  in  February,  was  told  to  leave  France. 
News  of  this  insult  did  not  come  to  the  United  States  until 
after  the  close  of  "Washington's  presidency. 

Washington  had  made  up  his  mind  to  decline  a  third 
term  and  on  this  matter  McHenry  wrote  him  from  Phila 
delphia  on  September  25 :  "I  thought  best  to  wait  till  I  could 
ascertain  the  full  expression  of  the  public  sentiment,  before 
I  should  comply  with  your  request,  to  tell  you  all  and  conceal 
nothing  from  you.  Your  address,  on  the  first  day  of  its  pub 
lication,  drew  from  the  friends  of  the  government  through 
every  part  of  the  city,  the  strongest  expressions  of  sensibility. 
I  am  well  assured  that  many  tears  were  shed  on  the  occasion 
and  propositions  made,  in  various  companies,  for  soliciting  your 
consent  to  serve  another  term,  which  were  afterwards  dropped, 
on  reflecting  that  nothing  short  of  a  very  solemn  crisis  could 
possibly  lead  to  a  change  of  your  determination.  The  ene 
mies  of  the  government,  upon  their  part,  discovered  a  sullen- 
ness,  silence,  and  uneasiness  that  marked  a  considerable  por 
tion  of  chagreen  and  alarm,  at  the  impression  which  it  was  cal 
culated  to  make  on  the  public  mind. 

' '  Such  have  been  the  1st .  effects  of  an  address  which  still 
continues  to  be  a  subject  of  melancholy  conversation  and  re 
gret,  and  I  think  I  may  safely  add  that,  what  has  been  ex 
hibited  here,  will  be  found  to  be  a  transcript  of  the  general 


194  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  xi 

expression  of  the  people  of  the  United  States.  I  sincerely 
believe  that  no  nation  ever  felt  a  more  ardent  attachment  to 
its  chief  and  'tis  certain  that  history  cannot  furnish  an  ex 
ample,  such  as  you  have  given.  The  men  who  have  relin 
quished  sovereign  power  have  done  it  under  circumstances 
which  tarnished  more  or  less  the  glory  of  the  act,  but  in  the 
present  case,  there  is  no  circumstance  which  does  not  serve 
to  augment  it." 

There  had  been  much  interest  in  the  question  as  to  who 
would  be  president,  if  Washington  should  refuse  a  third  term. 
The  bitter  opposition  aroused  to  him  by  the  Jay  treaty  had 
not  shaken  his  position  with  the  mass  of  the  people.  From 
Baltimore,  James  "Winchester  wrote  1  McHenry  on  April  22, 
1796.  He  had  thought  the  treaty  a  "bad  one,"  but  has  nn 
doubt  that  "the  Legislature  possesses,  neither  expressly  or  in 
cidentally,  any  authority  to  give  effect  to  or  oppose  the  opera 
tion  of  treaties."  In  the  city,  great  alarm  had  been  occa 
sioned  by  the  "disorganizing  system"  of  the  opposition  and 
General  Samuel  Smith,  who  had  opposed  the  treaty  in  the 
house  of  representatives  and  who  represented  the  Baltimore 
district,  was  made  conscious  that  his  conduct  opposed  the 
sense  of  his  constituents  and  that  his  popularity  received  a 
severe  blow.  Instructions  to  him  to  vote  for  the  treaty  were 
circulated,  which  instructions  contained  "strong  indirect  cen 
sure  of  his  past  conduct. ' '  He  came  to  Baltimore  and  exerted 
himself  to  have  them  suppressed.  Failing  in  this,  he  "set 
on  foot  a  counter  instruction  (if  I  may  so  call  it)  expressing 
approbation  of  his  conduct  and  reliance  on  his  prudence, 
judgement,  and  integrity."  It  would  not  have  done  to  have 
proposed  an  address  against  carrying  the  treaty  into  effect. 
Twenty  signers  could  not  have  been  obtained.  "Washington 
and  peace"  was  "the  exclamation  in  every  Circle  and  in  every 
street  of  the  Town."  The  prospect  of  defeating  Smith,  if 
he  should  stand  for  re-election,  was  a  good  one.  Winchester 
or  Howard  was  talked  of  for  his  opponent  and,  as  Winchester 
found  his  professional  engagements  rendered  it  impossible  to 
engage  in  any  representative  office,  Howard  would  probably 
be  chosen. 

After  congress  had  ratified  the  treaty,  made  the  neces 
sary  appropriations,  and  adjourned  on  June  24,  Murray  wrote 

1  In    a   second  letter    dated    May    1,    Winchester   stated    that    public 
feeling  ran  still  higher  against  Smith. 


1796-1797]  of  James  McHenry  195 

from  Cambridge  that  he  longed  for  news,  would  retire  from 
congress  at  the  end  of  the  term  and  found  that  the  Eastern 
Shore  of  Maryland  "had  been  more  agitated  on  the  late  crisis 
than  I  expected."  "Delaware  was  in  a  perfect  ferment  and 
are  yet  so  at  their  member,  Mr.  Patton.  Young  Bayard,  a 
fine  young  man  of  parts,  and  the  right  sort  of  parts  well 
directed,  will  succeed  him." 

Three  days  later,  Murray  wrote  again  of  his  own  pros 
pects,  of  his  wife's  health,  and  of  the  capture  of  a  merchant 
man  by  a  French  privateer. 

"27.  June  96.     Cambridge. 
"My  dear  Sir, 

"My  best  friend  is  better  and,  to  keep  her  so,  I  have  in 
dulged  her  not  in  a  sea  voyage,  wh.  she  declines,  but  in  bar 
gaining  for  the  most  beautiful  farm  in  this  shore.  It  is  about 
a  mile  from  the  village  lower  down  &  upon  the  river  —  it 
stands  with  an  elevation  &  boldness  &  variety  of  view  worthy 
of  a  better  country  —  &  will  be,  I  am  certain,  healthy.  It 
contains  150  acres  —  40  of  wh.  are  woods  —  in  these  woods 
I  shall  soon  give  the  raccoons  &  squirrel  'notice  to  quit,' 
that  I  may  burn  brick  to  advantage  on  the  spot  for  the  foun 
dation  of  a  small  neat  house.  The  lady  who  owns  it  is  at 
George  Town  &,  by  the  Packet  of  this  morning,  Col.  Harrison, 
who  is  her  friend  here,  writes  that  he  has  accepted  my  terms 
of  purchase  —  which  is  800  £  at  two  equal  payments  by  quar 
terly  instalments.  By  next  April,  I  shall  be  there  —  I  should 
have  been  mortify 'd,  had  you  not  missed  me  very  much  — 
yet  well  do  I  know  soon  the  water  closes  upon  the  oar  —  how 
soon  in  such  a  city  so  throng  elegant  and  various  a  man 's  space 
is  occupy 'd.  I  have  felt  that  myself  in  London  &  without 
blame  —  for  I  was  acted  upon  naturally  by  the  genius  of  the 
place  —  &  when  I  left  it  the  thought  struck  upon  my  heart,  as 
if  it  had  been  new,  that  in  that  great  place  where  I  had  never 
missed  any  one,  in  two  weeks'  time,  I  too  should  not  be 
missed  —  but  so  it  is.  A  large  city  is  a  bad  scene  to  illustrate 
any  state  of  Constancy  in. 

"We  had  heard  of  the  capture  —  at  first  that  it  was  a 
clear  violation  —  that  the  eaptn  went  out  of  the  city  to  take 
the  ship,  knowing  her  destination  &  that  she  was  genuine 
American  property  —  but  since  we  heard  that  the  captors 
knew  that  she  belonged  to  Mr  Dunkinson,  a  british  subject, 
—  my  remark  to  others  is  that  it  is  to  be  expected  that  the 


196  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP.  XI 

French  Jacobin  faction  in  this  country  will,  if  possible,  induce 
the  french  government  to  wink  at  such  acts,  as  some  indemni 
fication  for  our  having  adopted  our  real  independence  in  the 
Treaty  —  wh.  is  my  real  fear.  This  idea  struck  me  too  in 
hearing  of  this  capture.  The  U.  S.  will  not  vindicate  the 
rights  of  citizenship  acquired  by  british  subjects,  since  the 
peace  by  their  acts  of  naturalizn — because  the  british  say  these 
persons  are  still  british  subjects,  now  if  the  French  take  the 
vessels  or  property  of  such  trading  firms  residing  in  this  coun 
try,  &  we  should  complain  of  this  as  a  wrong  done  to  our  citi 
zens,  they  will  say,  no  —  we  take  the  property  of  british  sub 
jects,  not  of  American  citizens  —  not  regarding  their  rights 
as  neutral  burghers  as  is  done  by  every  nation,  as  last  war 
those  of  ostend  —  St  Thomas 's  &c.  "What  could  you  say  in 
such  a  case  ?  could  you  allow  the  british  to  treat  these  persons 
as  subjects  &  yet  insist  on  the  French  treating  them  as  Amer 
ican  citizens  ?  I  should  not  be  surprised,  if  our  patriots  were 
to  adopt  some  mode  of  treating  this  case  like  that  wh.  I  have 
mentioned. ' ' 

Several  times  during  the  summer,  Murray  wrote.  On 
August  8,  he  said,  "My  declaration  is  public  that  I  decline 
to  serve  their  majesties  the  people  longer,"  and  on  the  21st 
he  answered  one  of  McHenry's  letters: 

"I  was  so  fortunate  as  to  receive  yours  of  the  13th  to 
day,  inclosing  a  Minerva  whom  Jupiter  serve  in  all  her  attri 
butes.  Except  Fox's  speech,  the  Minerva  show'd  herself  to 
be  as  dull  as  wise;  for  She  attended  to  little  more  than  that 
lucrative  walk  of  Literature  vulgarly  called  advertisements. 

"You  know  me  too  well  not  to  give  me  credit  for  all  due 
sensibility  towards  you  &  Mr.  "Wolcott  for  your  kind  wishes 
respecting  my  future  views  &  opinions  on  my  past  life.  If 
personal  good  falls  on  my  shoulders  I  shall  rejoice.  If  it 
do  not,  I  am  only  in  the  situation  of  an  hundred  worthier 
men  &  I  know  that  there  are  a  great  many  who  expect  —  & 
not  an  abundance  from  which  to  gratify.  I  will  confess  my 
weakness  to  you  when  I  express  a  fear  that,  though  I  can  not, 
with  any  convenience,  continue  in  Congress,  my  habits  may 
not  have  exactly  fitted  me  to  enjoy  much  in  a  very  retired 
life,  without  mental  "enjoyment  of  a  masculine  &  energetic 
Kind.  Of  this,  however,  &  other  things,  we  will  hold  a  con 
versation  in  Deer.,  when  you  shall  philosophise  me  into  as 


1796-1797]  of  James  McHenry  197 

real  a  love  of  Retirement  as  his  worship  Gil  Bias  felt  when 
Liberated  from  the  Tower  of  Segovia  &  exiled  from  court. 
Pray  remember  me  cordially  to  Mr.  Wolcott. 

"Some  time  since  I  sent  down  an  address  to  their  majes 
ties  the  people  of  Somerset  &  Worcester,  on  my  declining  to 
serve  —  no  candidate  has  yet  been  mentioned.  We  shall  have 
excellent  &  trusty  Electors  of  a  Presdt.,  the  worst  come  to  the 
worst.  It  is  said  that  the  great  Hindman  has  lately  divided 
a  regiment  in  Queen  Anne's  &  left  his  opponent  in  a  small 
minority.  H.  addressed  them  —  he  is  an  excellent  man. 

' '  I  need  not  say  that  the  people  here  are  right  &  are  deep 
ly  affected  by  the  idea  of  the  President 's  declining  or  even  the 
chance  of  it.  I  wish  he  would  terminate  his  great  career  by 
handing  the  government  to  its  permanent  seat  —  it  would  be 
a  fine  finish." 

When  the  news  of  Washington 's  declination  of  re-election 
reached  Murray,  he  wrote  on  September  9 : 

"Of  the  President  in  future  —  It  is  in  vain  to  lament 
that  the  President  will  not  longer  serve  at  least  till  the  war 
is  over.  The  timing  of  the  exertions  of  the  Fedd  party  seems 
to  me  very  important.  This  will  come  from  you  &  Mr  W. 
&  Col.  P.,  for  a  party  dispersed  act  without  concert,  unless 
a  rallying  point  is  understood  among  them.  I  know  the  deli 
cacy  of  such  a  proceeding,  but  a  hint  might  I  suppose  be  con 
fidentially  dropt  to  fit  persons.  However  you  will  be  the  best 
judge.  I  have  mentioned  Mr  A  [dams]  as  the  man.  our  elec 
tors  from  this  shore,  at  least  for  three  counties,  will  be  good 
men.  Done,  Eccleston,  &  Hemsley." 

Later  in  the  month, 1  he  wrote  again  on  the  election, 
stating  that  the  Maryland  senate  was  Federal. 

"24.  Sep  1796. 
"My  dear  Sir. 

' '  The  address  of  the  President  I  have  seen  from  Annapo 
lis.  Though  this  important  event  had  been  familiarized  to  my 
mind,  Yet  its  actual  happening  affected  me  with  a  fear  some 
thing  like  that  produced  by  an  unlocked  for  evil.  It  is  an 
epocha  in  the  affairs  of  America  &  will  be  a  point  for  future 
dates  to  be  graduated  by.  Venerable  man.  The  effect  of  his 
piece  has  been  immense,  considering  the  tranquility  of  Vil 
lage  understandings.  The  men,  who  can  think  at  all,  feel  & 

1  September  24. 


198  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  xi 

acknowledge  the  force  of  his  advice  &  maxims.  Could  this 
effect  be  rendered  general,  his  retiring  might  prove  a  new 
good  to  his  country,  as  it  has  produced  the  public  adoption 
of  those  important  truths  that  are  essential  to  the  U.  S. 
Truths  which  are  felt  with  the  strength  of  conviction  of  en 
thusiasm,  because  they  are  delivered  by  that  man  in  the  situa 
tion  most  affecting  to  his  country  &  which  I  hope  will  pro 
duce  a  death  bed  effect  upon  all.  He  may  yet  live  to  recall 
us  all  to  their  value,  perhaps  in  some  day  of  distraction.  This 
is  the  only  consolation  the  public  mind  can  feel  at  such  a 
loss. 

"Forrest  writes  me  that  if  this  Shore  is  right,  Mr.  A. 
will  lose  not  more  than  two,  if  those  —  an  elector  just  from 
Annapolis  however  tells  me  that  a  great  many  talk  of  Mr.  J. 
A  man  just  from  the  Delaware  says  they  talk  of  three  there. 
Mr  A.  Mr  Jeff  &  Mr  Jay.  The  first  or  last  would  do  here. 
But  I  understood  that  Mr  A.  was  the  man,  if  they  divide 
the  friends  of  the  Govt,  the  State  of  Virginia  will  again  have 
a  President. ' ' 

In  October,  Murray  writes  twice,  telling  the  good  news 
of  Hindman's  election  to  congress  by  the  Federalists  from 
the  upper  district  of  the  Eastern  Shore,  complaining  of  lack 
of  news  and  speaking  of  Jefferson's  weakness  in  Dorchester 
county. 

"2d  day  of  Election 

"We  just  hear  from  Talbot  that  Hindman  goes  a  head  of 
Wright  3  to  1.  —  fair  speed  the  worthy  member  of  the  red 
rose. 

"Jefferson  will  be  pushed  in  this  State  on  the  W.  S.  par 
ticularly —  but  Mr.  A.  will,  undoubtedly,  have  greatly  the 
majority  —  but  J.  ought  not  to  get  more  than  two,  or  he  will 
be  elected.  No  Vice  is  yet  mentioned  here. 

"Christie  I  hear  certainly  goes  out  &  Matthews  comes 
in  —  a  better  member  all  hollow.  Smith  &  Young  Sprigg  are 
not  opposed.  T.  S.  declines  &  Bear  runs  against  Ringold  — 
Crabb  resigned  &  W.  Dorsey  a  good  man  succeeds  him.  So 
F.  writes  me  from  the  City." 

"9.  Oct.  96.     Cambridge. 

"Hindman  is  elected  —  considering  the  State  of  parties, 
this  is  an  important  thing.  W.  beat  him  45.  in  Q.  A.  H. 


1796-1797]  of  James  McHenry  199 

above  him  in  Caroline  27.  In  Talbot  697.  so  we  beat  him 
hollow.  Christie  I  hear  will  be  ousted  too.  This  will  be  pleas 
ant  to  you  and  Mr  "Wolcott  I  know.  One  gentleman  &  only 
one  in  this  county  is  for  Mr  Jeffn.  I  know  not  how  the  re 
port  got  about,  but  the  answer  is  common,  when  his  name 
is  mentioned,  that  he  is  in  debt  to  the  English  largely.  Of 
the  State  of  parties  Eastd.  or  Southwd.  I  hear  nothing  —  no 
one  hears  of  such  things  except  at  Philad.  &,  as  I  have  no 
correspondent  there  who  ought  to  trust  to  a  letter  by  post,  I 
am  in  the  dark  —  indeed  light  would  be  of  no  service  to  me 
nor  to  any  one  else  if  I  had  it  —  more  than  it  could  be  to  a 
man  confined  in  a  hogshead.  —  the  hogshead,  for  a  hogshead, 
might  be  light  enough,  but  it  could  not  extend  its  light  far." 


All  the  Federalists  rejoiced  that  Gabriel  Christie  was  de 
feated  in  Baltimore  and  succeeded  by  Matthews,  "a  better 
member  all  hollow."  Hindman  himself  wrote  McHenry  after 
the  election: 


"Bellfield  Oct.  13th.  1796. 
"My  dear  McHenry 

"That  I  have  been  remiss  in  not  writing  you  before, 
I  do  admit,  I  have  frequently  determined  it,  &  have  been  as 
often  prevented.  I  presume  You  have  heard  tne  Issue  of  the 
Election  between  Mr.  Wright  and  Myself,  I  had  a  Majority 
in  the  District  of  672,  &  a  Majority  in  Talbot  &  Caroline. 
He  was  45  Votes  a  Head  in  Queen  Annes,  where  I  am  con 
vinced  He  was  fairly  beaten,  as  one  of  his  Men  had  the  Ef 
frontery  to  declare,  that  He  had  voted  five  times  for  Mr. 
Wright  under  different  Names.  My  Friend  Mr.  Edwd. 
Wright  voted  for  Me,  the  only  One  of  that  Name;  this  has 
increased  my  Sollieitude  for  his  obtaining  some  satisfactory 
Office,  &  I  must  beg  You  not  to  forget  Him.  I  am  afraid 
Messrs.  Sedgwick  &  Goodhue's  Successors  are  not  Sound  men 
—  &  I  Find  We  are  on  the  Point  of  loosing  that  best  of  Men, 
our  amiable  President,  a  Loss  never  to  be  repaired.  I  wish 
not  to  anticipate  Evil,  I  cannot  however  help  dreading  the 
Consequence  —  God  send  us  a  Federal  Successor.  I  sincerely 
pray  that  little  Swanwick  may  be  overthrown.  I  lament  much 
that  Murray  declined;  it  is  however  said  that  almost  every 
Man  in  his  District  is  Federal,  if  so,  We  must  have  a  good 
Man.  Mr.  Dennis,  who  was  in  the  House  of  Delegates,  I  hear 


200  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  xi 

in  his  Successor.  I  have  not  heard  whether  Christie  l  is  re- 
elected,  I  have  been  unwell  for  nearly  four  Weeks  with  the 
bilious  &  Ague  &  Fever." 

Yet  the  result  of  the  presidential  election  was  far  from 
certain  and,  practically,  there  was  no  unanimous  decision  a3 
to  whom  the  members  of  each  party  should  support  for  vice 
president.  Williamson  wrote  from  New  York  on  October  20 : 

"Yesterday  I  returned  from  the  Eastern  States,  having 
been  about  200  miles  beyond  Boston.  Nothing  was  talked 
of  six  weeks  ago,  but  the  measures  of  placing  federal  Members 
in  the  Place  of  those  who  voted  against  supporting  the  Treaty. 
The  New  Englanders  seem,  on  that  head,  to  be  nearly  unani 
mous. 

"Who  is  to  be  our  next  President?  has  been  the  universal 
Question,  ever  since  the  President's  Resolution  was  published 
of  not  serving  again.  I  have,  uniformly,  ventured  to  predict 
&  have  been  ready  to  support  my  Opinion,  in  the  true  Eng 
lish  mode,  by  a  bet  —  that  John  Adams  will  out  poll  Mr.  Jef 
ferson  as  7  to  5  nearly  and  that  he  will  be  chosen  by  the  Elec 
tors.  Great  Pleasure  has  been  expressed  by  many  People  on 
bearing  so  clear  &  positive  a  prediction,  and  they  have  given, 
as  a  Reason  for  the  Pleasure  they  felt,  that  they  conceived  that 
my  very  extensive  acquaintance  through  the  Country  gave  me 
good  means  of  forming  a  well  founded  Opinion.  But  there 
are  People  who  think  different  from  me  on  the  head  of  Ma 
jorities.  Col.  Burr  was  in  Boston  when  I  left  it  &  his  In 
formants,  it  seems,  had  induced  him  to  conclude  that  the  votes 
would  be  nearly  equal  —  and  yet  we  both  converse  with  the 
World.  How  is  it  that,  from  the  same  Informant,  we  draw 
different  Conclusions?  I  have  just  heard  of  a  strange  Dis 
pute  between  Greenleaf  and  Nicholson,  but  what  is  doing  in 
Philada.,  or  in  the  Seat  of  American  Govt.,  I  have  heard  as 
little  as  concerning  the  Govt.  of  Persia.  I  have  only  heard 
of  and  seen  the  Presdts.  Address." 

Shortly  afterwards, 2  Murray  wrote  that  a  Federal  elector 
would  be  chosen  from  his  district.  "In  this  county,  I  think 
I  never  knew  an  election  so  much  of  principles.  General 

1  Theodore  Sedgwick  of  ^-Connecticut  and  Benjamin  Goodhue  of  Mas 
sachusetts  were   elected   to   tfee  federal  senate.     From   Pennsylvania  John 
Swanwick  was  reelected.     Gabriel  Christie  was  representative  from  Mary 
land   from   1793    to    1797    and   1799    to    1801. 

2  November  2. 


1796-1797]  of  James  McHenry  201 

Eccleston  (the  Federal  candidate)  is  obnoxious  to  about  one 
half  the  county  and  is  to  be  opposed  next  year  by  them  in  a 
sheriff's  election,  yet  the  language  is,  our  choice  is  a  party 
question,  not  a  personal  matter — this,  for  a  Southern  election, 
is  a  pleasing  feature  of  the  People's  goodness."  Murray 
feared  French  aggression  on  neutral  trade  and  asked,  ''Who 
is  thought  of  for  a  Vice  President?" 

On  the  ninth,  when  the  election  was  over,  Murray  wrote 
again : 

"I  inclose  you  a  Herald  —  our  election  closed  this  eve 
ning  The  Jefferson  candidate  got  one  vote.  The  Adams  can 
didate  582  —  no  riots  —  noise  or  seduction.  The  farmers  came 
in  without  leaders  to  support  government,  they  said,  by  vot 
ing  for  a  Fedl.  man  as  Presdt.  I  assure  you  I  never  saw  an 
election  before,  in  which  real  good  sense  appeared  unmixed. 
We  do  not  know  how  the  polls  go  in  the  other  counties  — 
Eccleston  wt.  out  doubt  is  elected. 

"A  foolish  report  circulates  that  the  F.  minister  is  or 
dered  by  his  govt.  to  leave  U.  S.  instantly  &  that  they  offer 
us  the  alternative  of  fighting  them  or  the  british.  A  wheat 
job  I  suppose.  Adet's  letter  to  Col.  Pickering  is  a  curious 
circumstance  in  diplomatic  business  I  shd.  think  —  pretty 
much  the  Spargere  Voces  inter  vulgus,  in  Genet's  way  of 
appeal.  I  hope  no  answer  will  be  given  to  it  —  public  or  pri 
vate  —  whatever  may  be  done  on  the  subject  of  it.  He  wd. 
love  a  newspaper  dispute  —  so  wd.  Dallas,  his  counsel. 

"I  dare  say  I  am  very  very  troublesome  to  you  —  but 
I  ease  myself  —  &  must  say  or  write  —  &  I  have  more  to  say 
to  &  you  only  to  write  to  —  &  this  is  the  season  of  fires  wherein 
my  scrawl  can  be  most  conveniently  deposited. ' ' 

As  late  as  the  15th,  however,  Murray  was  uncertain  of 
the  general  result,  and  felt  that  no  effort  ought  to  be  omitted. 
Winchester  wrote,  a  day  later,  that  he  believed  Jefferson  would 
have  but  three  electoral  votes  in  Maryland  and  that  he  was 
anxious  for  news  from  outside  of  the  state.  He  was  too 
sanguine;  on  the  22nd,  Murray  wrote:  "We  shall  be,  to  my 
mortification,  half  and  half,  a  punster  would  say  quite  drunk, 
as  we  shall  be  5  for  A.  and  5  for  J." 

Murray  had  been  writing  articles,  signed  Union,  in  the 
newspapers  in  Adams's  behalf  and,  in  answer  to  McHenry 's 


202  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  xi 

information  in  reference  to  the  vice  presidential  candidate, 
wrote : 

"  If  it  is  thought  best,  Smith  &  others  in  Philad.  ought  to 
take  care  &  write  to  every  seat  of  Govt.  where  the  Electors 
meet,  to  run  Pinckney  as  Vice,  that  we  may  have  two  strings. 
His  Christian  name  too  would  be  necessary  —  though  I  could 
find  it,  yet  I  forget  it. 

"If  you  like  unions  &  get  a  Georgetown  paper  &  Ed 
wards 's  of  B.  you  will  find  them  there.  I  sent  several  —  one 
in  E's  (7  think  signed  Union)  particularly  on  Mr.  A's  Dutch 
Services  &  a  little  upon  his  book  —  the  first  I  had  an  oppor 
tunity  in  Holland  of  getting  some  ideas  of  that  probably  else 
had  not  reached  us  —  &  I  thought  it  important,  in  Speaking 
of  the  man,  to  associate  him  with  Revolution  Services  as  most 
unquestioned  &  most  splendid  &  long  past." 

When  the  state  legislature  met  at  Annapolis,  McHenry 
sent  Philip  Key  letters  "covering  the  communications  made 
by  Mr.  Adet  to  our  government"  and  Key  answered  from 
Annapolis  on  November  28th,  1796 : 

"I  am  obliged  to  you  for  your  two  letters  covering  the 
communications  made  by  Mr.  Adet  to  our  Government.  Vio 
lent  men  think  them  improper  —  and  indeed  all  agree  that 
they  contain  untruths  —  &  evidently  shew  a  meddling  —  that 
ought  to  be  frowned  out  of  countenance.  He  has  lost  all 
character  and  irretrievably  diminished  that  good  will  felt  for 
his  Government  &  the  people  of  France  by  most  people  here 
—  fortunately,  however,  his  appeal  is  made  at  a  time  when 
public  opinion  is  too  well  matured  for  any  injury  to  result 
from  such  conduct.  The  answer  of  our  Senate  &  the  House 
of  Delegates  to  Govr.  Stone's  address  (which  I  inclose  you)  has 
an  indirect  alusion  to  Mr  Adet's  communication.  Our  Legis 
lature  has  been  very  much  employed  in  local  matters  —  Colo. 
Howard  is  appointed  a  successor  to  Mr.  Potts  resigned  —  in 
the  Senate  of  the  U.  States ;  it's  probable  his  place  in  our  State 
Senate  will  be  filled  by  some  character  from  Baltimore  —  & 
McMechen  is  talked  of." 

Carroll  of  Carrollton  on  the  28th,  still  uncertain  of  th« 
result  of  the  presidential  election,  echoed  the  same  sentiments 
from  Annapolis: 

"I  need  not  therefore  tell  you  that  Adet's  note,  assign- 


1796-1797]  qf  James  Me  Henry  203 

ing  the  reasons  for  suspending  his  functions,  is  not  at  all 
relished  with  us.  If  Adet  has  reed,  orders  to  resume  his 
functions,  why  not  notify  the  orders  to  our  Government? 
does  he  wait  for  a  reply  to  his  last  note,  before  he  gives  of 
ficial  notice  of  those  orders?  does  our  Govt  mean  to  answer 
his  last  note,  wli  Includes  an  appeal  from  The  Governt.  to  the 
People?  We  suspect  that  ye  enemies  of  ye  present  admin 
istration  have  Stimulated  Adet  to  this  measure,  to  have  an 
influence  on  the  elections  of  electors  of  a  Presdt.  &  Vice  Presdt. 
the  timing  of  this  note  gives  room  for  the  conjecture. 

"I  hope  the  Legislature,  in  imitation  of  the  Jersey  As 
sembly,  will  pass  some  resolves  highly  approving  the  Presdt 's. 
address  to  the  People,  &  perhaps  some  occasion  may  be  taken, 
besides  the  one  already  mentioned,  of  reprobating  the  interfer 
ence  of  foreign  Ministers  with  our  Govt. 

"I  fear  Jefferson  will  be  elected  Presdt.  if  left  to  him 
self  he  may  act  wisely:  but,  as  he  will  be  elected  by  a  fac 
tion,  it  is  apprehended  he  will  consider  him  self  rather  as 
the  head  of  that  faction,  than  the  first  magistrate  of  the 
American  People:  may  the  good  Genius  of  America  avert 
from  us  so  great  an  evil  &  may  ye  event  prove  these  conjec 
tures  groundless.  If  you  have  a  little  leisure,  do  answer  the 
queries  in  this  letter,  if  you  are  at  liberty  to  answer  them." 

Chase,  too,  in  a  letter  sent  from  Baltimore  on  December 
4,  warmly  supported  the  administration  against  Adet. 

"I  thank  you  for  the  Aurora,  but  my  absence  prevents 
Me  from  any  knowledge  of  the  sentiments  of  the  People  here, 
respecting  Mr.  Adet's  abuse  of  our  whole  Administration,  and 
Appeal  to  the  People.  I  think  the  Printer  ought  to  be  in 
dicted  for  a  false  &  base  Libel  on  our  Government.  A  free 
Press  is  the  Support  of  Liberty  and  a  Republican  Govt.,  but 
a  licentious  press  is  the  bane  of  freedom,  and  the  peril  of  So 
ciety,  and  will  do  more  to  destroy  real  liberty  than  any  other 
Instrument  in  the  Hands  of  knaves  &  fools.  I  see  no  Differ 
ence  between  Genet  and  Adet.  For  the  opinion  of  our  Leg 
islature,  I  refer  you  to  the  Resolution  of  both  Houses  for  per 
petuating  the  presidents  Address,  but  more  particularly  to 
the  joint  Answer  of  the  Senate  &  House  of  Delegates  to  the 
Governor's  Address,  which  I  enclose  you.  You  may  be  as 
sured  there  is  but  one  opinion  in  Maryland  out  of  this  Town.  '* 

He  added  that  there  would  be  seven  electors  from  the 


204  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  xi 

state  who  would  vote  for  Adams  and  four  for  Jefferson,  one 
of  the  electors  voting  for  both  men. 

On  December  2,  Carroll  wrote  again : 

"Notwithstanding  the  Pen 'a  ticket  is  gone  in  favor  of  Jef 
ferson,  those  who  pretend  to  have  good  information  say  that 
Adams  will  be  elected  by  a  majority  of  6  votes.  I  rather 
think  the  probability  is  that  no  election  of  President  will  be 
made  by  the  electors,  as,  probably,  several  of  the  electors  may 
not  be  able  to  attend  at  the  seats  of  Gov  't,  many  of  them  being 
at  a  great  distance  from  those  seats,  sickness  and  badness  of 
the  roads  may  prevent  their  attendance. 

"We  are  anxious  here  to  know  what  notice,  if  any,  our 
Gov 't  will  take  of  Adet  's  last  note,  assigning  reasons  for  your 
suspension  of  his  functions." 

So  strong  a  Federalist  as  Carroll  was  anxious  that  the  leg 
islature  should  not  go  too  far  in  passing  resolutions  against 
Adet  and  wrote,  on  December  5,  when  he  thought  the  chances 
for  Adams's  election  were  brighter: 

"I  reed,  the  4th  instant,  your  letter  of  the  2d.  I  per 
fectly  approve  the  determination  of  the  executive  not  to  deign 
to  answer  Adet 's  last  note.  I  have  not  heard  myself  a  single 
person  speak  of  him  with  out  expressing  great  disapprobation ; 
yet  I  am  told  these  are  who  excuse  it,  alfeging  he  has  Said 
nothing  but  the  truth.  You  may  readily  guess  what  sort  of 
men  these  are. 

"Mr  Key  I  believe  means  to  move  some  resolutions  re 
specting  the  President's  address,  expressive  of  the  same  Sen 
timents  with  those  in  our  answer  to  the  Governor's  address. 

"I  do  not  see  how  the  Legislature  can  with  propriety  go 
far  there.  The  Individual  States,  as  Such  are  not  known  to 
foreign  powers;  We  have  nothing  to  do  with  them,  nor  they 
with  us.  Should  we  pointedly  notice  &  disapprove  of  Adet's 
proceeding,  might  we  not  be  accused  of  reaching  in  upon  the 
boundary  &  province  of  another  Legislature  Solely  entrusted 
with  the  management  of  our  external  relations.  8th  Decem 
ber  Yesterday  all  the  Electors  met.  Mr.  Adams  got  7  votes 
Mr.  Jefferson  4,  Mr.  Pinkney  4,  Mr.  Burr  3  votes;  &  Mr. 
Jno.  Henry  2.  Three  •eastern  shore  electors  voted  for  Mr. 
Adams;  one  (Gilpin)  for  Jefferson;  Deakins,  Murdock,  & 
Lynn  voted  for  Adams,  Duvall,  Archer  for  Jefferson ;  Plater 


1796-1797]  of  James  McHenry  205 

for  both.  It  is  said,  but  upon  what  foundation  I  know  not, 
how  neither  Adams  or  Jefferson  will  get  any  votes  in  S.  Caro 
lina.  It  is  confidently  asserted  that  Mr.  Adams  will  be  elected 
by  a  majority  of  at  least  3  votes.  I  have  my  fears,  Should 
Jefferson  be  elected,  or,  if  no  election  takes  place  by  the  Elec 
tors,  I  suppose  he  will  be  elected  by  present  house  of  Repre 
sentatives.  Great  anxiety  prevails,  generally,  respecting  the 
future  President,  the  friends  of  the  Government,  dread  the 
election  of  Jefferson ;  they  fear  he  will  pursue  a  very  different 
line  of  conduct  from  the  present  President.  You  intimate 
that  the  Secretary  of  State 's  communications  to  Mr.  Pinckney 
relative  to  Adet's  proceedings  will  be  laid  before  Congress, 
the  french  party,  it  is  probable,  will  not  approve  the  Secre 
tary's  communications:  however,  I  flatter  myself  the  real 
friends  of  their  country  are  the  strongest  party  in  Congress ; 
You  may  be  assured  that,  among  the  People,  they  are  much 
the  strongest:  there  are,  no  doubt,  many  in  all  the  States 
wishing  for  a  revolution  &  war,  but  I  am  confident  the  great 
body  of  the  people  are  attached  to  the  Governt.,  approve  its 
measures,  &  wish  to  remain  at  peace  with  the  nation. 

' '  9th  Deer.  We  have  this  day  reelected  Col.  Howard  into 
the  Senate  of  the  U.  S.  to  serve  6  years  from  the  4th  of  next 
March,  he  may  be  said  to  have  been  unanimously  elected :  there 
were  5  blanks  &  4  votes  for  Mr.  Richd.  Sprigg,  altho '  no  other 
person  was  in  nomination  but  Col.  Howard.  I  am  with  much 
respect  &  regard." 

Resolutions,  however,  were  adopted  by  the  assembly  and 
forwarded  from  Baltimore  by  Chase  on  December  10.  In  the 
letter  conveying  them,  Chase  said: 

"I  believe  the  enclosed  conveys  the  Real  Sentiments  of 
the  People  of  Maryland,  the  Resolutions  were  adopted,  moved 
and  carried  by  Mr.  Key  of  Annapolis.  I  expect  the  Senate 
will  accede,  with  some  few  amendments  which  will  improve 
them  —  when  our  assembly  first  met  there  were  8  or  10  Dele 
gates  who  objected  to  that  Part  of  the  answer  to  the  Gov 
ernor's  address  which  spoke  of  the  Conduct  of  foreign  agents 
—  but  even  they  are  now  convinced  or  Silent,  the  Charge  of 
a  fraudulent  Neutrality,  the  indecent  language  to  the  Execu 
tive,  and  the  appeal  to  the  People  agt  their  whole  Govern 
ment  is  such  a  breach  of  truth  &  good  manners,  and  such  an 
inter-meddling  in  our  Government  as  wound  the  feelings  & 
ruins  the  Dignity  of  our  People.  I  am  greatly  pleased  with 


206  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  xi 

the  answer  of  our  National  Senate.  I  wait  with  Impatience 
for  that  of  our  Representatives.  I  hope  they  will  feel  as 
their  Constituents.  I  believe  and  expect  the  assemblies  of  a 
great  majority  of  the  States  will  concur  with  the  President. 
I  still  think  my  old  friend  the  Vice  President  will  be  elected 
president" 

Even  yet  the  election  was  uncertain,  and  on  December 
12,  Carroll  of  Carrollton  answered,  as  follows,  McHenry's  let 
ter,  in  which  was  sent  a  copy  of  Washington's  address  at  the 
opening  of  congress : 

"I  rec'd,  by  this  day's  post,  yr  letter  of  the  9th,  covering 
the  Presidents  speech,  with  wh  I  am  much  pleased,  particu 
larly  the  part  relating  to  Adet's  conduct,  it  contains  a  due 
mixture  of  temper  &  firmness.  May  I  hope  the  Congress  will 
be  unanimous  in  expressing  their  disapprobation  of  the  min 
ister's  proceedings?  surely  they  must  be  offensive  to  every 
good  American. 

"The  resolution  you  speak  of  was  brought  in  by  Mr. 
Bobt.  Smith,  when  in  the  house  of  delegates ;  it  will  make  way 
for  one  drawn  up  by  Mr.  Key,  &  which  will  be  discussed  to 
morrow,  &  I  expect  will  pass  unanimously  —  I  think  you  will 
prefer  it  to  the  one  brought  in  by  Mr.  Smith. 

"Wednesday,  the  application  of  the  commissioners  for 
the  loan  140,000  of  6  p.  ct.  stock  will  be  taken  up  by  the 
house  of  Delegates.  Mr.  Scott  the  attending  commissioner 
says  a  majority  of  10  will  be  in  favor  of  the  loan  —  you  know 
I  mix  little  with  the  members,  &  am  therefore  less  able  to 
judge  whether  Scott's  calculation  is  to  be  relied  on.  It  is 
conjectured  with  us  that  Mr.  Pinkney  will  be  elected  Presi 
dent;  if  the  eastern  electors  have  generally  voted  for  him, 
the  conjecture  may  be  realized.  Some  think  this  event  would 
be  a  fortunate  one,  as  his  administration  would  be  less  op 
posed  than  that  of  Mr.  Adam's:  however,  not  so  much  the 
man  as  measures  occasioned  opposition :  It  was  not  Washing 
ton,  but  his  measures  that  were  opposed;  his  great  sin  was 
the  preventing  his  country  from  becoming  a  party  in  the  war 
with  France,  and  being  involved  in  the  same  calamities  which 
afflict  that  country.  A  man  must  be  blind  indeed  not  to  see 
thro '  the  designs  of  the-  party.  I  hope,  yet  do  not  expect  it, 
that  peace  will  save  us  from  serious  discussions  with  the  Di 
rectory.  I  am  with  respect" 


1796-1797]  of  James  McHenry  207 

Key  also  acknowledged  Washington's  address  thus: 

.     "Annapolis  13th  Deer.  96. 
"Dear  Sir 

"I  thank  yon  for  your  favor  of  the  9th.  The  President's 
speech  is  extremely  satisfactory  —  and  an  additional  evidence 
of  his  Paternal  regard  for  the  welfare  &  prosperity  of  our 
Country  —  the  enclosed  Resolutions  passed  our  House  this  day 
&  tomorrow  will  certainly  pass  the  Senate  unanimously.  The 
House  of  Delegates  —  have  voted  100,000  dollars  6  pet.  for 
the  use  of  the  F  [ederal]  City  —  this  aid  could  only  be  obtained 
in  our  House,  by  the  Commissioners  making  themselves  an 
swerable,  in  their  individual  capacity,  for  the  repay 't  —  in 
case  the  funds  pledged  under  the  act  of  Congress  should  prove 
inadequate  —  so  powerfully  does  Potomack  &  this  City  com 
bine  against  Baltimore  that  I  very  much  suspect  no  money 
will  be  invested  in  the  New  Bank. ' ' 1 

I  This  city  is  Annapolis.  Potomac  refers  to  the  Potomac  company 
whose  plans  for  improving  the  navigation  of  that  river  were  then  much 
discussed. 


CHAPTER   XII 

A  YEAR  IN  THE  WAR  DEPARTMENT  UNDER  ADAMS 

ADAMS  kept  in  office  all  of  his  predecessor's  secretaries : 
Pickering,   Wolcott,  McHenry  and  Lee.     Almost  at 
the  opening  of  the  administration,  came  news  which 
made  the  difficulty  with  France  acute.     Shortly  after  the 
inauguration,  there  arrived  a  letter  sent  Pickering  from  Lon 
don  on  February  6,  by  Rufus  King,  our  minister  to  Great 
Britain : 

"Dear  Sir 

"Mr  Sands  of  New  York  has  this  morning  shown  me  a 
letter  that  he  had  just  received  from  Mr.  Pitcairn,  dated 
Paris,  Jany.  28.  which  states,  that  General  Pinckney  has  been 
ordered  by  the  Directory  to  leave  Paris,  and  that  he  would 
depart  for  Amsterdam  on  Tuesday  the  31.  ult. 

"Knowing  that  it  was  the  General's  intention  (in  case 
he  received  such  an  order)  to  go  to  Amsterdam,  and  being 
apprehensive,  that  such  an  order  might  be  issued  in  the  mo 
ment  of  elevation  that  followed  the  news  of  Buonaparte 's  late 
victories,  I  entertain  no  doubt  of  the  authenticity  of  this  very 
unpleasant  intelligence. 

"With  perfect  respect  and  esteem 
' '  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Dear  Sir, 
"Yr.  ob.  sert. 
" RUFUS  KING." 

This  news  was  soon  confirmed  and  created  a  great  ex 
citement  throughout  the  United  States. 

From  Murray,  McHenry  heard  by  note  sent  from  Cam 
bridge  on  March  10: 

"Our  Packet  just  brought  us  the  news,  Norfolk  news, 
that  Pinckney  is  refused!  I  do  not  credit  it.  The  people 
from  one  end  to  the  other  of  this  Shore  Are  right  as  to  France. 
Some  even  think  a  war  would  do  well. ' ' 

Hindman  wrote  McHenry  twice  from  the  Eastern  Shore 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHenry  209 

The  first  letter  was  written  at  Bellfield  on  March  21st,  1797, 
and  is  as  follows : 

"I  reach 'd  Home  on  the  Tuesday  after  I  left  Philadel 
phia,  having  had  a  very  tempestuous  and  rather  a  cold  Ride. 
Since  my  Return  I  have  dispatched  Burke 's  two  Letters  &  Mr : 
Pickering 's  to  Mr :  Pinckney,  the  last  is  most  highly  thought 
of  by  both  parties  &  will  have  a  most  excellent  Effect  as  it 
must  &  will  open  the  Eyes  of  the  People  towards  the  French, 
from  what  I  can  hear  it  has  already  made  a  good  Impression. 
I  find  that  Burke 's  Letters  are  not  approv'd,  particularly  by 
those  who  are  tinged  with  Jacobinism,  they  say  it  is  a  low 
dirty  Performance  &  very  unworthy  of  the  Author,  it  will  not 
be  prudent  to  distribute  Them  here.  As  I  fear  'd,  Phocion  will 
not  be  read,  being  too  lengthy,  tho'  of  high  &  acknowledged 
Merit. 

"The  last  papers  received  here  say,  that  Mr:  Pinckney 
was  denied  an  Audience  by  the  French  Directory  &  was  on 
his  way  back  to  this  Country,  if  this  should  be  true,  Congress 
I  suppose  will  be  called  before  the  Time  to  which  They  Stand 
adjourned.  Surely  We  shall  be  unfrenchified  &  as  becomes 
Us,  feel  ourselves  as  Americans  only." 

The  second  letter  written  from  Bellfield  on  April  1st, 
1797,  stated  that 

"I  see  by  the  last  Papers,  that  the  President  has  decided 
Congress  to  meet  on  the  15th.  May,  so  that  my  Suspicions  are 
verified.  What  will  the  high  toned  Jacobins  now  Say  of  their 
good  Friends  the  French,  they  will  not  surely  have  the  Ef 
frontery  still  to  justify  them,  there  is  scarcely  any  Calamity 
so  bad,  but  what  some  good  may  be  drawn  from  it,  I  take 
it  for  granted,  that  the  unwarrantable,  shameless  Conduct  of 
the  French  towards  Us,  must  &  will  alienate  the  Regards  which 
the  Americans  have  heretofore  had  For  that  Nation.  As  far 
as  I  can  hear  the  Sentiments  of  the  People  here,  they  say  War 
must  be  the  Consequence,  &  some  I  find  are  extremely  anxious 
for  it,  viewing  Us  in  a  worse  Situation,  than  if  We  were  actu 
ally  at  War,  as,  in  that  Event,  We  could  afford  some  protec 
tion  to  our  Commerce." 

To  Washington,  on  March  24,  McHenry  wrote  of  the  re 
fusal  to  receive  Pinckney.  It  was  the  first  letter  he  had  sent 
his  former  chief  since  Washington's  return  to  Mount  Vernon, 


210  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

and  McHenry  mentioned  that :  ' '  You  have  witnessed  on  your 
route  the  great  affection  and  attachment  of  the  people  and 
the  sound  part  of  the  community,  which  is  still  visible  in 
every  company  I  go  into  and  which,  I  am  persuaded,  will  not 
diminish,  though  the  external  marks  of  it  may,  gradually, 
be  less  strongly  expressed.  This  is  the  last  reward  you  would 
have  received,  or  the  country  could  have  given  you.  It  is, 
nevertheless,  a  precious  one."  Turning  to  foreign  affairs,  he 
writes:  "Every  step  on  the  part  of  the  Directorial  minister 
is  insulting  and  the  form  of  the  rejection,  passing  through 
Mr.  Munroe,  not  the  least  so." 

"I  presume  Congress  must  be  called  and  that  immedi 
ately  and  that  it  may  also  be  expedient  in  the  mean  time  to 
direct  Mr.  Pinckney  to  make  another  effort,  such  as  may  not 
commit  the  dignity  of  the  United  States  and,  if  unsuccessful, 
retire  to  Hamburg,  or  some  other  place,  to  wait  events,  or 
a  better  disposition  on  the  part  of  France." 

Washington  answered  McHenry 's  letter  on  April  3,  l 
thanking  him  for  the  news  and  asking  his  former  secretary: 
"to  communicate  to  me,  occasionally,  such  matters  as  are  in 
teresting  and  not  contrary  to  the  rules  of  your  official  duty 
to  disclose.  We  get  so  many  details  in  the  Gazettes,  and  of 
such  different  complexions  that  it  is  impossible  to  know  what 
credence  to  give  to  any  of  them."  Washington  has  arrived 
home  safely,  avoiding  all  the  "parades  or  escorts"  he  could, 
and  is  very  busy,  preparing  a  place  for  the  security  of  his 
papers  and  making  needed  repairs.  He  has  workmen  of  all 
kinds  at  Mount  Vernon  and  has  "scarcely  a  room  to  put  a 
friend  into,  or  to  sit  in  myself,  without  the  music  of  hammers, 
or  the  odoriferous  smell  of  paint." 

"The  conduct  of  the  French  government"  appeared  to 
Washington  "beyond  calculation"  and  "unaccountable,  upon 

1  Sparks,  xi,  196.  Ford,  xiii,  381.  The  following  paragraphs  are 
omitted  in  both  collections : 

"I  will  make  no  apology  for  putting  the  enclosed  under  cover  to  you, 
If  General  Lee  should  have  left  Philadelphia,  let  me  request  the  favor  of 
you  to  open  the  letter  to  him  and  cause  the  one  under  that  cover  to  be 
delivered  to  Messrs  Reed  &  Ford  by  a  person  you  can  inform  me  with 
certainty,  has  done  so;  that  I  may  know  to  what  cause  to  ascribe  (should 
it  happen)  any  delay  in  their  answer;  and  add,  if  you  please,  whether 
there  be  any  cause  to  suspect  a  failure  of  the  Gentlemen. 

"You   will   readily   perceive  that  what   is   said  of  them,   and  what 
write  to  Genl.  Lee  is  of^a  private  nature,  and  not  to  be  mentioned  unless 
the  reports  respecting  Reed  &  Ford  are  facts  of  notoriety.     .     .     .     Dear 
Sir, 

"Tour  sincere  friend  &  affectionate 
"Go.   WASHINGTON." 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHenry  211 

any  principle  of  justice,  or  even  of  that  sort  of  policy  which 
is  familiar  to  sound  understanding." 

On  the  6th,  McHenry  replied  that  he  found  having  noth 
ing  to  do  a  great  enemy  to  happiness.  "I  very  well  remem 
ber  that,  before  you  brought  me  back  into  public  life,  I  always 
experienced  somewhat  of  restlessness  in  the  interval  between 
dropping  one  pursuit  and  finding  out  another." 

Strong  words  came  to  McHenry  from  the  Federalist 
leader,  James  Ross,  at  Pittsburg,  in  a  letter  written  on  April  3 : 

"Not  a  word  of  news  here,  &  from  the  public  papers  it 
would  seem  that  even  at  the  seat  of  Government,  you  must  be 
in  Considerable  uncertainty  respecting  our  European  power. 
Will  an  envoy  extraordinary  of  the  tribe  of  Virginia,  satisfy 
the  Jacobins  of  France  &  this  country !  —  or  must  the  Direc 
tory  have  a  negative  upon  our  laws  ?  I  will  agree  to  the  first 
for  peace  Sake,  but  I  cannot  go  further." 

Samuel  Smith,  however,  whose  sympathies  were  always 
more  with  the  French,  wrote  from  Baltimore  on  April  5,  still 
in  doubt  as  to  the  truth  of  the  refusal  to  receive  Pinckney: 

"Your  Letter  to  Mr  Oliver  has  tended  to  Increase  the 
present  Alarm.  It  says  positively  that  Mr.  Pinckney  was 
Ordered  from  Paris  by  the  Directory;  Have  you  this  from 
himself?  or  only  from  London.  If  the  latter  I  shall  still 
doubt,  —  because  the  Inclosed  Extract  from  Mr  Jas  Calhoun's 
Letter  seems  fully  to  explain  the  report  which  had  at  first 
prevail  'd. 

"I  am  deeply  interested  &  might  Solicit  your  Immediate 
Answer  —  that  is  —  Are  your  Accts.  from  Mr.  Pinckney,  if 
not,  from  whom1  &  what  London  Dates." 

Adams  summoned  an  extra  session  of  congress  to  meet 
on  May  15  and  discuss  the  question  on  which  subject  Ham 
ilton  wrote  McHenry  2  a  most  important  letter. 

1  The   enclosure   In   Smith's  letter  Is  as   follows: 

"Extract  of  a  Letter  from  James  Calhoun  dated  Liverpool 

16  Feby  1797 

"  'Premiums  of  Insurance  at  Lloyds  have  been  very  fluctuating,  a 
report  was  circulated  that  an  Errbargo  was  laid  in  France  on  all  Ameri 
can  Vessels,  &  Insurance  rose  tD  ten  Guineas  from  hence  to  America, 
on  Goods  by  American  Vessels,  this  being  contradicted,  they  had  fallen 
to  six  Guineas ;  when  Mr.  Pinckney,  who  had  never  yet  been  acknowl 
edged  by  the  Directory ;  finding  the  situation  at  Paris  unpleasant,  asked 
Passport  to  go  to  Amsterdam,  &  set  out  on  the  7th  Inst ;  his  request  for 
a  Passport,  was  Imm'y  stated  at  Lloyds  to  have  risen  from  an  order 
of  the  Directory  that  he  should  quit  Paris ;  &  the  alarm  threw  every 
thing  again  into  confusion  —  the  Underwriters  for  a  day  or  two  refused 
to  write,  they  then  asked  ten  Guineas  &  within  a  few  days  some  Policies 
have  been  done  at  six' " 

2  Lodge's  Hamilton,  x,  241,  prints  a  different  and  briefer  text  of  this 
letter. 


212  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xn 

"My  dear  friend, 

"Take  my  ideas  and  weigh  them,  of  a  proper  course  of 
conduct  for  our  administration  on  the  present  juncture.  You 
have  called  Congress,  'tis  well.  When  the  Senate  meets 
(which  I  should  be  glad  to  see  anticipated)  send  a  Commis 
sion  extraordinary  to  France.  Let  it  consist  of  Jefferson  or 
Madison,  Pinckney,  and  a  third  very  safe  man,  say  Cabot. 
Proclaim  a  Religious  Solemnity,  to  take  place  at  the  meet 
ing  of  Congress.  When  Congress  meets,  get  them  to  lay  an 
embargo,  with  liberty  to  the  executive  to  grant  license  to  de 
part  to  vessels  armed  and  sailing  with  Convoys.  Increase 
the  Eevenue  vigorously  and  provide  naval  force  for  Convoys. 
Purchase  a  number  of  vessels  now  built,  the  most  fit  for  sloops 
of  war  and  cutters,  and  arm  and  commission  them  to  serve 
as  Convoys.  Grant  qualified  letters  of  mark  to  your  Mer 
chantmen  to  arm,  defend  themselves,  and  capture  those  who 
attack,  but  not  to  cruise  or  attack.  Form  a  provisional  army 
of  25,000  men  to  be  engaged  eventually  and  have  certain 
emoluments.  Increase  your  cavalry  and  artillery  in  imme 
diate  service. 

"Or  do  as  much  of  all  this  as  you  can.  Make  a  last 
effort  for  peace,  but  be  prepared  for  the  worst. 

"The  Emperor  Paul  is  at  best  equivocal.  A  successor  is 
apt  to  differ  from  a  predecessor.  He  seems  .to  be  a  Reformer 
too.  Who  can  say  into  what  scale  his  weight  may  be  finally 
thrown?  If  things  shall  so  turn  that  Austria  is  driven  to 
make  peace  and  England  left  to  contend  alone?  Who  can 
guarantee  us  that  France  may  not  sport  in  this  country  a 
proseliting  army?  Even  to  get  rid  of  the  troops  if  it  fails, 
may  be  no  bad  thing  to  the  Government  of  that  Country. 
There  is  a  possible  course  of  things  which  may  subject  us 
even  to  an  internal  invasion  by  France.  Our  calculations, 
to  be  solid,  should  contemplate  this  possibility. 

"I  know,  in  your  administration,  there  is  a  doubt  about 
a  Commission  or  Envoy  Extraordinary.  I  am  very  sorry  for 
it,  because  I  am  sure  it  is  an  expedient  measure.  But,  per 
haps,  France  has  said  she  will  receive  no  Minister,  till  her 
grievances  shall  be  redressed.  'Tis  hardly  possible  this  can 
refer  to  any  but  a  Minister  who  is  to  reside.  A  special  extra 
ordinary  mission  cannot  be  intended  to  be  excluded,  because 
it  is  at  least  necessary  to  know  what  measure  of  redress  will 
satisfy,  if  any  is  due.  But  grant  she  will  refuse  to  hear. 
Still  the  great  advantage  results  of  showing  in  the  most  glar- 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHenry  213 

ing  light  to  our  people  her  unreasonableness,  of  disarming  a 
party  of  the  plea  that  all  has  not  been  done  which  might  be 
done,  of  refuting  completely  the  charge  that  the  actual  admin 
istration  desires  war  with  France. 

"But  the  enemies  of  the  Government  desire  the  measure. 
'Tis  the  strongest  reason  for  adopting  it.  This  will  meet  them 
on  their  own  ground  and  shut  their  mouths. 

"But  to  answer  the  end,  a  man  who  will  have  their  con 
fidence  must  be  sent,  Jefferson  or  Madison.  To  do  this  and 
to  be  safe  others  must  be  united,  say  Pinckney  and  Cabot. 
Thence  the  idea  of  a  commission. 

' '  I  am,  really,  my  friend,  anxious  that  this  should  be  your 
plan.  Depend  on  it  it  will  unite  the  double  advantage  of 
silencing  enemies  and  satisfying  friends. 

' '  I  write  you  this  letter  on  your  fidelity.  No  mortal  must 
see  it  or  know  its  contents.  Yours  A.  HAMILTON.  ' ' 

On  April  14,  Adams  called  together  the  heads  of  depart 
ments  and  asked  them  a  series  of  questions  on  relations  with 
France.  1  McHenry  sent  the  queries  to  Hamilton,  asking  his 
opinion  upon  them  and  received  the  following  answer,  written 
on  April  29 : 

"I  now  send  you  a  cursory  answer  to  certain  questions 
They  are  imperfect  &,  probably,  may  come  too  late.  But  court 
avocations  and  distress  in  the  family  have  prevented  any 
thing  better  —  General  Schuyler  has  been  critically  ill,  though 
now,  as  I  hope,  out  of  danger.  My  brother  in  law,  Mr.  Rens- 
selaer,  has  just  lost  a  favourite  Daughter,  one  and  the  eldest 
of  two  children,  without  a  prospect  of  more.  The  whole  has 
thrown  a  gloom  upon  the  family  &  my  health  is  not  the  stout 
est.  I  shall  answer  your  last  by  the  next  post 

"Ade 

"A  H" 

"DrSir 

"Situated  as  I  am  at  this  moment  I  am  obliged  to  con 
fine  myself  to  very  general  hints  respecting  the  paper  of  the 
15  of  April. 

"As  to  the  first  head  —  I  think  it  will  be  adviseable  that 
the  speech  should  be  confined  to  the  foreign  affairs  of  the 
Country,  giving  the  primary  &  prominent  place  to  those  with 

1  J.  Adams,  viii,  540. 


214  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

France.  This  will  make  the  main  business  the  more  striking. 
Domestic  matters  may  follow  in  messages  &c 

"As  to  the  second  head  —  Announcing  his  intention  to 
have  recourse  to  the  measure  of  an  extraordinary  mission  —  to 
endeavour,  by  an  earnest  and  amicable  appeal  to  the  justice, 
candour,  and  friendship  of  the  French  government,  to  rectify 
misapprehensions,  to  satisfy  them  of  the  good  faith  and 
friendly  sentiments  which  have  always  directed  the  U.  States, 
to  endeavour,  by  a  revision  and  readjustment  of  the  Treaties 
between  the  two  Nations,  as  far  as  shall  consist  with  the  en 
gagements  of  the  U.  States  towards  other  nations  and  the 
duties  which  their  neutral  position  enjoins,  to  obviate  causes 
of  discontent  and  restore  and  confirm  cordial  harmony,  to 
dismiss  and  settle  amicably  the  topics  of  the  mutual  com 
plaints  and  thereby  to  obtain  a  revocation  of  those  acts  on  the 
part  of  France  and  of  her  Agents  in  her  colonies  which  have 
oppressed  our  Trade  and  injured  our  Citizens  and  with  it 
retribution  for  the  losses  which  they  have  suffered  from  depre 
dations,  contrary  alike  to  the  laws  of  Nations  and  the  faith 
of  Treaties. 

"The  speech  should  proceed  to  say  that  inasmuch  as 
depredations  by  the  cruisers  of  France  continue  to  go  on,  of 
a  nature  to  destroy  the  mercantile  capital,  ruin  the  commerce 
of  the  country  and  depress  its  agriculture  &  industry  gen 
erally,  and,  inasmuch,  as  it  is  impossible  to  foresee  the  issue 
of  the  attempt,  by  negotiation,  to  avert  the  consequences  of 
the  serious  misunderstandings  which  exist  —  it  is  matter  of 
necessity,  with  regard  to  the  interest,  honor,  present  and 
future  security  of  the  U.  States,  to  adopt  and  carry  into  exe 
cution,  without  delay,  vigorous  measures  of  defensive  pre 
caution. 

"These  measures  to  consist  of  the  prompt  equipment  of 
a  naval  force,  sufficient  to  serve  as  convoys  to  our  Trade  and 
protect  it  against  the  spoliations  of  petty  cruisers. 

"Permission  to  our  vessels  to  arm  for  their  own  defence 
under  proper  guard  and  restrictions  to  prevent  their  cruising 
and  acting  offensively. 

4 '  The  intermediate  passing  of  an  embargo  till  these  meas 
ures  can  be  matured  —  with  a  discretion  vested  somewhere  to 
grant  licenses  to  sail  to  such  ports  &  under  such  circum 
stances  as  may  be  deenied  safe. 

"Arrangements  which,  in  case  of  emergency,  will  give 
the  Government  the  prompt  command  of  an  efficacious  force 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHenry  215 

with  a  particular  view  to  Artillery  and  Cavalry ;  corps  which 
require  considerable  time  for  forming  them  and  which  in  case 
of  need  will  be  of  the  most  peculiar  and  essential  utility 

"The  more  complete  &  effectual  fortification  of  our  sea 
ports,  especially  the  principal  ones. 

"The  increase  of  our  Revenue,  as  far  as  shall  be  prac 
ticable  without  overburthening  our  Citizens,  to  an  extent 
which  shall  be  equal  to  the  additional  expense  of  these  pro 
visions,  avoid  an  increase  of  the  National  debt,  and  prepare 
the  Country  for  the  exigencies  which  may  arise. 

"Whether  it  will  be  expedient  for  the  President  to  go 
into  detail,  or  deal  with  energy  in  generals  embracing  the 
great  points,  is  a  serious  question.  The  inclination  of  my 
opinion  is  towards  the  fence,  dealing  in  generals  in  Speeches 
&  having  reports  from  departments  either  to  be  communicated 
afterwards,  or  to  be  transmitted  with  the  Speech  by  a  gen- 
eral  reference. 

"As  to  Instructions  to  the  extraordinary  Minister  or 
Ministers,  they  should  embrace  the  following  objects  — 

"I.  Explanation  of  the  real  views  &  intentions  of  the 
Government  of  the  U.  States  during  the  present  war,  so  as 
to  satisfy  France  that  they  have  aimed  at  a  sincere  neutrality 
and  have  been  influenced  by  no  spirit  partial  to  her  enemies 
or  inimical  to  her. 

"II.  The  Discussion,  if  necessary,  of  the  constructions 
of  the  Treaties  between  the  two  countries  in  the  points  which 
have  been  litigated,  insisting  upon  our  own,  but  not  refusing 
to  agree  to  any  measures  consistent  with  our  constitution,  for 
avoiding  an  inconvenient  or  abusive  application  of  them. 

' '  III.  The  remodification  of  the  Guarantee  in  our  Treaty 
of  alliance  into  a  stipulation  of  specific  succours  having  ref 
erence  to  future  wars  and  defining  the  casus  foederis  to  be, 
that  where  the  war  has  begun  by  the  commission  upon  the  ally 
of  some  actual  military  hostility,  by  sea  or  land.  The  suc 
cour  on  our  part  may,  in  the  next  fifteen  years,  be  five  sail 
of  the  line  to  be  furnished  once  for  all,  or  an  equivalent  sum 
of  money  to  be  defined  (with  option  to  pay  in  provision  or 
military  stores)  — after  the  fifteen  years,  ten  sail  of  the  line, 
or  an  equivalent  sum  of  money  —  The  remaining  vessels  to 
return  at  the  conclusion  of  the  war. 

"IV  The  remodification  of  our  Treaty  of  Commerce,  so 
as  to  accommodate  it  to  that  with  G.  Britain,  having  regard 
to  duration  as  well  as  other  things 


216  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

"V  Reparation  for  spoliations  &  payment  of  sum  due  by 
Contract  and  other  damages.  A  Commission  or  Commissions 
may  be  agreed  to  but  carefully  restricted  to  compensation  to 
Individuals  on  either  side.  For 

"VI  There  should  in  no  event  be  admitted  the  idea  of 
compensation  or  contribution  from  the  Government  of  the  U. 
States  to  that  of  France,  Nor 

''VII.  Any  admission,  secretly  or  indirectly,  that  they 
are  Aggressors  with  regard  to  France 

"VIII  To  avoid  every  stipulation  in  any  shape  incon 
sistent  with  our  other  Treaties,  or  that  may  compromit  our 
neutrality  in  the  present  \var 

"IX  To  steer  clear  of  particular  or  exclusive  privileges 
or  preferences  in  Trade  which  are  always  precarious,  &  em 
barrassing;  occasioning  dissatisfaction  at  home  &  jealousy 
abroad 

"X  To  consent,  if  desired  by  France,  to  the  annulling 
of  the  Treaties  between  the  two  Countries  —  altogether 

"This  last  idea  is  a  delicate  one  &  it  is  only,  if  at  all, 
to  be  so  suggested  as  that  our  Minister  may,  in  no  case,  appear 
to  contend  for  the  continuance  of  these  Treaties  as  a  favour 
to  the  U.  States  —  as  France  may  consider  her  guarantee  of 
our  sovereignty  and  independence  as  a  thing  of  importance 
to  us. 

"Yrs  truly 
"AH" 

Hamilton  later  elaborated  his  views  in  a  second  paper, 
which  he  sent  McHenry: 

"Answer  to  questions  proposed  by  the 

Prest  of  the  U.  States. 

"To  the  first.  It  is  difficult  to  fix  the  precise  point 
at  which  indignity  or  affront  from  one  State  to  another  ceases 
to  be  negotiable  without  absolute  humiliation  and  disgrace. 
It  is  for  the  most  part  a  relative  question  —  relative  to  the 
comparative  strength  of  the  parties  —  the  motives  for  peace 
or  war  —  the  antecedent  relations  —  the  circumstances  of  the 
moment,  as  well  with  regard  to  the  nations  as  to  those  be 
tween  whom  the  question  arises.  The  conduct  of  France,  ex 
clusive  of  the  refusal  of  Mr.  Pinckney,  is  no  doubt  very  vio 
lent,  insulting,  and  injurious.  The  treatment  of  Mr.  Pinck 
ney,  if  it  does  not  pass,  certainly  touches  upon  the  utmost 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHenry  217 

limit  of  what  is  tolerable.  Yet  it  is  conceived  that,  under 
all  the  singular  and  very  extraordinary  circumstances  of  the 
case,  further  negotiation  may  be  admitted,  without  that  ab 
solute  humiliation  and  disgrace  which  ought  perhaps  never 
to  be  incurred  —  to  avoid  which  it  is,  probably,  always  wise 
to  put  even  the  political  existence  of  a  Nation  upon  the  hazard 
of  the  die. 

"The  triumphs  of  France  have  been  such  as  to  confound 
and  astonish  mankind.  Several  of  the  principal  powers  of 
Europe,  even  England  herself,  have  found  it  necessary,  or 
expedient,  in  greater  or  less  degrees,  to  submit  to  some  humili 
ation  from  France.  At  the  present  juncture,  the  course  of 
her  affairs  and  the  Situation  of  her  enemies,  more  than  ever, 
admonishes  those  who  are  in  danger  of  becoming  so  and  who 
are  not  able  to  oppose  barriers  to  her  progress,  to  temporise. 
The  mind  of  mankind,  tired  with  the  suffering,  or  spectacle, 
of  a  war,  fatal  beyond  example,  is  prepared  to  see  more  than 
usual  forbearance  in  powers  not  yet  parties  to  it,  who  may 
be  in  danger  of  being  involved.  It  is  prepared  to  view,  as 
only  prudent,  what,  in  other  circumstances,  would  be  deemed 
dishonorable  submission. 

"The  U.  States  have  the  strongest  motives  to  avoid  war. 
They  may  lose  a  great  deal;  they  can  gain  nothing.  They 
may  be  annoyed  much  and  can  annoy  comparatively  little. 
Tis  even  a  possible  event  that  they  may  be  left  alone  to  con 
tend  with  the  Conquerors  of  Europe.  When  interests  so 
great  invite  and  dangers  so  great  menace,  delicacy  is  called 
upon  to  yield  a  great  deal  to  prudence.  And  a  considerable 
degree  of  humiliation  may,  without  ignominy,  be  encountered 
to  avoid  the  possibility  of  much  greater  and  a  train  of  in 
calculable  evils. 

"The  former  relations  of  the  U.  States  to  France  —  the 
agency  of  that  power  in  promoting  our  revolution  —  are  rea 
sons,  in  the  nature  of  things,  for  not  lightly  running  into  a 
quarrel  with  —  even  for  bearing  and  forbearing  to  a  consid 
erable  extent.  There  is  perhaps  in  such  a  case  peculiar  dig 
nity  in  moderation. 

"France,  in  declining  to  receive  Mr  Pinckney,  has  not 
gone  to  the  ne  plus  ultra.  She  has  declined  to  receive  a  min 
ister  till  grievances,  of  which  she  complains,  are  redressed. 
She  has  not  absolutely  ordered  away  a  minister  as  the  prelim- 


218  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

inary  to  war.  She  has  mingled  some  qualifications.  It  is  not 
even  clear  that  she  means  to  say  she  will  not  receive  an  extra 
ordinary  minister.  This  leaves  some  vacant  ground  between 
her  act  and  rupture.  The  U.  States  may  occupy  it  by  a 
further  attempt  at  negotiation.  This  further  attempt  seems 
to  be  that  which  must  carry  us  to  the  point  beyond  which  we 
cannot  go. 

''Besides  the  object  of  explanation  to  satisfy  France,  we 
have  the  most  serious  grievances  to  complain  of  and  of  which 
to  seek  redress.  This  last  will  be  a  principal  object  of  an  ex 
traordinary  mission.  It  will  not  be  to  make  submissions  but 
to  explain  and  to  demand  reparation.  This  double  object  con 
tains  a  great  salvo  for  the  national  honor. 

"We  have  just  seen,  in  the  case  of  Sweden,  the  negotia 
tion,  in  some  way  or  other,  of  a  similar  insult.  Though  the 
refusal  of  our  minister,  as  being  mere  pretext,  is  more  offen 
sive  —  Yet  the  forbearance  of  Sweden  is  a  precedent  of  some 
force  for  us. 

"  As  to  our  own  Country  —  There  is  a  general  and  strong 
desire  for  peace  —  and,  with  a  considerable  party,  still  a  par 
ticular  repugnance  to  war  with  France.  The  state  of  public 
opinion  is  not  likely  to  consider  a  further  attempt  at  negotia 
tion  as  too  humiliating.  It  may  be  safely  taken  for  granted 
that  it  will  approve  such  an  attempt  as  prudent  —  &  that  at 
home  it  will  have  no  other  effect  than  to  lay  the  foundation 
for  greater  Union,  and  Constancy  in  case  of  failure. 

' '  But  to  preserve  character  abroad  —  and  esteem  for  the 
Government  at  home,  it  is  essential  that  the  idea  of  further 
negotiation  be  accompanied  by  measures  that  shall  demon 
strate  a  spirit  of  resistance  in  case  of  failure  —  that  shall 
yield  present  protection  —  and  promote  future  security. 

"With  this  adjunct,  it  is  believed  that  the  Government, 
in  pursuing  the  plan  of  further  negotiation,  will  raise  rather 
than  depress  the  character  of  the  Nation  &  will  preserve  the 
dignity  of  the  American  mind  &  the  esteem  of  the  American 
people. 

' '  The  enunciation  of  one  measure  by  the  Executive  ought, 
therefore,  to  be  accompanied  with  a  decisive  recommendation 
of  the  other  course.  In  doing  this,  however-,  it  will  be  wise 


1797-1798] 


of  James  McHenry 


219 


"*in  reference 
to  the  actual 
&  ruinous  depre 
dations 
of  our  Trade. 


to  avoid  all  expressions  that  may  look  like  menacing  France 
with  what  we  intend  to  do.  The  attempt  to  negotiate  must 
be  put  upon  the  foot  of  an  appeal  to  her  justice  and  friend 
ship.  The  recommendation  of  preparatory  &  defensive  pre 
cautions  be  put  on  the  foot  of  present  necessity  &*  the  possi 
bility  of  future  dangers  which  it  may  not  be  in  our  power 
to  avert 

' '  To  the  second  —  It  will  be  expedi 
ent  to  declare  to  France  that  if  there 
be  any  thing  in  the  Treaty  with  G. 
Britain  which  France  is  desirous  of 
incorporating  in  the  Treaty  with  her 

—  The  U.  States  are  ready  to  do  so 

—  having  no  wish  to  give  any  other 
power   privileges  which  France  may 
not  equally  enjoy  on  the  same  terms. 
This  general  offer  seems  the  most  un 
exceptionable  &  will  stop  as  well  the 
mouths  of  France  as  of  her  partisans 
among    ourselves.      The    duration    of 
privileges  should  also  be  in  both  cases 
the  same. 

"To  the  third  It  does  not  occur 
that  it  will  be  expedient  to  propose  the 
abolition  of  any  of  the  articles  of  our 
Treaties  with  France  further  than 
may  be  implied  in  the  above  general 
offer.  To  propose  the  abolition  of 
things  inconvenient  to  us  would  con 
firm  the  suspicion  that  we  were  dis 
posed  to  narrow  the  privileges  of 
France  and  would  do  harm  there  and 
here*  The  only  thing  that  can  be  done 
with  advantage  is  to  propose  to  liquidate 
the  meaning  and  effect  of  the  mutual 
guarantee  in  the  Treaty  of  Alliance. 

"That  Guarantee  is  now  general. 
The  obligation  it  impresses  on  France 
towards  us  is  essentially  nominal  in 
future,  because  our  sovereignty  and 
'  independence  can  hardly  again  come 
in  question.  That  which  it  lays  upon 
us  would  expose  us  to  a  general  war 


"*  The  desiring 
of  some  of  the  stip 
ulations,  accord 
ing  to  our  practice 
upon  them,  would 
be  desirable  if 
obtainable,  but 
it  is  better  to 
leave  them  as  they 
are,  than  desire 
the  other  way. 
And  the  probability 
is  that  the  def 
inition  would  end 
in  the  last  way 
which  might  com- 
promit  us  with  other 
powers 


220  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

with  the  enemy  of  France,  as  often  as, 
in  a  purely  defensive  war,  her  West 
India  possessions  should  be  attacked. 
This  is  a  great  evil.  The  alternative, 
in  such  a  case,  is  to  chicane  our  en 
gagements  and  risk  war  with  France 
for  not  performing  them  —  or  to  per- 

"*A  definite  succour  form  them,  if  called  upon,  and  en- 
is  not  a  cause  of  war,  counter  war  with  her  enemies.  It 
if  previously  would  be  a  great  point  gained  to  re- 

stipulated,  duce  this  general  guarantee  to  a  treaty 

of  mutual,  Specific,  definite,  Succour* 
excluding  the  present  war  and  defin 
ing  the  casus  foederis  to  be  that  case, 
in  which  the  first  act  of  actual  hos 
tility   by   Sea   or  land  is   committed 
against   the   ally  —  without  reference 
to    antecedent    motives    and    causes, 
which  are  ever  vague  &  complicated. 
"To  the  fourth  —  If  an  amicable  course  of  negotiation 
should  take  place,  modifications  in  the  Convention  may  be 
proposed.     Not  having  it  by  me,  the  desireable  alterations  do 
not  occur  further  than  the  restraining  the  mutual  right  of 
jurisdiction  in  questions  between  the  citizens  of  either  power 
to  cases  between  the  Officers  &  Crews  of  Vessels.     Beyond 
this  it  works  ill  —  establishes  an  imperium  in  imperio  —  ex 
tends  foreign  influence  &,  indirectly,  injures  our  own  Citizens 
&  preventing  efficacious  justice  between  French  Citizens  who 
are  often  their  Debtors  &c.     Particularly,  it  is  ill  to  insert 
foreign  jurisdiction  in  our  Country. 

' '  To  the  fifth  —  It  does  not  appear  expedient  to  propose 
or  agree  to  such  new  articles.  In  general  it  is  wisest  neither 
to  give  nor  take  peculiar  privileges  —  but  equalize  our  com 
mercial  system  with  all  nations.  Indeed,  it  will  be  very  dif 
ficult  to  adjust  new  articles  without  interference  with  other 
Treaties.  The  only  method  of  favouring  France  is  to  stipu 
late  that  certain  articles  of  her  production  or  manufacture, 
not  common  to  Great  Britain,  which  enter  largely  into  our 
possessions  should  be  admited  without  duty,  or  on  light  duties 
to  be  specified.  This  applies  principally  to  her  brandies  and 
wines;  but  even  there  they  must  be  on  the  same  footing,  if 
coming  through  G.  Britain,  as  if  coming  directly  from  France. 
Yet  the  essential  &  utimate  benefit  would  accrue  to  France,  as 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHenry  221 

favouring  the  vent  &  consumption  in  our  Country  of  her  pe 
culiar  commodities.  But  all  this  is  far  better  avoided.  The 
diminution  of  our  Revenue  and  jealousies  in  other  powers 
will  be  certain  evils,  for  which  France  will  &  can  give  no  real 
equivalent. 

' '  To  the  6th.  What  was  done  in  the  case  of  Great  Britain 
will  be  a  good  precedent  for  this  case. 

' '  To  the  seventh.  The  terms  of  the  remonstrances  against 
spoliations  should  be  mild  and  calm  without  offensive  epi 
thets,  but  serious  and  depicting  strongly  the  extent  of  the 
evil.  They  should  suppose  the  West  India  constructions  to 
be  abuses  of  the  Orders  of  the  directory;  but  they  should 
notice  that  these  were  so  vague  and  indefinite  in  themselves 
as  to  be  naturally  liable  to  abuse.  They  should  urge  a  revo 
cation  of  these  orders  and  compensation  for  the  injuries  they 
have  produced,  as  due  from  good  will,  Justice,  and  Friendship 
of  France  to  the  violated  rights  of  the  U.  States  and  their 
Citizens  —  and  to  restoration  of  cordial  harmony  between 
the  two  nations,  which  might  otherwise  suffer  a  deep  and  per 
haps  incurable  wound. 

"To  the  8th.  This  is  answered  in  the  answer  to  the 
seventh.  To  the  9th.  This  claim  of  our  Citizens  ought  to  be 
noticed  and  urged  as  a  great  and  serious  one,  having,  from 
the  motives  of  the  individuals  in  the  greatest  number  of  cases, 
a  title  to  peculiar  attention.  Yet  the  whole  ought  to  be  so 
managed,  as  not  to  compromise  the  Government  for  the  ulti 
mate  vindication  of  the  claim.  It  is  very  questionable  wheth 
er  it  be  not  such  a  one  (as  far  as  credit  was  voluntary)  as 
that  those  who  gave  it  ought  finally  to  be  left  to  the  honor  of 
the  Government  to  which  they  trusted. 

"To  the  10th.  This  is  answered  in  the  Affirmative  in 
the  answer  to  the  seventh  question.  There  is  no  solid  dis 
tinction  between  captures  and  seizures  by  private  vessels  or 
public  vessels.  The  Government  which  gave  the  Commission 
to  cruise  is  liable  in  both  cases.  This  observation  has  reference 
to  those  depredations  which  result  from  vague  orders  of  the 
Government,  or  the  abusive  constructions  of  its  Agents  entrust 
ed  with  local  jurisdiction,  as  Governors,  Commissioners  &c. 

"To  the  llth.  A  Commission,  like  that  with  England, 
ought  to  be  agreed  to,  as  a  very  happy  issue  out  of  the  embar 
rassment. 

"To  the  12th.  This  is  answered  in  the  answer  to  the 
second  question.  The  equivalent  privileges  in  the  French 


222  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

East  India  Trade  will  be  the  analogous  compensation,  though 
not  of  equal  extent.  But  situated  as  we  are  with  France,  it 
seems  proper  to  be  content  with  less.  If  privileges  on  her 
West  India  Trade  could  be  obtained,  it  would  be  desireable 
But  this  ought  not  to  be  a  sine  qua  non.  A  limitation  of  the 
duration  of  a  new  Treaty,  if  made  is  a  great  desideratum. 1 

"To  the  13th.  It  scarcely  seems  adviseable  to  offer  the 
project  of  such  a  new  Treaty.  It  opens  at  once  all  the  cards. 
It  is  better  to  deal  in  generals.  This  will  leave  less  hi  the 
power  of  France  or  her  partisans. 

"To  the  14.  It  is  conceived  most  adviseable  to  follow 
former  precedent  in  this  respect,  which  may  avoid  much  de 
lay  and  embarrassment.  In  the  exercise  of  this  branch  of 
Executive  Power,  it  will  be  found  the  best  course  to  reduce 
the  Cooperation  of  the  Senate  to  the  appointment  of  the  Ne 
gotiator  and  the  ultimate  fiat  or  negative.  Much  has  been 
done  to  this  end  &  it  will  not  be  expedient  to  relinquish  the 
ground  which  has  been  gained." 

McHenry's  opinion,  filed  with  the  president,  is  interest 
ing  to  compare  with  the  preceding  letter,  as  showing  the 
measure  of  the  secretary 's  reliance  upon  Hamilton.  McHenry 
decidedly  favored  further  negotiations  and  proposed  that  we 
offer  to  modify  every  commercial  inequality  between  France 
and  England.  He  was  averse  to  changes  in  old  treaties  with 
France,  save  the  mutual  guarantees,  and  opposed  saying  any 
thing  concerning  a  consular  convention.  He  proposed  the 
same  course  with  reference  to  evidences  of  insult  and  injuries 
against  American  commerce  by  France,  as  was  pursued  in 
case  of  Great  Britain;  a  remonstrance  against  French  out 
rages  to  be  made  in  mild  and  calm  terms.  Payment  of  claims 
for  property  purchased  by  the  French  government  in  Europe, 
East  or  West  Indies  should  be  urged  but  not  demanded. 
France  should  be  asked  to  pay  for  vessels  and  cargoes  cap 
tured  and  seized  by  ships  of  war  or  private  ships  and  a  com 
mission  of  inquiry,  like  that  with  England,  should  be  agreed 
to.  No  project  of  a  new  treaty,  abolishing  the  old  one, 
should  be  proposed  to  France  nor  laid  before  the  senate.  In 
many  sentences  McHenry  quoted  Hamilton's  exact  words. 

The  perturbed  condition  of  the  public  mind,  when  the 
extra  session  was  called,  is  clearly  shown  by  the  letter  John 
Henry,  one  of  the  senators  from  Maryland,  wrote: 

1  "Bridge   for  both,"   in   McHenry's   handwriting,   is  written  on   the 
letter  here. 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHenry  223 

"3  Apr.  1797 
"My  dear  Sir, 

"Can  you  inform  me  what  is  the  immediate  object  of 
the  meeting  of  Congress.  Is  it  probable  that  the  session  will 
be  long.  The  attendance  of  the  southern  gentlemen,  who  are 
engaged  in  agricultural  pursuits  is  very  inconvenient,  at  this 
season  of  the  year ;  and  if  the  session  is  to  be  of  any  continu 
ance,  it  will  be  oppressive. 

"As  you  are  in  possession  of  the  grounds  of  issuing  the 
proclamation,  you  will  oblige  me  by  giving  such  information 
as  you  are  at  liberty  to  state. 

"Is  the  object  an  embargo,  or  does  the  state  of  our  for 
eign  concerns,  call  for  other  measures,  more  injurious  to  our 
tranquility.  Will  the  folly  and  madness  of  France  force  us 
into  offensive  acts.  Altho'  in  my  apprehension  their  ves 
sels  in  some  instance,  have  been  hardly  treated,  and  detained 
on  grounds  not  satisfactory  to  my  understanding  of  the  treaty, 
yet  these  trifles  will  never  be  seriously  stated  as  the  cause  of 
war;  nor  I  trust  will  the  treaty  with  Britain,  be  urged  in 
the  face  of  the  world,  as  grounds  of  offensive  operations 
against  this  country. 

"If  your  leisure  will  permit,  do  drop  me  a  line,  my 
solicitude  is  great  &  in  the  present  state  of  imperfect  health, 
not  a  little  injurious  to  me. 

' '  In  the  warmth  of  ancient  friendship,  I  am  sincerely 

"Yrs.  JNO.  HENRY." 

On  May  14,  McHenry  wrote  Hamilton  that  he  had  added 
to,  but  changed  naught  of  the  latter 's  draft.  The  president 's 
speech,  to  be  read  to  congress  at  the  special  session, 1  "exten 
uates  nothing,  recommends  proper  measures,  promises  a  fresh 
attempt  at  negotiation  and  declares  the  principles  by  which 
administration  mean  to  be  governed,  in  other  words  that  the 
President  will  follow  the  principles  of  the  late  administration. 
It  is  not,  perhaps,  precisely  such  a  speech  as  you  would  have 
written  —  a  little  too  plain.  It  may,  however,  be  better  fitted 
on  that  account  for  the  occasion. ' '  On  the  next  day  he  wrote 
again  2  that  a  quorum  was  expected  on  the  morrow.  The  em 
peror  has  not  made  peace,  had  he  done  so,  "it  ought  to  have 
augmented  our  endeavours  to  meet  hostility.  As  it  is,  proba 
bly  a  new  character  will  be  given  Pinckney  with  a  secretary. ' ' 
On  the  14th,  McHenry  had  written  Washington  of  the 

T~Hamilton,   vl,    250. 
2  Hamilton,    vi,    250. 


224  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

speech  and  added:  "Mr.  Craik  says  you  look  well,  God  send 
that  you  may  long  look  well  and  enjoy  good  health  and  that 
nothing  that  is  to  happen  may  be  of  such  a  nature  as  to  disturb 
your  consoling  privacy  and  retirement.  France,  however,  is 
playing  a  great  game  and  has  views  perhaps  little  less  exten 
sive  than  those  which  opened  upon  the  Roman  Republic  and 
deluged  so  great  a  portion  of  the  world  with  blood.  She  does 
not  appoint  consuls  over  the  countries  she  conquers,  but  she 
does  what  is  as  effectual,  permits  them  to  erect  themselves 
into  republics  and  governs  them  by  their  own  passions,  or 
she  annexes  them  to  her  own  territory  and  governs  them  in 
Paris." 

Washington  answered  on  the  29th,  describing  the  daily 
routine  of  his  life  at  Mount  Vernon  and  apologizing  for  not 
answering  several  of  McHenry's  letters. 1 

Adams  now  called  together  the  cabinet  and  suggested 
sending  a  mission  of  three  ambassadors  to  France,  adding  to 
Pinckney,  Marshall  of  Virginia,  and  Gerry  of  Massachusetts. 
Fifteen  years  later,  McHenry  thus  recalled  the  occasion  in  a 
letter  to  Pickering:  "I  well  remember  the  meeting,  for  I 
have  often  thought  of  it  since.  It  was  composed  of  Mr.  Wol- 
cott,  yourself  [Pickering] ,  Mr.  Lee,  and  myself.  Mr.  Adams, 
in  a  familiar  way,  said  'Gentlemen,  what  think  you  of  Mr. 
Gerry  for  the  mission?'  None  of  the  gentlemen  offering  to 
speak,  I  observed:  'I  have  served  in  the  old  Congress  with 
Mr.  Gerry.  If,  sir,  it  was  a  desirable  thing  to  distract  the 
mission,  a  fitter  person  could  not  perhaps,  be  found.  It  is  ten 
to  one  against  his  agreeing  with  his  colleagues.'  Mr.  Wol- 
cott  made  some  remark.  Mr.  Lee  and  you  were  silent.  Mr. 
Adams  replied:  'Mr.  Gerry  was  an  honest  and  firm  man 
on  whom  French  acts  could  have  no  effect.  He  had  known 
him  long  and  knew  him  well. '  Nothing  more  was  said  on  the 
letter  to  Pickering : 2  "I  well  remember  the  meeting,  for  I 
was  next  to  incurring  his  enmity." 

A  fortnight 3  after  the  letters  to  Hamilton  and  Washing 
ton,  McHenry  wrote  Pickering,  after  failing  to  find  him  at 
home  when  he  called:  "The  more  I  weigh  the  measure  of 
adding  to  the  mission,  instead  of  clothing  Mr.  Pinckney  with 
a  new  character,  the  more  I  am  inclined  to  distrust  its  policy 
and  utility. 

1  Sparks,  xi,   203.     Ford,  xiii,   391. 

2  February    23,    1811.     Lodge's    Cabot,    204. 

3  May   28,    1797. 


1797-1798]  oj  James  McHenry  225 

"The  mere  addition,  in  the  first  place,  will  convey  an 
idea  to  Mr.  Pinckney's  friends  that  the  President  does  not 
(for  some  reason  or  other)  like  to  trust  him  alone;  or  that 
he  thinks  him  incompetent  to  so  important  a  transaction. 
This  suspicion  will  operate  mischievously  on  the  relations  of 
Mr.  Pinckney:  on  the  whole  of  the  Rutleges  and  generally 
to  the  Southward,  where  they  have  great  influence.     In  this 
point  of  view,  it  will  certainly  do  no  good.     In  the  second 
place,  the  addition  will  serve  to  conciliate  no  person,  or  de 
scription  of  men  in  the  United  States.     The  friends  of  the 
government  have  full  confidence  in  Mr.  Pinckney;  and  the 
enemies  of  it  have  acknowledged  in  the  House  of  Representa 
tives  their  reliance  upon  his  integrity  and  honour;  and  have 
not  suggested  an  idea  that  they  wish  for  any  other.     On  what 
ground  then,  it  will  be  asked,  and  for  what  purpose,  are  two 
negotiators  added  to  his  mission,  when  both  parties  are  satis 
fied  with  the  same  man  ?    It  will  be  remembered  also  that  the 
idea  of  a  commission  of  three  took  its  rise  from  the  supposed 
policy  of  incorporating  into  it  a  man  of  the  opposition.     In 
the  third  place,  both  parties  in  the  House  of  Representatives 
have  conceded  and  expressed  in  their  speeches,  in  my  hear 
ing,  that  should  Mr.  Pinckney  be  clothed  with  new  and  extra 
ordinary  powers  and  be  refused,  that  it  would  be  sufficient 
cause  of  war.     Having  no  expectation  of  getting  an  envoy  of 
their  own  cast,  they  appear  to  have  given  up  all  idea  of  any 
addition  to  the  mission.    Both  parties,  therefore,  seem  to  have 
relinquished  the  project  of  a  plurality  of  negotiators  for  the 
present  occasion.     In  the  fourth  place,  the  mission  will  be  con 
sidered  defective,  in  as  much  as  it  will  possess  no  merchantile 
character,  being  composed  of  lawyers  only,  neither  of  which 
have  as  yet  acquired  much  continental  reputation.     Fifthly, 
it  will  be  charged,  as  being  expensive  to  the  United  States 
without  apparent  necessity,  or  advantage  to  countervail  the 
expense.     Sixth,  it  will  be  charged  with  being  calculated  to 
delay  the  negotiation,  inasmuch  as  Mr.  Pinckney  must  wait  at 
Amsterdam,  till  the  arrival  of  his  coadjutors,  by  their  refusal 
to  serve,  or  by  their  requiring  time,  should  they  accept,  to 
arrange  themselves  for  the  voyage.     On  the  whole,  I  wish 
you  to  consider,  whether  it  might  not  be  expedient  to  have  the 
nomination  suspended  till  the  President  can  review  the  sub 
ject.     For  my  own  part,  I  have  not  been  able  to  discover  any 
advantage  attending  a  trio.     It  will  please  nobody,  not  even 
those  that  may  be  nominated  and  will  not  ensure  the  United 


226  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

States  against  a  single  possible  evil,  nor  create  to  government 
one  additional  friend." 

This  letter  shows  that  McHenry  did  not  always  follow 
Hamilton  as  has  been  alleged,  for  Hamilton  favored  a  com 
mission,  as  we  have  seen. 

Adams  later  charged  1  that  the  secretaries,  spurred  on  by 
Hamilton,  showed  inveterate  prejudice  against  Gerry.  This 
is  clearly  incorrect,  as  is  shown  by  McHenry 's  letter.  Lodge, 
in  his  life  of  Cabot,  2  says  McHenry 's  account  of  the  trans 
action  is  at  least  perfectly  natural  and  does  not  require  a 
strong  effort  of  the  imagination  from  the  reader.  Either 
McHenry,  a  perfectly  honorable  man,  has  wilfully  and  know 
ingly  lied,  or  the  inveterate  prejudice  against  Gerry  is  greatly 
exaggerated  by  Adams. 

One  of  McHenry 's  intimate  friends  and  correspondents, 
Murray,  was  not  allowed  to  remain  long  in  retirement.  His 
congressional  term  ended  on  March  4,  and  on  April  10,  Mc 
Henry  wrote  "Washington  of  his  embarkation  for  Amsterdam. 
Later  in  the  same  month,  Adams  3  wrote  to  his  son,  John 
Quincy  Adams,  from  Philadelphia:  "Mr.  Murray  of  Mary 
land,  your  old  friend,  with  whom  you  formed  your  first  ac 
quaintance  at  the  Hague  is  to  succeed  you,"  as  minister  to 
Holland,  as  Adams  had  been  appointed  minister  to  Portu 
gal.  "That  gentleman  [Murray]  has  been  so  long  a  mem 
ber  of  Congress  and  has  given  such  proofs  of  talents,  amiable 
dispositions,  and  patriotic  sentiments,  as  qualify  him  to  do 
honor  to  the  mission,  as  well  as  to  his  predecessor." 

This  sending  of  Murray  to  Holland  was  destined  to  be 
of  considerable  importance  to  the  United  States  government 
and  gave  rise  to  a  series  of  long  news  letters  from  him  to  Mc 
Henry,  describing  with  great  frankness  the  passing  events, 
as  they  appeared  to  an  observer  at  the  Hague.  The  letters 
are  of  importance  because  they  were  written,  not  merely  from 
one  friend  to  another,  but  by  the  United  States  minister  to 
a  member  of  the  president's  cabinet.  As  soon  as  Murray 
landed  he  began  writing  and  continued  to  send  letters  of 
great  length  with  considerable  frequency. 

The  first  of  these  letters  is  written  at  Helder  (Texel), 
on  June  9,  1797 : 

1  J.  Adams,  i,  287.     Adams  also  mistakenly  speaks  of  five  heads  of 
departments ;  there  were  but  four. 

2  Pages    104,    204.     McHenry  to   Pickering,   February   23,    1811. 

3  J.   Adams,   viii,    537.     March   31. 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHenry  227 

"My  dear  Friend, 

"After  two  months  precisely  it  pleased  god  that  we 
should  land  safely  —  &  we  are  this  moment  come  on  Shore 
Finding  a  ship  to  N.  York  that  sails  this  night  &  it  is  now 
seven  —  I  seize  the  moment  to  drop  a  line  to  the  Sec.  of  State 
—  one  to  you  &  one  to  my  brother,  a  british  officer,  who 
boarded  us  about  two  hours,  since  told  us  that  it  was  re 
ported  the  Emperor  had  made  peace  —  That  G.  B.  was  treat 
ing  through  Hammond  —  &  the  King  of  Prussia  dead  —  but 
as  this  is  not  authentic  enough  for  Col.  P  's  office  I  said  noth 
ing  of  it.  Mrs.  M.  sends  her  love  to  Mrs.  McH.  We  were  ter 
ribly  sick  all  the  way.  Dfandridge]  is  well.  In  real  haste 
I  pray  god  to  bless  you.  always  & 

"most  affectionately  yrs. 
"WM.  V.  M." 


A  week  later,  in  the  first  of  his  news  letters,  he  thus  ex 
pressed  himself  on  our  relations  with  France: 

"The  Hague  22d.  June  1797. 

"My  dear  Sir, 

"I  just  informed  you  from  the  Helder  on  the  9th.  that 
on  that  day  we  arrived.  Fortunately  Mr.  Adams  was  not  gone 
—  &  I  had  the  pleasure  of  meeting  him  at  Amsterdam.  This 
was  lucky  for  me  both  because  to  meet  so  amiable  and  intelli 
gent  a  man  at  all  is  desirable,  &  that  the  conversations  I  have 
had  with  him  are  to  prove  the  only  chance  &  resource .  of 
know  [ledge]  upon  any  of  the  foreign  affairs  connected  with 
the  U.  S.  that  I  am  to  enjoy  &  draw  from  independent  of  my 
own  apprenticeship  &  experience  —  for  the  U.  S.  have  never 
had  a  single  book,  paper  —  register  or  archive  kept  at  this 
court  that  I  can  hear  of  and  each  successor  is  to  take  up 
business  wh.  may  have  been  left  unfinished  —  unless  he  has 
a  copy  of  a  memorial  or  two  —  either  at  the  right  or  wrong 
end,  or  according  to  the  light  which  doubtful  intelligence  on 
the  spot  may  enable  him. 

"From  all  I  can  collect  however  the  government  here 
is  as  well  disposed  as  they  durst  appear  to  be  towards  the 
U.  S.  —  &  of  course  there  will  not  be  many  occasions  of  great 
delicacy  with  them.  They  say  nothing  lately  of  a  renewal 
of  our  treaty.  Did  I  not  hear  that  from  the  manner  in  which 
my  appointment  was  taken  up  in  the  national  assembly  I 
should  suppose  they  meant  to  have  their  American  ministers 


228  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

at  the  Hague  with  out  business  —  for  Mr.  Adams  has  deliv 
ered  his  letter  of  Kecall.  I  hear  that  the  Delay  of  two  days 
in  my  case  arises  from  some  papers  that  they  have  to  make 
out  —  this  is  but  report. 

"The  french  still  preserve  their  piratical  practices  agt. 
our  trade  and  probably  will  continue  to  do  so  until  a  spirit  of 
Union  shall  display  itself  against  them  in  America.  This, 
united  with  the  growing  disposition  in  France  for  Peace,  & 
a  necessity  of  regenerating  their  navy,  to  wh.  their  AYest  In 
dia  colonies  are  essential,  would  produce  an  opportunity  for 
reflexion  that  would  be  embraced  by  parties  agt.  the  Direc 
tory  and  by  the  more  worthy  men  of  the  new  delegations, 
many  of  whom,  as  Marbois  &  Barthelemi  &  others,  are  doubt 
less,  not  friends  to  America,  but  have  sense  enough  to  see  the 
real  policy  of  a  good  understanding  with  the  IT.  S.  But  de 
pend  upon  it  their  object,  is  not  now  to  injure  Great  Britain 
by  crippling  her  trade  at  present,  than  to  dissolve  the  Union 
for  the  purpose  of  directing  its  affairs.  They  dread  the 
growth  of  what  they  call  the  Anglo  Americans.  The  tempta 
tion  of  immediate  plunder  —  the  policy  of  wounding  mortally 
a  future  rival  to  their  marine  greatness  and  those  two  ideas, 
coupled  with  a  third,  perhaps  more  precious  to  them,  the  giv 
ing  of  a  totally  new  direction  to  the  commercial  affairs  of  a 
country  to  whose  commerce  &  consumption  they  think  G. 
Britain  must  principally  look  for  resuscitation  after  the  war, 
will  &  must,  to  a  set  of  beings  inconceivably  corrupt,  prove 
a  cause  of  war  upon  us,  unless  we  remove  the  only  founda 
tion  on  wh.  they  can  possibly  expect  success  —  internal  dis 
cord.  They  certainly  govern  Europe  at  present  &  are  plan 
ning  immense  schemes  of  grandeur.  One  of  their  means  at 
present,  &  for  some  time,  in  use  is  the  getting  possession  of 
the  Diplomatic  corps  of  Europe  -  -  Sweden,  Portugal  (at 
this  place),  the  U.  S.,  &  the  Batavian  Republic  have  all  felt 
the  determination.  Even  from  the  republic,  they  have  re 
jected  a  minister  who  belonged  to  the  more  worthy  men  & 

party  here,  because  they  a  M already  whom  they 

approved  —  &  I  shall  not  be  at  all  surprised  if  they  reject 
every  british  mission  till  a  man  who  suits  them  shall  appear. 

"The  british  again  endeavour  to  open  negociation  — 
through  Mr.  Trevor  (brother  of  Ld.  Hamden)  whom  Gibbon, 
in  his  miscellanies,  talks  well  of.  my  own  speculation  is  that 
they  will  not  make  peace  wt.  G.  B.  till  they  shall  have  try'd 
an  invasion  —  from  France  —  &  This  country.  Here  they 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHenry  229 

have  a  larger  collection  of  transports  &  about  25,000  more 
ready  —  with  13  sail  of  the  line  besides  16  from  50  to  20 
guns  with  in  the  Texel.  They  must  know  that  England  is 
more  ripe  than  ever  for  a  revolution  —  that  an  invasion,  if 
even  partially  successful,  would  probably  bring  things  to  a 
crisis.  France  too,  in  peace  with  the  continent,  may  con 
centrate  that  immense  force  &  those  ardent  spirits  against 
Engd  with  a  greater  advantage  of  ground,  having  Batavia  & 
Belgium  &  all  France  in  her  co-operation,  than  she  ever  had. 
Could  she  set  in  motion  the  revolutionary  wheel  in  Engd.  — 
&  then,  leaving  her  to  her  fate,  turn  all  her  attention  to 
her  marine  &  manufactures,  she  would  have  accomplished 
every  thing.  Of  the  Fate  of  Venice,  you  have  heard  no  doubt. 
The  plan,  it  seems,  is  to  give  Friuli  Bergamo  &  some  other 
districts  of  the  Venetian  territories  to  the  Emperor  —  &  in 
demnify  Venice  out  of  the  Papal  territories  wh.  are  to  be 
divided  with  a  ceremony  as  cold  as  the  holiness  used  to  exert 
over  the  division  of  kingdoms.  The  Idea  of  an  Italian  Ke- 
public  will  not  be  abandoned  by  France,  it  is  necessary  to 
break  the  actual  &  family  influence  of  the  Emperor  from  the 
Southern  side  of  his  German  dominions  through  all  Italy. 
Genoa  will  probably  go  to  or  merge  in  the  Sardinian  Domin 
ions.  These  are  crude  speculations,  my  dear  friend  —  but  I 
cd.  not  help  the  desire  I  had  to  converse  mentally  with  you 
— •  &  as  yet  I  have  no  arranged  correspondence  &  am  not  en 
train. 

"I  find  that  the  idea  that  the  P.  &  V.  P.  are  cordially 
united  gives  alarm  to  the  enemies  of  our  country  &  stability 
to  our  prospects  in  the  eyes  of  European  politicians.  I  am 
excessively  anxious  to  hear  of  the  proceedings  of  Congress  — 
The  Speech  —  the  answers  &  how  far  your  military  business 
has  answered. 

"Pray  send  me  a  list  of  your  library  (of  the  office)  &  I 
will  select  what  is  not  there,  if  you  please,  &  send  what  I  get. 

"I  am  hammering  away  upon  French.  Mrs.  M.  writes 
to  Mrs.  McHenry  to  whom  remember  me  with  respectful 
kindness  —  not  forgetting  my  young  friend  Mr.  John  Mc 
Henry. 

' '  In  writing  to  Col.  Pickering,  I  have  not  thought  myself 
at  liberty  to  indulge  much  in  Speculation  —  &  of  facts  of 
authority  I  could  not  be  master  of  them.  D'Estade,  I  ob 
serve,  in  his  official  letters  reserves  himself  —  &  as  short  — 
simple,  &  generally  confined  to  what  has  been  done  —  give 


230  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

me  your  opinion  on  this  will  you.     God  bless  you  &  yours, 
my  dear  friend  &  believe  me  always 

"Affectionately 
"W.  V.  M." 

President  Adams  wrote  to  Pickering  from  East  Chester, 
October  26,  1797 :  "Mr.  Murray  1  arrived  in  season  to  renew 
his  old  friendship  with  his  predecessor  [ J.  Q.  Adams] .  They 
had  spent  some  weeks  together  at  the  Hague,  more  than  a 
dozen  years  ago.  Mr.  Adams  had  an  opportunity  to  intro 
duce  Mr.  Murray  to  his  friends  and  to  communicate  to  him 
the  train  of  affairs ;  an  advantage  which  Mr.  Murray  earnestly 
wished  before  he  sailed  from  Philadelphia. ' ' 2 

McHenry  forwarded  Murray  Adams's  speech  to  congress 
on  May  23  and  on  July  14,  the  latter  answered  as  follows : 

"My  dear  Sir, 

"Your  favour  of  the  23d  May  was  truly  a  cordial  to 
me  —  as  it  evinced  a  friendship  of  which  I  never  doubted 
&  consoled  my  jaded  mind  with  the  prospects  of  better  opin 
ions  in  my  own  country  &  of  a  better  State  of  public  affairs. 
The  Speech,  we  had  seen  through  the  kindness  of  the  Bank 
ers,  who  always  get  intelligence  very  early  so  propitious  are 
the  winds  from  America  to  the  views  of  these  exceedingly 
money  loving  politicians  &  financiers  of  private  wealth  —  & 
so  very  unpropitious  are  they  to  the  conveyance  of  ministers 
&  dispatches  to  them.  Genl  Pinckney,  who  is  here,  immedi 
ately,  with  his  accustomed  vigilance  sent  a  copy  (manuscript) 
off  to  Paris  that  the  Directory  might  be  anticipated  &  the  pub 
lic  get  an  ungarbled  edition  of  it,  neat  as  imported  —  for  they 
stick  not  at  altering,  omitting  &c  —  if  they  get  the  first  blow, 
immediately  after,  I  sent  off  to  Paris  through  Genl.  P. —  (as 
a  friend  of  mine  used  to  send  to  Fenno  &  as  I  used  to  give  to 
that  manifest  friend  of  brilliant  paragraphs  &  pointed  hits) 
attempting  to  point  out  to  the  public  a  line  of  conduct  which 
a  profound  policy  would  dictate  to  the  Directory,  —  viz  —  a 
generous  &  elevated  course  towards  the  U.  S. ;  —  pointing  out 
to  them  the  egregious  mistakes  of  G.  B.,  both  during  the  rev 
olution  &  since,  in  not  seizing  upon  moments  favourable  to 
great  impressions,  by  wh.  the  amity  of  the  country  might 
have  been  secured,  that  this  was  the  critical  moment,  in  wh. 

1  J.  Q.  Adams  was  almost  at  once  transferred  to  Berlin. 

2  On  August   7. 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHenry  231 

France  should  defeat  the  views  of  G.  B.  upon  our  affections, 
by  acting  a  handsome  part ;  that  in  such  a  state  of  things  the 
people  &  Govt.  U.  S.  would  probably  receive  even  common 
justice,  as  an  act  of  grace  &c  —  that  there  was  no  ground 
of  war ;  &  that  being  the  case,  the  true  policy  of  France  was 
to  show  so  handsome  a  conduct  towards  U.  S.  as  would  place 
her  at  least  upon  a  footing  with  her  rival  in  our  opinions  at 
the  peace :  that,  if  the  peace  found  us  in  our  present  irritated 
State,  G.  B.  wd.  reap  much  more  of  our  good  opinion  &  of  our 
commerce,  than  she  was  entitled  to  —  and  that  the  present 
state  of  things,  being  friendly  between  U.  S.  &  G.  B.  she 
wd.  have  some  ascendancy,  upon  that  ground,  in  the  nego- 
ciation  for  Peace,  if  France  continued  to  have  a  quarrel  with 
a  nation  so  vigorous  &  unbroken  by  taxes  as  the  U.  S.  are  & 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  islands  wh.  wd.  be  in  a  very  helpless 
State  on  the  peace  &  need  american  supplies  &  friendly  inter 
course —  this  &  much  more  of  similar  sort  of  prosing  went 
to  be  drest  in  French  &  to  a  confidential  person  —  but  wt. 
out  name  known  to  any  at  Paris.  I  have  not  seen  it  since. 
My  anxiety  is  exceedingly  great,  indeed,  upon  the  present 
state  of  the  question  between  France  &  the  U.  S.  Depend 
upon  it  that,  from  all  I  can  hear  of  the  public  opinions  at 
paris,  they  have  not  one  single  sound  opinion  upon  our  sub 
jects  —  none  of  them.  They  all,  in  their  heart,  consider  us  as 
proper  for  ally'd  dependants  &  under  eternal  obligations  to 
them  and  that  the  PEOPLE  U.  S.  are  with  them,  merely  be 
cause  the  great  mass  of  the  people  there  dislike  G.  Britain  & 
have  manifested  some  marks  of  esteem  for  the  French  revolu 
tion.  I  have  seen  a  letter  from  a  member  of  the  council  of 
ancients  explicitly  upon  the  various  questions.  He  thought 
the  Directory  wrong  in  their  rough  treatment  of  Mr.  Pinck- 
ney  —  but  through  his  whole  letter  insisted  upon  vague  un 
defined  injuries  wh.  the  U.  S.  had  done  France  by  the  Treaty 
of  19.  Nov.  '94  —  That  we  must  give  satisfaction  for  these 
injuries  —  &  took  it  for  granted  that  we  owed  our  national 
existence  to  France  &  a  gratitude  wh.  rendered  our  late  con 
duct  monstrous  —  outwardly  he  is  a  violent  party  man  agt. 
the  Directory  upon  these  points  —  writes  against  them  & 
speaks  against  them  —  but  it  is  merely  he  hates  the  Directory. 
If  any  thing  is  to  be  done,  it  is  through  the  passions  of  such 
men  who  would  do  right  from  spleen  &  to  inculpate  their  own 
executive.  If,  however,  no  language  of  concession  is  held  by 
Congress —  (&  there  was  in  debate  something  like  it,  on  or 


232  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

about  the  3d.  June  on  the  word  "indignation"}  &  you  arm, 
provide  a  navy  for  the  country  &  hold  up,  I  would  risk  my 
head  that  they  would  feel  the  importance  of  amity  with  the 
U.  S.,  particularly  as  her  force  thus  brought  upon  the  parade, 
ought  be  most  surely  felt  by  the  West  Indies,  if  carry 'd  into 
use.  Her  vast  maritime  possessions  in  Europe  add  new  im 
portance  to  the  West  India  Islands.  She  must  be  the  rival 
of  England  in  marine  —  to  this  the  islands  have  been  &  will 
again  be  considered  as  necessary  —  I  see  no  hold  upon  France 
at  present  but  our  relationship  to  those  islands. 

"What  can  the  new  commission  do  except  gain  time? 
I  speak  entirely  to  you.  The  object  of  France  is  to  make 
you  break  your  treaty  with  G.  B.,  or  to  dissolve  the  union, 
that  we  may  be  her  dependents.  Her  efforts  will  be  in  Amer 
ica  through  this  very  negotiation  to  bring  the  Govt.  of  our 
country  &  the  People  too  to  this  point  —  a  war,  or  an  abandon 
ment  of  the  british  treaty,  in  a  proposal  of  such  a  naturet 
the  chances  are  not  absolute  evil  to  her  —  but  merely  that 
negative  one  of  disappointment.  It  will  be  success  if  she 
breaks  the  Treaty,  wh.  I  do  not  expect;  for  that  wd.  be  Sov 
ereignty  over  us.  If  she  produced  civil  commotion  (wh.  I 
do  not  expect)  She  Succeeds  amply  in  her  diabolical  scheme. 
This  I  do  not  expect  —  for  the  conduct  of  France  to  all  the 
Italian  States,  but  especially  to  Venice  demonstrates,  &  by 
this  time  it  must  be  acknowledged  in  all  America,  that  she 
revolutionises  exclusively  with  a  view  to  her  own  aggrandise 
ment —  &  that,  after  having  destroy 'd  a  Govt.,  to  render  the 
nation  impotent,  she  parcels  out,  &  sells  to  a  crowned  Head!  & 
her  bitter  enemy  &  the  enemy  of  the  State  thus  sold,  just  what 
parts  and  parcels  of  the  revolutionised  &  subverted  States  may 
suit  her  interests.  Istria  and  all  Venetian  Dalmatia,  and 
Friuli,  on  the  Italian  side  —  and  some  other  small  districts, 
were  Sold  to  the  Emperor,  in  lieu  of  Belgium,  at  the  peace 
of  the  Emperor  &  Buonaparte,  this  is,  by  this  time,  known 
among  you  —  it  is  not  deny'd  even  in  France  that  all  the 
north  of  Italy  has  been  plundered  of  immense  value  in  silver 
&  gold  &  jewels,  part  of  which  goes,  &  it  is  but  a  drop  for 
a  good  brother  to  give,  from  Buonaparte  to  his  sister  on  her 
marriage  to  one  of  his  Generals,  viz  500,000  Liveres  in  silver. 
From  the  poor  wretched  Venetians,  he  has  exacted  Five 
hundd.  thousand  Ducats  &  they  are  to  maintain  the  French 
army  till  it  leaves  them!  To  pay  in  naval  stores  3,000,000  — 
Six  ships  of  the  line  —  To  say  nothing  of  40  of  the  best  paint- 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHenry  233 

ings —  three  bronze  Lions  &  Horses  of  St.  Marc's  &c.  This 
after  having  sent  in  an  order,  during  a  time  of  Neutrality,  to 
the  Senate  to  change  the  Govt .  —  and  this  order  sent  to  a 
Govt,  wh.  though  certainly  wretched,  was  the  favourite  of  the 
people,  which  is  a  Fact.  In  that  awful  moment,  it  will  grati 
fy  you  to  know,  that  in  such  a  Senatorial  Herd  as  that  which 
abandoned  the  Government  upon  a  Vote  —  Five  Senators  were 
found  to  dissent  —  these  are  probably  the  descendants  of  the 
Five  houses  whom  I  have  heard  of  still  living  —  in  a  right 
line  from  the  original  Senate  of  700  years  since.  This  coun 
try  also,  as  an  instance,  must  be  familiar  to  the  just  fears  of 
our  country.  The  French  have  literally  plundered  the  pock 
ets,  though  not  the  houses  of  Batavia.  The  maintenance  of 
an  army  of  25,000  men  now  quartered  &  shifted  about  from 
town  to  Town  —  in  small  bodies  of  1000  —  or  1500  men  — 
must  be  added.  These  are  at  the  expence  of  Batavia.  They 
are  Fed,  &  enormously  fed ;  clothed,  &  elegantly  clad ;  paid  & 
generously  &  excessively  paid,  in  a  thousand  secret  [ways] 
at  the  expence  of  this  unhappy  country.  And  the  expence  of 
these  over  expensive  men,  exceeds  that  of  an  army  of  35,000 
during  the  war,  of  national  troops.  Nine  million  Stirling  is 
daily  paying  into  the  French  pockets  —  agreeably  to  their 
treaty,  as  a  sort  of  ransom.  To  raise  this  in  a  country,  where 
taxation  had  reached  almost  every  mode  &  article  of  life,  be 
fore  their  treaty  wh.  France,  the  people  are  literally  prest  to 
earth.  A  prodigious  fever  is  visible  even  among  all  ranks  — 
but  the  muzzle  is  placed  Upon  their  lips  —  partly  by  their 
own  act  —  &  partly,  it  is  true,  by  such  a  train  of  events  as 
was  not  long  since  coming  upon  the  U.  S.  —  &  which  scarcely 
anything  short  of  the  present  rupture  could  have  arrested. 
After  these  two  terrible  instances,  america  will  never  lend  an 
ear  to  the  wiles  &  the  hypocrisy  of  France  —  and  while  her 
just  &  correctly  national  opinions  are  Set  in  open  day  against 
the  influence  of  great  Britain,  she  will  be  taught  to  guard  that 
subtle  Tyger  which  has  ravaged  the  liberties  &  wealth  of  ev 
ery  nation  that  has  been  fool  enough  to  trust  her  causes,  & 
doctrines ;  &  wavering  enough  not  to  Arm  &  be  ready.  Half 
measures  ruined  Venice  —  they  will  any  nation  with  whom 
France,  Monarchy  or  Republic,  moderates  or  Jacobins  shall 
come  into  unequal  contact  of  friendship  or  confidence.  The 
passions  of  the  people  in  America  must  be  set  completely 
against  the  'French  or  our  independence  will  fall  &  they  ought 
to  be  excited  not  by  Govt.  as  that  is  negociating  —  but  by  a 


234  Life  and  Correspondence        .  [CHAP,  xn 

display  of  every  part  that  illustrates  the  terrible  consequences 
of  admitting  them  into  confidence  or  permitting  approval. 
To  gain  time  is  a  great  deal  —  &  I  know  nothing  better  that 
could  have  been  done,  indeed  it  was  essential,  as  during 
this,  we  aim  &  continually  put  them  ever  in  the  wrong  —  find 
ing  the  negociation,  I  expect  they  will  attempt  to  show  to  the 
people  U.  S.  that  it  would  be  an  easy  thing  to  gain  their  friend 
ship  &  support,  wh.  they  will  hold  out  as  valuable  in  some 
tempting  shape  or  other ;  —  &  they  will  do  it  for  the  purpose 
of  convulsion,  if  they  can  not  drive  the  negociation  from  their 
rock  of  right,  —  &  probably  still  keep  the  negociation  open. 
If  however  we  arm  &  the  people  are  united,  as  I  am  sure  from 
your  letter  &  my  recollection  they  are,  &  the  congress  speak  a 
united  language  of  support  to  the  issue  of  the  negociation  & 
particularly  of  the  President  (whom  they  the  French  hate  or 
late  hated)  their  plans  will  fail;  &  though  we  shall  never 
get  redress,  we  shall  get  out  of  this  quarrel  honourably,  &  the 
national  mind  will  become  truly  National.  As  to  the  negocia 
tion  you  are  very  strong  both  in  men  &  matter  —  for  vindica 
tion  &  for  assertion.  Genl.  P.  is  a  very  clever  man,  shrewd  & 
vigilant  —  a  good  scholar  &  a  good  lawyer.  I  dare  say  —  of 
Judge  Dana,  I  know  nothing  personally  —  but  he  of  course 
is  skillful  in  the  use  of  argument,  fact  &c  —  and  as  to  Mr. 
Marshall,  they  have  no  mettal  equal  to  him.  In  fact,  they  are 
able  men  &  good  ones.  But  what  can  they  do  ?  can  they  con 
vince  ?  Were  the  point,  for  reasoning  &  for  Justice,  they 
could  convince  —  but  the  dispute  on  their  side  will  assume  the 
air  of  wounded  Sensibility  —  they  will  not  reason,  but  expect 
a  flood  of  Sentiment  to  heal  this  wound  —  &,  in  that  healing, 
no  Sentiment  short  of  an  affection  veryfied  by  concessions  that 
thwart  our  true  Sovereignty,  &  that  retrospectively  disgraces 
every  principle  of  Neutral  Justice  for  four  years  back  will 
satisfy  them  —  as  to  reasoning,  there  could  be  no  doubt,  if 
your  Corps  of  generals,  Sanctify 'd  by  the  ermin  of  Justice, 
would  once  bring  them  into  a  pitched  battle  —  but  depend 
upon  it  they  will  be  all  nerve  —  all  sensibility  —  &  unless 
your  commis«ioners  are  prepared  upon  that  tangled  track, 
they  will  not  be  attentively  heard.  What  are  the  'concessions' 
which  in  one  day's  debate  I  saw  alluded  to  by  my  excellent  & 
orthodox  friend  Mr.  Sitgreaves,  wh.  he  said  all  were  agreed 
upon,  I  can  not  divine^certain  that  the  term  can  neither  mean 
the  sacrifice  of  our  Domestic  honour  in  points  of  Sovereignty, 
nor  of  our  existing  engagements,  I  can  imagine  but  one  thing 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHenry  235 

which  it  may  mean.  A  determination,  in  revising  the  Treaty 
of  Feb.  1778,  to  place  France  on  the  same  footing  with  G. 
Britain  &  Spain  —  or  to  give  up,  in  the  new  treaty,  those 
provisions  which  at  the  time  we  considered  as  benefits  to  us 
when  Neutral  —  &  which  France  may  consider  the  surrender 
of,  as  a  concession  —  as  Free  bottoms  —  the  list  of  contraband 
—  &  the  provision  article  &c  —  to  give  her  such  in  the  re 
vised  old,  or  the  new  Treaty  or  as  in  that  of  G.  Britain  —  but 
else  what  can  we  have  to  concede,  as  we  are  the  grossly  injured 
&  insulted  nation.  But  my  dear  friend,  I  know  we  think 
alike.  We  know  that  this  noise  about  the  British  Treaty  is 
but  rank  Pretence.  I  have  assured  Genl.  P.  that  the  note 
taken  had  not  fully  stated  or  had  misrepresented  the  Debate 
—  as  Mr.  Sitgreaves  is  undoubtedly  as  orthodox  a  man  as  is 
in  the  Union  —  &  we  know  him  to  be  able  &  sincere,  and  also 
Firm  and  dignify 'd  in  his  purposes.  Dana  also,  a  good  man, 
seemed  to  take  it  for  granted  that  some  concessions  were  to  be 
made  —  but  the  cursed  note  takers  spoil  every  thing  —  yet  I 
would  not  for  a  million  of  dollars,  that  the  paper  which  we 
read  here  Should  be  read  at  Paris  by  the  Directoire.  Genl. 
Smith's  statement  of  the  few  vessels  captured  by  France  as 
tonished  us. 

"Genl.  P.,  daily  almost,  received  letters  from  consuls  in 
France  &  from  Paris  exhibiting  lists  of  captures  —  &  this 
sort  of  grievance  is  of  so  old  an  origin,  that  it  is  impossible 
that  the  information  shd.  not  have  reached  congress  —  even 
the  American  traitors  in  France  whose  privateers,  fitted  out 
under  french  commissioners  from  france  &  in  France,  which 
weekly  bring  in  vessels  (American)  from  our  ports,  some 
bound  to  France  other  to  Dutch  ports  &  some  to  Ostend,  and 
plunder  them  &  get  them  condemned  —  on  the  most  frivolous 
pretences  —  even  these  must  laugh  in  their  sleeves  at  the  prop 
osition  that  few  are  taken.  It  is  notorious  here.  I  have  been 
apply 'd  to  by  the  house  of  Salomons,  Amsterdam,  to  whom  our 
ship,  the  good  friends,  was  consigned,  to  give  my  opinion 
whether  it  was  safe  to  send  her,  agreeably  to  Mr.  Girard's 
discretionary  power  to  them,  to  Bourdeaux  —  on  enquiry  I 
answered  they  must  judge  &  stated  these  facts.  '  The  Mineral 
Springs,  Capt.  Boylton,  stopped  at  Estaples  by  the  Commis 
sary  of  the  Navy.  The  Romulus  of  Charles  Town  S.  C.,  com 
ing  to  ostend  (since  released  by  orders  of  the  minister  of  ma 
rine).  The  William  of  N.  P.,  Rhode  Island,  Capt.  Baker, 
going  to  Bourdeaux,  Captured  &  sent  into  L 'Orient  by  the 


236  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  xn 

Privateer  Eagle,  said  to  belong  to  an  American  of  Boston,  now 
in  Paris,  the  cargo  of  the  Wm.,  coffee  &  sugar.  The  Briseis 
of  N.  York  bound  to  Rotterdam,  coffee  &  sugar  all  belonging 
to  Messr.  Seaman  Rutgers  &  Ogden  of  N.  Yrk,  taken  —  carry  'd 
into  Nantz.  Catharina  of  Newbury  port,  owned  by  Messr. 
Anthony  &  Moses  Davenport  from  Dumfries  with  Tobacco 
shipped  by  Furguson,  Henderson,  &  Gilson  bound  for  Rotter 
dam,  taken  &  carry 'd  in.'  They  take  our  ships,  they  say,  be 
cause  they  have  no  Role  D '  Equipage  &,  by  bribing  part  of  the 
crew,  &  if  bribing  will  not  do,  condemn  without  the  slightest 
reason.  The  practice,  it  is  true,  varies  in  different  ports  — 
but  this  variance,  though  sometimes  productive  of  appearances 
of  Justice,  is  treacherous,  for  it  is  part  of  a  scheme  to  distract 
—  to  excite  hope  &  attachment  in  some  &  general  dread  of  this 
power  in  all.  It  rests  on  the  assumed  position  of  France,  that 
she  acts  by  her  own  rules,  &  liberates  herself  from  the  tyranny 
of  all  nations,  by  disavowing  the  obligations  of  the  law  of 
Nations,  or  of  adopting  its  rules,  according  to  her  convenience. 
Nothing  can  be  said  to  such  a  nation,  but  that  we  wish  cordial 
ly  for  Peace  with  you,  but  we  can  &  will  injure  you,  if  you 
will  injure  us  —  &  show  the  power  to  support  this  self -defen 
sive  language.  Nothing  else  can  stop  that  career  towards  gen 
eral  &  Rome-like  Dominion,  but  a  species  of  universal  police 
and  armed  one  too,  among  the  nations,  who  shall  for  many 
years  to  come  have  an  acquaintance  and  a  connection  with 
her.  In  fact  the  tendency  of  things  flowing  from  this  infernal 
war  is  certainly  to  form  all  nations  who  are  not  her  dependents 
to  introduce  a  greater  degree  of  the  military  spirit  than  was 
formerly  necessary;  to  force  all  independent  governments  to 
be  more  or  less  military  in  their  character  &  unhappily  to  ren 
der  all  her  dependent  friends,  unmilitary.  In  every  thing,  she 
preserves  Roman  maxims;  —  &  the  execrable  corruption  & 
slavishness  of  Europe  have,  it  seems  to  me,  prepared  them 
for  a  fate  similar  to  that  which  overwhelmed  Europe,  Asia,  & 
Africa  with  the  stagnating  &  bitter  waters  of  Roman  alliance, 
conquest,  &  subjugation  —  for  instance,  the  Roman  Republic 
took  upon  herself,  generously,  to  defend  &  protect  her  con 
quered  or  influenced  allies.  In  every  spot,  when  a  French 
army,  or  her  influence,  has  got  or  become  from  circumstances 
complete,  She  does  the  same  —  &  even,  in  her  own  country, 
the  people  were  disarmed.  Paris  is  at  this  moment  disarmed. 
These  consequences,  instead  of  producing  what  the  real  phil 
anthropists  imagined,  &  what  till  three  years  since,  I  believed 


1797-1798J  of  James  Me  Henry  237 

would  arise,  a  greater  portion  of  civil  liberty  to  Europe,  will 
tend,  more  than  even  the  Feudal  System,  to  enslave  mankind 
—  for  it  must  produce  military  Despotism,  acting  over  people 
who  have  lost  the  elevated  tone  &  taste  of  the  Feudal  times  — 
nothing  but  the  fear  of  a  greater  influence  has  prevented 
Spain  from  calling  in  French  troops  to  join  in  her  meditated 
attack  upon  Portugal  —  this  fear,  however,  will  Save  Portu 
gal,  as  Spain  is  unequal  to  its  conquest. 

"  It  is  a  fact  that  almost  the  whole  of  the  Diplomatic  corps 
of  Europe  in  its  inferior  orders,  I  mean  as  to  rank,  as  Secre 
taries,  Charge  Des  affaires  &  men  who  are  even  higher,  but 
who  were  lately  in  that  grade,  are  Jacobinical  Philosophers  — • 
all  clerks,  servants,  &  the  efficient  men  employ 'd  to  work  the 
business  of  affairs  are  so  —  this  is  the  case,  whether  they  be 
long  to  Kepublics  or  to  Monarchies.  Every  man  of  reflexion 
seems  to  be  endeavouring  to  acquire  an  apathy  against  all  pos 
sible  contingences  &  changes  —  &  a  vague  uncertain  sort  of 
fear  has  taken  possession  of  all  men  that  some  vast  change  in 
human  affairs  is  not  far  distant  —  they  see  that  all  the  old 
sources  of  power  are  drying  up  —  that  authority  is  stripped 
of  its  weight  by  reasoning  scepticism.  That  though  ignor 
ance  &  superstition  seem  removed  by  the  complete  diffusion 
of  books  which  reaches  all  sorts  of  people,  yet  real  &  whole 
some  knowledge  is  not  increased,  when  it  ought  to  be  —  & 
that  though  superstition  be  extinguished  in  appearance,  mor 
als,  instead  of  gaining,  have  lost  ground  by  the  convulsions  & 
habitual  strokes  of  that  violence  which  removed  it  —  a  gen 
eral  scepticism  upon  all  things  exists  —  and  men  of  specula 
tion  are  lost  in  the  magnitude  of  that  crisis  which  they  think 
they  deserve  —  almost  all  this  depends  upon  France.  If  she 
got  into  order.  If  she  restored  the  Christian  religion  &  could 
possibly  restore  her  morals,  the  tide  of  insubordination  might 
stop.  If  she  continue,  as  she  has  gone  on,  a  great  crisis  must 
come  upon  Europe,  in  which  nothing  but  military  despotism 
will  at  all  hold  society  in  a  tolerable  state  of  combination.  In 
that  country,  there  is  nothing  like  a  settled  opinion.  They 
love,  all  of  them,  as  they  ought,  France  above  anything  imag 
inable.  But  their  love  is  connected  with  ten  thousand  various 
directions  of  self  interest  &  party  views.  From  exceedingly 
good  information,  it  is  probable,  that  the  majority  of  that 
nation  are  tired  with  their  Theory  of  Republicanism,  &  wish 
for  a  King  —  &  it  would  not  be  wonderful  if  the  Prince  de 
Conde  or  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  according  to  party  force,  were 


238  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  xn 

brought  into  administration.  The  Jacobins  would  support 
the  last.  Clubs  are  now  getting  head  once  more,  though  con 
trary  to  the  constitution,  &  are  endeavouring  to  rouse  the  peo 
ple  of  Paris,  for  the  nation  has  little  or  nothing  to  do  with 
politics,  on  the  score  of  danger  arising  from  the  royalists. 
This  charge  is  partly  true,  &  partly  owing  to  party  hatred, 
which  affixes  to  its  adversary  all  sorts  of  opprobrious  names. 

"The  embarkation  of  15,000  french  &  Dutch  on  board  the 
transports  at  the  Texel  &  the  appearance  of  a  movement  of 
the  dutch  fleet,  wh.  has  been  kept  within  the  Texel  a  long  time 
by  a  very  few  british  ships  at  anchor,  have  excited  much  spec 
ulation —  500,000  Guilders  went  to  it  the  other  day  from 
this  place  for  contingent  service.  The  real  object  is  a  secret 
that  I  am  not  master  of.  Hoche  was  here  some  days  very 
lately  &  a  few,  Then,  of  the  Dutch  public  men,  were  admitted 
into  his  councils  at  the  French  minister 's  —  he  has  returned. 
Some  say  this  armament  is  against  the  Elbe  —  to  block  that 
up  —  others  agt.  Hanover  —  but  that  can  not  be,  as  the  King 
of  Prussia  would  preserve  its  neutrality  &  it  has  an  army  of 
30,000  very  fine  troops,  my  own  conjecture  is  that  it  is  an 
alarm  to  G.  Britain  —  probably  intending  also  to  try  the 
Dutch  sailors  in  an  engagement  with  Duncan's  squadron — • 
French  troops  are  put  on  board  the  new  man  of  war,  also. 

"Lord  Malmsbury  &  his  suite  and  a  splendid  one  it  is, 
are  at  Lisle  with  the  French  commissioners  —  Belgium,  which 
was  a  principal  obstacle,  is  removed  by  its  cession  to  the  Em 
peror,  in  Bonaparte's  Peace. 

"Genl.  Pinckney  &  family  —  Maj.  Rutledge  who  ought  to 
be  secretary  of  Legation,  as  he  is  a  very  fine  young  man  &  has 
had  the  rough  of  the  business  —  &  the  Genl's.  nephew  Mr. 
Hory  are  in  lodgings  near  us  —  this  Mr.  Mountflorance  is  a 
great  acquisition  —  as  he  is  alert  &  intelligent.  The  Genl.  is 
much  pleased  with  his  commissioners.  I  do  as  you  tell  me, 
try  to  please  the  Dutch  —  but  I  must  tell  you  entre  nous  (you 
see  I  progress  in  french  &  I  read  nothing  else)  that  as  yet  I 
have,  perhaps,  received  as  little  active  politeness  here  from 
any  one,  as  ever  minister  or  traveller  did.  They  (the  com 
mittee)  have,  it  is  true,  returned  my  visit  wh.  I  made  as  is 
usual  —  but  I  saw  none  of  them,  as  they  either  sent  cards, 
or  I  was  actually  out  when  they  called.  They  seem  to  me 
very  distant. 

"We  are  yet  in  loggings  at  an  hotel  —  one  subject  I  wish 
to  speak  to  you  upon  particularly.  The  American  Hotel  — 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHcnry  239 

as  a  minister  I  am  to  live  in  it  —  I  so  informed  the  Bankers 
who,  Mr.  Adams  told  me,  had  the  care  of  it  &  there  were  in  it 
two  or  three  poor  families.  I,  at  the  same  time,  wrote  to  them 
to  know,  if  they  had  a  prospect  of  selling  it  to  advantage. 
They  answered  they  had  never  had  orders  to  sell  it  —  &  had 
not  heard  a  sylable  upon  the  subject.  I  had  heard  of  some 
intention  of  selling1.  Mr  Van  Staphorst  told  me  they  meant  to 
repair  it,  so  as  to  preserve  it  from  the  weather,  for  the  win 
dows  were  rotten  &  the  roof  excessively  out  of  repair  —  that 
they  had  an  original  authority  that  extended  to  common  re 
pairs  for  the  keeping  up  of  the  house  &  to  prevent  its  abso 
lute  decay  &  they  wished  to  put  it  into  repair.  I  had  prev 
iously  told  them  that  I  intended  to  repair  the  rooms  wh.  I 
should  use,  at  my  own  expence  —  &  that  all  wh.  I  could  expect 
of  them  was  such  a  repair  as  they  wd.  have  given  it  merely  to 
preserve  the  house.  He  said  he  would  do  as  I  wished  but  that 
they  had  been  in  the  habit  of  giving  it  occasional  repairs  & 
charged  them  to  Govt.  We  got  a  workman  &  I  made  him 
note  down  every  repair  &  its  place  or  part  of  the  house  — 
that  I  might  divide  the  expence  with  the  Govt.  upon  the  prin 
ciple,  that  I  would  pay  for  all  repairs,  except  such  as  they 
considered  essential  to  the  preservation  of  the  building  — 
these  points  are  in  this  country  particularly  the  windows,  — 
the  out  doors  —  painting  of  these  —  &  mending  the  outside 
—  my  part  I  considered  to  be  painting  in  side,  white  washing 
&  papering  —  parts  of  the  carpenters  work  inside  wh.  little  I 
considered  as  the  Bankers  affair.  They  said  they  would 
charge  the  whole  to  Govt.  &  if  they  did  not  authorise  it,  I 
should  pay  it.  I  agreed  to  this,  so  it  stands  —  in  fact,  noth 
ing  will  be  done  to  it  by  this  repair  (for  I  intend  to  give  it 
one  myself  when  I  get  in  &  have  more  time)  which  is  not  in 
a  degree  essential  to  the  House,  either  as  a  tenement  —  or  a 
subject  of  Sale.  If  the  Govt.  will  sell  it  —  It  will  sell  best  in 
other  times  —  for  now  it  would  not  sell  for  a  20th  part  of  its 
value  —  as  it  is  very  large  and  has  a  garden  back  of  it  would 
sell,  after  —  even  this  repair,  probably,  for  twice  as  much  as 
it  would  have  done  without  it.  All  the  ministers  here  have 
houses  belonging  to  the  Govt.  wt.  the  Arms  over  the  door  — 
as  ours  has.  It  will  be  more  respectable  to  live  in  it  than,  in 
lodgings,  or  a  hired  small  house  in  a  bye  part  of  the  Town, 
for  a  marry  'd  man.  I  do  not  wish  you  to  speak  to  the  Secre 
tary  of  State,  on  it  —  but  to  give  me  your  opinion  upon  my 
proceedings.  If  you  think  there  will  be  the  least  emotion  — 


240  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

pray  tell  me  &  I  will  prevent  the  Bankers  from  making  the 
charge  and  pay  the  bill  which  will  be  about  150£  Sterl,  myself. 
If  I  am  here  two  years,  it  will  just  be  about  the  rent  of  a  small 
house.  Though  the  size  of  it  will  render  it  to  one,  in  my  small 
way,  a  much  less  comfortable  residence  than  a  small  &  well 
finished  house. 

"As  to  Lisbon!  !  —  my  dear  friend,  if  it  comes  or  not, 
I  feel  as  I  ought  so  as  you  know  I  do  with  a  sincere  sense  of 
your  constant  kindness  to  me.  It  would  be  excellent  —  the 
climate  fine  &c  —  but  my  humble  merits  have  been  already 
over  valued.  I  am  sincere  —  to  know  myself  has  been  a  pur 
suit  of  some  standing  with  me.  I  am  only  astonished,  some 
times,  when  I  find  myself  forsooth  here  as  I  am  —  dear  me! 
how  this  world  is  carry  'd  on ! 

"As  to  these  commissioners  —  believe  me,  I  have  been 
relieved- from  great  terrors.  I  dreaded,  lest  the  news  of  the 
mutiny  in  the  british  fleet  &  the  appearance  of  peace  general 
ly —  the  existing  peace  &  triumphant  one  of  France  wt.  the 
Emperor  all  coming  upon  you  might  have  damped  that  manly 
ardour  that  became  us  &  led  to  a  concession  in  the  appoint 
ment  of  at  least  the  middle  commissioner  whom  France  has 
as  far  as  she  could  do  Dictated.  I  mean  him  who  tells  what 
the  greatest  philosophers  have  said  upon  all  subjects.  He 
could  not  have  sustained  that  plan  wt.  out  making  a  sacrifice 
of  all  he  has  said  &  done  for  six  years.  His  duty  wd.  have 
led  him  to  justify  our  Govt.  how  could  he  have  done  that! 
I  do  rejoice  —  &  I  can  see  the  administration  all  unite  firmly 
against  a  pressure  of  party  address  or  influence  exceedingly 
powerful  for  his  nomination. 

' '  How  ardently  I  wish  to  hear  from  you,  you  can  not  con 
ceive,  as  you  are  not  in  a  distant  country  —  in  a  scene  that 
every  moment  affords  visible  proof  of  the  danger  we  run,  if 
preparation,  union,  &  especially  a  firm  appearance  are  not  the 
result  by  this  very  day  of  our  councils  —  god  almighty  direct 
them! 

"To  write  with  more  freedom  you  need  not  sign  your 
name.  I  also  do  not  —  you  can  put  my  name  on  the  endorse 
ment  &c.  I  wrote  a  few  days  after  I  got  here.  Tell  me,  in 
perfect  confidence,  if  I  go  too  much  in  to  speculation  &  opinion 
in  my  letters  to  Col.  Pickering,  my  means  yet  are  extremely 
small  —  not  that  I  ever  expect  to  equal  the  comprehensive 
digestion  of  my  predecessor  —  who  is  really  a  very  learned 
and  able  man  &  was  exceedingly  cordial  in  his  communica- 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHenry  241 

tions  to  me  —  he  was  here  but  a  very  short  time  after  my  ar 
rival.  I  got  your  letter  just  time  to  tell  him,  then  wind: 
bound  at  Maas-Sluys  (12  miles  off)  of  his  appointment  —  he 
sailed  seven  days  since  for  London  —  in  excellent  health  & 
good  spirits  &  I  hope  by  this  time  marry 'd  to  his  beautiful  & 
I  hear  very  charming  Miss  Louisa  Johnson.  A  young  Baron 
de  Bielfeld  is  here  charge  des  affairs  from  Prussia,  as  soon  as 
I  saw  the  nomination  mentioned  in  the  paper  wh.  you  sent  me 
I  wrote  to  him  a  note  in  confidence  I  I  Stating  it.  He  wishes 
to  know  if  it  be  a  steady  &  permanent  appointment.  I  told 
him  I  did  not  know,  but  it  probably  was.  There  my  dear  Sir 
-  is  not  that  political  &  diplomatical  intelligence !  you  see  I 
have  secrets  &  tell  them  in  confidence.  Baron  B.  is  a  very 
clever  youngish  man  —  speaks  english  well  —  &  I  wanted  to 
give  him  with  a  proper  air  of  mystery  the  opportunity  of 
making  the  earliest  dispatch  upon  this  subject  —  as  I  wish 
much  to  gain  his  information  &c. 

' '  I  wrote  to  Col.  Pickering  on  the  30.  June  &  shall  write 
to  day,  or  rather  to  night,  as  this  letter  has  cramped  my  fingers 
—  it  is  egregiously  long  —  but  I  can  not  now  fall  in  &  greet  & 
be  greeted  by  you  &  Mrs  McHenry  —  set  down  to  a  hot  supper 
&  preach  up  an  austere  abstinence  —  so  I  must  write. 

"Mr  V.  Polanan's  memorial  was  not  among  the  papers 
wh.  you  enclosed.  Don  or  Chevalier  Yonge's  was  literally  a 
curious  thing.  Col.  Pickering  completely  discomfited  the  Sec 
retary  of  the  council  of  State  &  the  member  of  the  distinguish 
ed  order  of  Carlos  the  3d.  &c  &c  &c  Genl.  P.  is  much  pleased 
with  it.  He  laughs  at  'the  wheels  of  his  carriage'  which  broke 
down  &  which  appear  to  travel  throughout  the  U.  S.  as  among 
the  most  interesting  parts  of  the  detail.  I  wish  the  wheels 
had  been  omitted  in  publication  —  unless  it  was  intended  to 
show  the  crippled  situation  of  his  equipage  &  of  course  their 
brutality  in  driving  from  France  a  minister  whose  wheels  were 
destroyd  by  their  own  roads. 

"A  few  days  after  I  received  yours  of  the  23  May  —  I 
heard  that  a  ship  had  run  ashore  at  the  Texel  from  Philad. 
got  3  feet  water  in  her  hold  —  &  that  dispatches  for  Genl  P. 
&  myself  were  lost  —  two  days  after  I  got  a  letter  from  Mr. 
Wolcott  which  was  open  at  the  end/  appeared  to  have  been 
wet  —  but  of  the  others  I  can  hear  nothing.  I  subscribed  to 
Fenno  &  paid  him  for  one  year.  It  would  be  a  most  pleasant 
thing  if  you  would  make  him  send  them  papered  in  strong  pa 
per  in  small  bundles  by  ships  going  to  any  port  in  Holland. 


242  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

''The  part  of  your  letter  respecting  Genl.  P.  &  young 
Rutledge  gave  both  Genl.  P.  &  his  Secretary  very  great  pleas 
ure  —  as  I  took  the  liberty  of  reading  that  part  to  them. 

' '  Pecquet  &  some  others  you  shall  have  with  pleasure  — 
there  is  not  one  at  this  place  but  at  Ley  den  I  shall  get  one.  I 
shall  send  you  Mably's  Droit  Public  de  1'  Europe  with  notes 
by  Rousset  —  &  Callier.  I  can  not  hear  of  the  letters  pub 
lished  at  Amsterdam  on  Neutrality  but  will  still  seek  for  them. 

' '  The  excessive  moisture  of  this  country  has  affected  me  a 
little  but,  thank  god,  I  enjoy  good  health  compared  to  any 
thing  I  have  tasted  these  two  years. 

"I  am  my  dear  friend  with  sincere 
and  affectionate  esteem  yrs  always 

"Genl.  P.  comes  in  and  knowing  that  I  had  just  written 
requests  his  respects  &  compl.  to  you  &  that  he  will  get  the 
books  you  spoke  to  him  about  —  &  will  write  in  a  fortnight 
to  you. 

"The  inclosed  letter  to  the  president  (Mr.  Adams)  I  will 
thank  you  to  have  delivered  to  him  —  on  the  day  when  you 
receive  it." 

On  the  wrapper  of  the  letter  Murray  wrote  urging  firm 
ness: 

' '  In  sending  this  large  wrapper,  its  white  surface  tempted 
me,  as  it  is  to  go  so  very  far  to  my  friend,  again  to  speak  upon 
the  wTish  nearest  my  heart  &  to  which  all  my  reflexions  tend 
from  what  I  can  hear  &  know.  That  you  shall  put  the  peace 
of  the  country  into  a  good  attitude.  Arm  the  Executive  with 
means  to  sustain  a  certain  port  &  carriage  with  the  Directory — 
repress  every  thing  in  Congress  that  the  French  might  mistake 
for  two  opinions  upon  their  conduct  —  you  actually  raise  an 
army  &  put  the  keels  down  for  the  Large  Frigates  and  for 
the  small  ones,  and  enable  the  negociators  to  agree  as  well  as 
to  explain  —  then  my  dear  Sir  we  shall  have  peace  with 
France  —  of  Half  measures,  I  mean  as  to  preparation  against 
*  *  *  &  a  certain  decided  &  Avell  supported  purpose  sufficiently 
manifested,  though  accompany 'd  by  a  sincere  disposition  at 
the  same  time  to  settle  &  adjust  amicably  —  of  half  measures, 
my  dear  Sir,  look  at  Venice !  It  will  be  said  this  will  be  useless 
expense  and  you  will  want  an  armed  neutrality  against  that 
state  of  things  which  will  take  place  after  the  peace.  I  sin 
cerely  hope  that,  if  the  old  treaty  of  1778  is  to  be  revived  — 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHenry  243 

the  Free  ships  free  goods  may  be  omitted.  The  internal  code 
of  France  has  always  contravened  it  &  always  will  —  &  no 
nation  will  observe  it,  unless  the  neutrality  be  armed.  If  we 
can  arm  &  enforce,  it  wd.  be  great  for  us  —  but  that  can  not 
be  expected.  In  20  years,  we  shall  be  equal  to  its  enforcement 
Were  we  to  give  to  France  a  severe  lesson  for  this  break  of 
that  provision,  we  might  hope  to  see  it  gratify 'd  in  the  next 
war  she  has  —  but  that  is  not  intended.  She  &  G.  Britain 
must  be  at  war  in  two  or  three  years  after  this  peace,  shd.  one 
take  place  —  &  then  we  should  only  go  through  a  course  of 
similar  usage  and  have  fresh  cause  of  complaint  &  of  complain 
ing —  again  good  night. 

"Russia  &  G.  B.  in  the  month  of  Feb.  made  a  commercial 
Treaty,  in  may  it  was  ratify  'd  —  upon  liberal  terms  —  but 
nothing  new  in  it." 

McHenry  had  asked  Murray  to  procure  and  forward  him 
some  text  books  on  the  art  of  war.  On  July  18,  the  minister 
writes,  forwarding  one  of  them.  He  also  gives  news  as  to 
France 's  position  with  reference  to  the  United  States. 

"Myjlear  Sir, 

"Since  I  wrote  the  other  day  I  have  got  you  a  second 
hand  Pecquet  —  and  enclose  it  with  a  paper  or  two  from 
England  wh.  Mr  Ross  of  Philad.  brought  over  to  this  place. 

"Nothing  yet  transpired  as  to  the  actual*  propositions  of 
the  Xegociaters  at  Lisle.     "What  is  singularly  severe  is  though 
this  Republic  has  provisionally  appointed  them  commission 
ers  to  treat  in  conjunction  wh  France,  yet  thgy  wait  for  an 
'  invitation  before  they  venture  to  send  them !     There  is  much 

t  secret  sensibility  to  this  humiliating  situation.  I  really  do 
wish  to  see  my  friends  the  Dutch,  happy,  independant  & 

Vstrong.  Spain  also  has,  it  is  said,  been  checked  on  her  sending 
on  another  minister,  Cabarrus,  to  join.  Her  ordinary  minis 
ter,  Marquis  del  Campo,  I  believe  is  not  yet  admitted  to  the 
negociation.  Probably  France  will  make  more  money  out 
of  both.  If  she  chuses,  she^an  say  to  them,  when  the  negocia 
tion  has  advanced,  you  are  both  to  take  care  of  your  selves, 
unless  you  will  do  so  and  so  for  me  —  &  force  them,  the  Dutch 
particularly,  into  further  sacrifices.  The  extent  of  the  means 
of  France  is  in  her  inventions  —  when  once  She  has  a  people's 
affairs  in  her  power.  Since  I  wrote  some  days  since  we  have 
the  Philad.  papers  with  the  answer  as  carry'd  —  &  have  been 
extremely  exhilirated  by  both  the  answer  &  the  Speeches  of 


244  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

our  fine  fellows  —  would  you  think  it  —  but  I  panted  to  be  in 
the  midst  of  them  &  to  increase  the  dust  of  the  race,  if  I  could 
not  run  as  fast  &  well  as  they.  Mr.  Dennis's  I  did  not  see. 
I  am  rejoiced  in  my  successor.  I  knew  he  would  be  found 
worthy  of  the  District  &  of  public  confidence. 

' '  I  am  getting  more  and  more  into  the  circles  here.  With 
in  these  few  days,  means  have  been  taken  to  impress  me  with 
the  persuasion  that  the  Directory  mean  to  conciliate  towards 
the  U.  States.  A  member  of  the  national  assembly  visited  me 
the  other  morning  and  assured  me  that  as  Batavia  &  France 
were  so  connected  that  what  ever  affected  the  last  also  would 
be  felt  by  the  first,  it  became  important  to  ascertain  exactly 
the  intentions  of  France  respecting  the  U.  States  —  that  they 
had  ascertained  them  decidedly  to  be  not  to  have  a  rupture. 
I  remarked  that  France  had  taken  a  singular  way  of  manifest 
ing  such  an  intention  —  that  the  U.  States  would  seek  the 
means  of  continuing  Peace  &  amity  with  sincerety  —  but  that 
she  was  also  united  &  prepared  for  the  wrorst,  if  her  means 
failed  —  &  then  spoke  of  the  high  animation  that  united  all 
men,  in  a  band  as  strong  in  union,  &  greater  in  means,  than 
was  seen  in  76.  That  parties  lost  their  distinctions  in  what 
they  considered  as  a  second  question  of  Independence  &  that 
the  Government  was  stronger  than  ever  &c.  He  said  he  was 
convinced  that  there  would  be  no  war.  This  gentleman  is  a 
warm  but  honest  revolutionary  —  Is  with  the  French  —  &  a 
confidential  man  with  them.  I  wished -this  channel  to  carry 
an  impression  to  the  French  minister,  who  is  of  a  conciliatory 
disposition,  agreeably  to  the  principles  of  French  conciliation 
&  is  considered  as  among  ,the  most  moderate  men  among  them. 
Since,  I  saw  him  —  He  exprest  a  wish  that  matters  might  be 
made  up  —  &  his  decided  expectation  that  they  would  be; 
that  he  could  say  so,  because  he  had  the  day  before  (this  was 
yesterday)  received  dispatches  from  the  Governt.  to  that  ef 
fect.  I  assured  him  that,  while  the  United  States  sought 
Justice,  He  would  find  that  they  did  it  in  a  spirit  so  perfectly 
conciliatory  that  it  would  not  be  their  fault,  if  every  senti 
ment  of  amity  were  not  only  revived,  but  very  much  encreas- 
ed.  God  forbid  that  the  very  same  sentiment  of  amity  should 
even  revive,  much  less  be  encr eased!  All  this,  however,  on 
the  part  of  the  French  or  their  friends  here  I  consider,  as  you 
certainly  will  —  as  uSed  for  the  purpose  of  abating  our  exer 
tions  —  of  diminishing,  in  our  eyes,  the  appearances  that  lead 
to  preparation  on  our  side  —  all  this  flummery  is  meted  out 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHcnry  245 

too  at  a  moment  when  they  go  on,  with  encreased  vivacity,  in 
both  taking  and  condemning  our  vessels  —  &  when  they  pub 
lish  in  the  Redacteur  (the  official  paper)  the  intelligence  of 
the  petition  of  the  owners  of  privateers  at  Nantz,  in  support 
of  the  hostile  proceedings  of  the  Directory,  as  A  Complete 
Answer  to  Pastorets  arguments  against  the  Directory  on  our 
relations.  Were  it  not  monstrous,  it  would  be  ridiculous,  to 
hear  this  language  of  conciliation  under  such  circumstances 
of  extreme  insult  &  provocation.  But  they  will  come  down 
in  their  language,  because  they  see  we  rise  in  ours  —  they 
will  do  this,  though  they  do  not  alter  their  conduct  —  &  if 
they  find  it  politic  to  do  justice,  they  will  then  say,  we  always 
held  this  language,  since  we  heard  of  their  new  negociation 
that  was  intended  &  wh.  show'd  that  the  U.  S.  meant  to  ex 
plain.  The  expense  of  preparation,  though  hard  upon  us  all, 
will  be  a  tax  upon  them,  as  it  will  be  in  the  account  of  national 
sentiment  against  them  &  will  lead  to  that  glorious  independ 
ence  of  all  European  states  which  will  make  us  a  nation.  If 
it  save  us  honourably  from  a  war  —  and  nothing  but  that  can, 
it  will  be  a  trifle.  If  it  do  not,  it  will  have  made  us  ready  to 
meet  it. 

"I  write  in  great  haste.  Doubts  are  entertained  of  the 
new  constitution  of  this  country.  M.  Noel,  the  French  Min 
ister,  yesterday,  wrote  a  note  to  the  National  assembly,  in 
forming  them  that  the  Directory  of  France  felt  the  most  earn 
est  wish  that  the  new  constitution  may  be  adopted.  This  is 
Internal  Sovereignty  for  the  national  assembly.  I  hear  that, 
while  they  were  upon  the  constitution,  he  used  to  send  to  them 
to  hasten  the  work.  This  was  &  is  kind.  But  not  essential  to 
their  exercise  of  Sovereignty. 

"A  westerly  wind  actually  came  up  to  save  appearances 
—  &  prevent  the  Fleet  from  getting  out  of  the  Texel.  But 
they  can  not  attempt  it.  I  wish  they  were  as  independent  & 
as  strong  in  marine  as  in  the  great  days  of  Tromp ! 

"I  shall  write  soon  —  very  soon  —  if  my  dispatch  for 
the  Secretary  of  State  wh  I  have  kept  open  should  not  arrive, 
when  this  does,  you  need  not  say  ought  of  this. 
"Yours  always  my  dear  Sir 
&  most  affectionately" 

Some  weeks  later,  he  writes  again,  urging  that  a  firm 
position  be  taken  by  the  United  States,  but  saying  that  if 
America  does  not  take  a  sufficiently  strong  position,  he,  never- 


246  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

theless,  will  try  to  explain  a  weaker  attitude  to  his  country's 
advantage. 

"The  Hague  7.  Augt.  1797. 
"My  dear  Sir, 

"At  length,  in  an  auction  of  old  books,  I  picked  up  a 
Pecquet  's  Le  Esprit  de  maxims  for  you  &  now  send  it.  I  am 
looking  out  for  Lempredi  on  the  rights  of  neutral  nations,  wh., 
when  I  get,  I  will  send  also  to  you.  I  was  so  lucky  as  to  get 
your  No.  1.  —  but  none  since  &  expect  a  line  from  Mr.  "Wolcott 
&  two  letters  from  Col.  Pickering.  I  have  not  received  any 
thing  from  America.  If  Fenno  would  seal  up  his  Week's 
papers,  for  wh.  I  have  paid  him  in  advance  &  send  each  packet 
to  Mr.  Girard,  in  whose  ship  I  came  —  Mr.  G.,  I  am  sure,  would 
put  them  in  a  way  to  some  port  in  Holland  —  &  I  am  so  ex 
tremely  anxious  sometimes  upon  the  State  of  things  at  Philad. 
that  I  would  give  their  weight  in  gold  for  late  papers. 

"My  dear  Sir,  I  fear  —  much  fear  that  nothing  will  be 
done  by  congress  that  will  bear  out  your  negociators  with 
spirit.  I  am  well  aware  of  the  folly  &  wickedness  of  any  rash 
step  that  would  do  mischief  —  but  I  am  certain  that  Spirit  — 
guided  by  moderation  in  its  display  — &  PREPARATION 
alone  can  insure  PEACE.  A  weak  nation  must  arm  as  well 
as  negociate  —  a  powerful  one  need  not  always.  A  nation  sup 
posed  to  be  divided  must  give  a  testimony  of  its  union  by  those 
great  preparatory  measures,  which  never  would  be  taken  unless 
the  country  was  united.  Preparation  must  be  the  evidence  that 
we  are  united  &  that  we  are  not  French.  Doubtless  France 
has  several  objects.  First,  to  destroy  british  commerce.  Sec 
ondly,  to  plunder,  while  she  produces  this  end  —  thirdly,  to 
produce  eventually  disunion,  that  she  may  erect  any  part  into 
an  independent  government,  as  she  has  The  Lombardy  Re 
public,  Genoa  &  Batavia  —  part  of  the  scheme  she  has  ac 
complished,  the  plunder  of  our  trade  —  this  is  among  her 
means  of  forcing  us  to  give  up  british  commerce.  If  she  finds 
us  not  united,  she  will  urge  the  necessity  of  giving  up  the 
Treaty  &  of  making  such  a  Treaty  with  her  as  the  Dutch  have 
done  —  &  in  the  party  struggle  upon  her  propositions,  she 
will  expect  to  see  the  completion  of  her  grand  scheme  —  a 
dissolution  of  the  union  &  a  revolution  in  the  U.  S.,  in  which 
she  would  occupy  all  the  ground  she  could.  A  united  &  most 
decided  tone,  attended  by  armed  preparation,  alone  can  lead 
her  to  listen  to  reason  —  our  relation  from  situation  to  the 
colonies,  &  especially  to  the  dominions  of  her  ally,  Spain, 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHcnry  -  247 


would,  if  we  arm  &  treat,  give  us  very  high  ground.  Unless 
we  have  the  virtue  to  encounter  present  evil  in  taxes  I  am 
convinced  we  shall  have  to  meet  one  much  greater  —  War. 

"There  is  little  expectation  of  Peace  between  France  & 
G.  B.  Ceylon  &  the  Cape  of  good  hope  are  among  the  obstacles. 
G.  B.  will  not  yield  them  to  the  Dutch  —  she  probably  might 
to  Portugal  as  Free  ports.  I  have  not,  as  you  may  have  per 
ceived,  calculated  upon  Peace  this  Summer.  This  is  import 
ant  to  the  U.  S.  The  mutiny  in  the  B.  navy,  I  have  feared, 
would  tend  to  destroy  the  energy  in  Congress,  as  though  no 
alliance  was  thought  of,  if  we  were  forced  into  war,  there  w'd 
be  a  national  co-operation  between  all  the  enemies  of  France. 
The  british  navy,  however,  is  now  more  energetic  than  ever  — 
Discipline  restored  &  even  mended,  neither  France,  Spain  nor 
this  Republic  venture  their  fleets  out  of  the  harbour.  The 
moderates  too  in  the  councils  of  France  daily  confirm  their 
influence  over  the  public  mind.  They  are  rather  more  rational 
than  the  others  —  &,  of  course,  if  we  show  union  &  can  con 
vince  them  that  they  have  no  chance  of  Striking  a  great  blow 
for  their  own  country  through  our  inviting  weakness  &  dis 
union,  these  men  will,  if  any  ever  will  in  France,  do  us  some 
thing  like  justice.  Parties  are  again  critically  high  in  Paris. 
The  army  of  the  Sombre  &  Meuse  advance  in  detachments  to 
the  vicinity  of  the  Capital,  it  is  supposed  to  act  with  the 
Directory  against  the  Cinque  Cents.  Depend  upon  it  that 
devoted  country  is  yet  to  unfold  all  the  horrors  which  super 
stition  has  accorded  as  the  punishment  of  impious  opinions  & 
dissolute  moral  character.  I  wish  our  exclusive  patriots  could 
see  &  hear  the  Republicanism  of  Frenchmen  in  Europe,  not  as 
they  write  it,  but  practice  it  —  if  they  could  recollect  in  the 
most  gloomy  periods  of  Roman  despotism  or  invent  a  scheme 
of  practices  more  oppressive  &  at  the  same  time  more  ambiti 
ous,  more  sickening  to  the  soul  of  any  man  who  can  pity  the 
miseries  &  vices  of  the  human  species,  I  would  agree  to  admit 
of  the  apology  —  and  thank  the  apologist.  I  remember  noth 
ing  worse.  But  this  is  like  canting  —  yet  so  perfectly  does 
the  human  nature  appear  trampled  upon  &  so  withered  all 
the  opinions  resulting  from  the  civilized  state,  it  is  impossible 
to  be  here  &  not  be  occasionally  gloomy.  The  Batavians,  to  a 
certainty,  will  reject  the  constitution  which  has  been  in  truth 
bastardized  upon  their  bed  by  those  French  universal  political 
cuckoos  —  but  which  it  had  been  best  for  them  to  accept.  If 
they  reject,  &  to-morrow  is  the  day  of  trial,  the  French  will 


248  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

force  one  down  their  throats  —  that  they  expect  &  lamentable ! 
Some  of  their  best  men  wish  it !  !  Such  is  their  State  —  a  na 
tion  without  a  political  existence.  By  a  Paris  paper  it  is  ex- 
ultingly  said  Congress  has  rejected  the  propositions  to  arm  — 
except  militia!  Sorrowfully  did  I  read  this.  Since  I  saw 
this,  I  have  said  —  As  France  had  not  made  any  great  naval 
preparation  to  act  eventually  agt.  us,  America,  strong  in  her 
self  conscious  of  her  vast  internal  strength,  waited  the  result 
of  a  conciliating  negociation  &  that  we  reply  on  the  justice  of 
France  &  on  reason. 

' '  I  am  always  most  affectionately  my  dear 

"Yrs.  faithfully" 

Four  days  later  Murray  wrote  again,  still  urging  firm 
ness  and  complaining  of  the  conduct  of  the  French  towards 
Americans. 

"The  Hague  11.  Augt.  1797. 

' '  I  wrote  to  you,  my  dear  friend,  on  the  7th.  —  and  since 
have  seen  in  a  N.  York  paper  that  little  is  to  be  expected  from 
this  Session.  Sincerely  do  I  lament!  Several  here  in  public 
life  have  asked  me  about  this.  I  say  to  them  France  does  not 
arm  against  us  —  &  we  can  not.  That  if  she  had  seamen  & 
officers  she  has  not  revenue,  that  we  are  conscious  of  immense 
internal  strength  &  that  there  is  a  perfect  sincerity  in  the 
executive  to  treat  amicably,  that  congress  have  gratify 'd  the 
views  of  the  Executive  which  were  but  for  a  small  beginning 
-  for  that  eight  or  Ten  Frigates  and  so  far  ships  are  consid 
ered  as  a  trifle  in  a  country  whose  tonnage  bears  near  40,000 
seamen  &  66,000,000  of  exports  —  &  of  course  feeling  the 
greatness  &  immediate  readiness  of  resources  that  can  be  put 
into  array  if  the  worst  Should  come,  we  lay  upon  our  oars  till 
the  disposition  of  France  manifests  itself.  This  is  true  too. 
But  alas,  alas! 

"France  will  urge  us  away  the  terms  of  returning  grace 
and  favour  a  loan  of  ten  or  more  million  of  dollars.  Paine 
industriously  now  circulates  the  idea  that  the  clear  unreturned 
expence  of  France,  when  she  gave  us  our  Independence  I  I  was 
18,000,000  dolls.  —  &  that  it  is  as  little  as  we  can  do  to  lend 
her  as  much  at  present  —  i.  e.  —  give  her  as  much. 

"Daily  almost,  I  have  to  give  passports  to  our  citizens 
with  French  cockades:  Those  who  are  of  the  true  blue,  or 
have  a  special  passport  from  M.  Adet  —  or  a  letter  from  a 
member  of  the  Government  of  France  can  obtain  the  necessary 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHcnry  249 

indorsement  of  M.  Noel,  the  French  minister  here  —  those  who 
have  not  those  mysterious  recomendations  are  told  by  him, 
Sir,  the  arrete  of  the  Directory  renders  these  passports  from 
all  American  ministers,  nugatory  —  &  you  can  not  go  into 
France,  except  you  have  a  vessel  under  trial.  This  is  the  policy 
of  France  to  let  our  citizens  see  &  feel  the  importance  of  their 
own  government  —  that  as  mere  Americans  they  are  nothing 

—  &  something  only  if  Gallo- Americans !     Yet  in  the  U.  S. 
the  treaty,  which  the  french  violate  in  all  its  provisions,  is 
honourably  maintained  in  all  its  rights! 

' '  Sir,  the  day  is  past  —  &  the  Constitution,  from  the  best 
intelligence,  is  Kejected  by  a  large  majority.  I  really  do  pity 
these  good  people  —  to  be  asked  to  quit  the  desk  —  their  dykes 

—  their  strait  walks  —  their  calculations  about  stocks  &  their 
heavy  taxes  to  study  an  abstruse  volume  of  constitutional 
rights !     It  is  impossible. 

' '  About  Four  to  one  voted,  of  those  few  w'ho  would  vote, 
against  the  acceptation.  I  went  on  that  day  to  Rotterdam, 
passed  awhile  at  Delft,  &  returned  next  day  to  this  place  — 
all  was  still  &  apathic  (if  such  a  word  be!)  at  Delft,  out  of 
1500  votes,  1100  won  against  adoption.  Several  told  me  they 
would  not  vote,  because  they  did  not  understand  such  things 

—  others,  because  the  preliminary  Declaration  of  the  rights 
of  man  excluded  the  Prince  of  Orange  —  &  others,  because 
M.  Noel  had  recommended  it.     Pray  remember  me  to  Mr.  V. 
Polanen.     The  French  will  now  give  them  one  in  the  stile  of 
the  Italian  Caesar.     I  can  perceive  attempts  are  making  to 
obtain  M.  Noel's  recall.     He  is  too  good  a  man,  I  believe,  for 
the  dirty  work  expected  of  him  who  is  to  regenerate  a  people 
by  deception  &  gulling  or  fear  &  peace  —  though  he  can  do  a 
little  at  all  —  pray  send  the  inclosed  to  the  President  —  the 
News  papers.     Yours  always  most  affectionately  my  dear 

"friend 

During  this  time  McHenry  had  been  very  much  occupied. 
He  had  been  cheered  by  such  tokens  of  popular  approval  of 
the  administration,  as  Hindman  sent  him  from  Bellfield  on 
May  7. 

"I  did  not  receive  your  Letter  of  the  22d  ulto.  until  last 
Evening,  it  having  gone  to  an  Office  with  which  I  have  little 
Intercourse . 

"A  considerable  change  of  Sentiment  has  taken  Place 
here  towards  the  French,  I  wish  it  was  universal  throughout 


250  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

the  United  States,  as  I  believe  Them  to  be  a  perfidious  and 
abominable  Nation,  whose  Object  appears  to  be  to  lord  it  over 
the  rest  of  the  World,  I  should  be  much  gratified  to  hear  of 
their  being  thoroughly  drubbed,  as  it  might  possibly  bring 
them  to  a  Sense  of  Justice  &  Humanity.  Mr:  Pickering's 
Letter  &  Phocion,  if  generally  circulated,  would  do  immense 
Good  to  this  Country,  as  They  are  both  excellent  &  masterly 
performances  " 

A  month  after  Congress  met,  McHenry  was  disturbed  by 
a  fear  lest  Canada  should  be  yielded  by  England  to  France. 
In  that  case,  he  felt  that ' '  our  situation  would  become  extreme 
ly  critical.  She  will  not  let  us  alone,  even  if  she  fails  to  re 
ceive  Canada.  Her  internal  practices  upon  our  people  go 
on  as  usual  and  it  seems  to  be  the  determination  of  a  part  of 
Congress  to  do  nothing."  On  the  subject  of  our  foreign 
relations,  Carroll  of  Carrollton  wrote  McHenry  from  Dough- 
oregan  on  June  26 : 

"I  am  obliged  to  you  for  the  communication  in  your  let 
ter  of  the  loth  instant.  Poor  Spain,  how  art  thou  fallen !  Is 
it  possible  for  any  Americans  to  wish  to  place  their  country 
in  the  same  degraded  situation  &  miserable  dependence  on 
France?  A  war  with  that  power  should  be  avoided  by  every 
means  which  will  not  dishonour  ourselves.  I  detest  war,  and 
look  upon  it  as  the  greatest  calamity,  which  can  happen  to  a 
nation,  except  infamy  &  the  want  of  virtue :  a  too  passive  a 
conduct,  even  instead  of  averting,  may  court  hostilities. 

"Does  not  the  tranquillity  of  this  country  depend  on  a 
decided  superiority  at  sea  of  England  ?  If  on  a  general  peace^ 
France  should  establish  a  good  government,  her  attention  will 
be  turned  to  commerce  &  the  formation  of  a  powerful  marine ; 
liberated  from  public  debt  (I  consider  her  as  bankrupt)  she 
will,  in  this  respect,  have  a  great  advantage  over  her  rival; 
if  hard  conditions  of  peace  be  imposed  on  G.  B..  the  ill  hu 
mour  of  the  nation,  the  heavy  taxes,  the  irritation  &  discontent 
of  Ireland,  the  folly  and  profligacy  of  the  heir  apparent  will 
probably  occasion  some  great  revolution  in  those  islands,  an 
event  which  may  be  productive  of  the  most  serious  conse 
quences  to  our  country,  as  France  would  then  be  without  a 
rival  on  the  seas :  and  I  think  it  would  be  imprudent  to  rely 
on  her  moderation  & -justice.  I  am  anxiously  conjecturing 
what  measures  she  will  adopt  with  respect  to  us  on  a  peace 
with  England :  compensation  for  depredations  I  do  not  expect ; 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHenry  251 

this  would  be  admitting  she  has  acted  unjustly,  and  she  is  now 
too  proud  to  acknowledge  this  —  should  the  war  with  Eng 
land,  her  only  remaining  enemy,  be  continued,  may  we  not  ex 
pect  every  effort  will  be  made  by  the  Directory  to  cut  off  our 
commerce  with  that  nation  and  its  dependencies?  is  there  not 
great  danger  of  our  being  forced  to  become  a  party  in  the  war, 
and  will  the  most  extreme  passiveness  and  servility,  if  we  can 
bare  to  be  humbled  so  much,  exempt  us  from  declaring  in 
favor  of  the  one  power  or  the  other  ?  Time,  the  great  unf  old 
er  of  events,  will  clear  up  all  these  conjectures,  with  which  I 
will  no  longer  tire  you.  I  am  with  regard  &  respect 

"Dr-Sir 
"Yr  most  hum.  Servt. 

'  '  CH.  CARROLL  of  Carrollton.  '  ' 

Xaval  matters  were  still  under  McHenry  's  care.  The 
frigate  for  the  Dey  was  building  and  the  casting  of  the  guns 
and  the  purchase  of  colors  for  it  demanded  consideration. 
For  our  own  navy,  the  Constitution  and  the  Constellation  wrere 
under  construction,  1  the  work  on  the  last  vessel  being  super 
vised  by  Thomas  Truxtun  at  Baltimore.  As  these  were  the 
first  vessels  of  our  permanent  navy,  Truxtun  's  letters  to  Mc 
Henry  are  of  interest. 

He  wrote  from  Baltimore  on  the  3rd  of  March,  1797  : 

"Agreeable  to  your  desire,  I  have  now  the  honor  of  trans 
mitting  you  a  list,  of  such  officers  &  men  as  I  consider  neces 
sary  to  keep  employed  for  the  care  and  preservation  of  the 
frigate  now  building  near  this  city  ;  that  is  to  say,  after  she  is 
launched,  completed  and  the  master  carpenter  and  other  arti 
ficers,  &c,  are  discharged  and  the  ship  laid  up. 

'  '  If  the  Chinese  system  is  not  to  be  adopted,  in  the  United 
States,  and  the  people  of  our  towns  continue  their  commercial 
habits  of  trading  beyond  the  sea,  it  is  evident  that  whenever 
two  European  powers  are  at  war,  we  shall  always  be  subject 
to  insult  and  depredation  from  their  Public  and  private  ships 
of  war,  unless  we  have  a  Navy  to  defend  our  rights,  and  sup 
port  the  honor  and  dignity  of  our  flag  —  but  without  officers 
what  can  be  expected  from  a  Navy  :  the  ships  cannot  manuvre 
themselves  :  nor  will  the  best  of  soldiers  answer  as  substitutes 
for  seamen,  this  every  man  must  be  convinced  of,  that  reads 
the  numerous  accounts  of  British  &  French  engagements  at 


1  'See  McHenry's  reports  June  1<6  and  December  26,  in  State  Papers,. 
Naval  Affairs,  pp.  28  and  32. 


252  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

sea,  in  which  we  find  the  former  always  victorious,  not  be 
cause  they  are  a  braver  people,  but  on  account  of  their  know 
ing  their  duty  as  seamen  and  tacticians,  whereas  the  latter 
nation  is  but  little  acquainted  with  either  art. 

"Thus,  sir,  it  is  evident  that,  if  we  are  to  have  a  Navy, 
we  must  make  officers  to  manage  that  Navy  and  this  can  only 
be  done  by  employing  a  few  ships  of  war,  in  cruising  about  in 
times  of  peace  &  guarding  the  revenue  &c.,  for  in  a  very  few 
years  more  there  will  scarcely  be  an  officer  fit  for  service  to 
be  found,  who  acquired  any  practical  knowledge,  during  our 
Revolution,  and  to  introduce  foreigners  into  our  Navy  would 
appear  to  me  a  very  dangerous  policy. 

' '  For  the  above  reasons,  I  should  be  glad  to  see  active  and 
respectable  men  appointed  as  lieutenants  and  midshipmen,  in 
order  that  they  might  be  brought  on  to  learn  the  art  of  marine 
science  and  to  supply  the  place  of  those,  who  in  a  few  years 
will  be  incapable  of  this  sort  of  service:  But  knowing  the 
pusillanimity  of  Congress,  and  supposing  the  Executive  will 
let  the  business  in  question  remain  in  Statu  quo,  untill  the 
next  session,  I  have  only  made  out  a  list  of  such  officers,  as  are 
necessary  to  take  care  of  the  ship,  stores,  and  other  public 
property  within  the  Yard. 

"It  is  always  considered  that  even  small  merchant  ships, 
suffer  more  from  being  laid  up  in  port,  tho'  under  the  eye  of 
the  owner,  than  when  in  actual  service,  and  I  am  convinced  the 
fact  is  so,  since  the  necessity  of  having  proper  people  to  take 
care  of  these  ships  when  afloat  is  very  obvious. 

"This  frigate,  while  laying  in  ordinary,  will  be  moored 
at  the  end  of  the  wharf  where  she  is  now  building  (with  two 
anchors  out)  near  to  which  are  all  the  magazines  of  stores, 
containing  the  articles  of  equipment,  which  are  under  care  of 
the  clerk,  and  should  in  my  opinion  continue  so,  as  he  appears 
to  me  a  faithfull,  honest,  diligent,  sober,  and  carefull  young 
man.  If  the  arrangement  I  here  offer,  meets  with  your  ap 
probation,  I  will,  as  soon  as  the  frigate  is  launched,  order  the 
Clerk  and  Petty  Officers  and  men  to  be  employed  to  take  up 
their  abode,  lodge,  and  keep  watch  on  board,  and,  by  that 
means,  they  can  guard  the  store  houses  and  all  the  other  public 
property  within  the  yard,  as  well  as  the  ship.  But  while  every 
thing  that  respects  the  frigate  is  now  in  motion,  it  will  cer 
tainly  be  most  economical  to  completely  finish  them,  and  pro 
vide  every  necessary  article  requisite  for  their  equipment, 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHenry  253 

except  provisions,  in  order  that  they  may  be  ready  for  any 
emergency. 

"When  the  contract  was  made  with  Stodder  for  his 
grounds,  that  are  now  enclosed  as  a  public  yard,  and  on  which 
are  several  buildings  for  the  accommodation  of  the  materials, 
it  was  agreed  to  pay  him  for  the  said  lot  now  enclosed,  a  rent 
of  four  hundred  dollars  per  annum,  during  the  pleasure  of 
the  Government.  I  have,  therefore,  made  a  calculation  of 
the  probable  expense,  that  will  attend  this  ship,  while  laying 
in  Ordinary,  including  the  said  rent. 

"Rent  of  Navy  Yard  per  annum $400 

"One  Captain  75  D  per  Mo.  &  six  rations  per  day.  .   1338 

' '  One  clerk  to  attend  the  yard  and  ship 600 

"One  Boatswain  per  month  to 
find  himself..  ..$30 


"One  carpenter  ditto  ditto...   30 


per  annum       1680 


'  One  cook  ditto  ditto  ...  20 

"Three  seamen  eachat$20ditto  60^ 

"Paints,  oil,  brushes,  brooms,  buck 
ets,  wind  sails  moorings,  junk  & 
sundries  "  "  "  982 


"Dollars        5000 

"Altho'  I  have  contemplated  that  the  persons  employed 
to  attend,  watch  and  take  care  of  the  ship  while  in  Ordinary 
should  5nd  themselves  provisions  &c.  a  cook  will  be  necessary 
to  dress  their  victuals  on  board,  and  such  a  person  may  also 
be  useful,  in  aiding  the  others  in  doing  the  various  duties  of 
the  ship :  otherwise  four  seamen  would  be  necessary  instead  of 
three,  which  amounts  to  the  same  thing. 

"The  expense  here  stated  will  perhaps  appear  high  to 
you,  but  unless  proper  people  are  employed,  there  will  always 
be  a  waste  and  plunder  of  the  public  property,  and  I  know 
of  no  way  of  lessening  this  expence,  but  by  assembling  the 
ships  after  they  are  built  at  one  place,  and  then  it  might  be 
curtailed  very  considerably  from  the  aforegoing  calculation, 
&  many  other  savings  made  to  the  United  States. 

"In  my  report  to  you  in  December  last,  I  stated  that,  if 
the  winter  was  not  unfavourable  to  us,  that  this  frigate  would 
be  launched  in  May  ensuing,  but,  as  two  months  has  been  lost, 
owing  to  the  severity  of  the  weather,  she  cannot  well  be  put 
afloat  before  July,  unless  some  extraordinary  efforts  are  made, 


254  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

and  the  workmen  augmented.  Therefore,  if  you  will  be  pleas 
ed  to  refer  to  my  said  report  and  add ;  that  the  bottom  is  now 
all  planked  except  two  Streaks :  the  upper  works  the  same  all 
but  two  Streaks;  the  orlop  and  lower  deck  beams  all  in  and 
mostly  knee'd  &  the  other  deck  beams  ready.  You  will  then 
be  completely  master  of  the  true  state  of  this  frigate :  Stodder, 
however,  will  send  you  a  report  by  Monday's  mail,  agreeable 
to  your  request.  I  have  the  honor  to  be  very  respectfully 
your  obedient  &  humble  servant 

"THOMAS  TRUXTUN" 

Truxtun  wrote  again  from  Baltimore  on  the  20th  of  May, 
1798: 

' '  Under  a  blank  cover,  but  I  presume  forwarded  by  your 
order  for  my  perusal,  the  last  mail  brought  me  your  letter  and 
documents,  addressed  to  Mr  Livingston,  Chairman  of  the 
Committee  appointed  by  the  house  of  representatives  to  in 
quire  into  the  expenditure  of  the  Naval  Appropriations,  and 
published  by  order  of  that  house.  Altho '  the  cost  of  three  fri 
gates  taken  separately,  was  not  ascertained  when  these  papers 
were  published,  nor  perhaps  very  accurately  estimated,  on 
account  of  the  manner  in  which  the  business  has  been  trans 
acted  by  so  many  persons  concerned  in  the  arrangements  &c : 
I  very  long  since  anticipated,  that  the  one  built  here,  would 
cost  an  immense  sum  of  money,  previous  to  any  step  being 
taken,  towards  making  preparations  for  laying  the  keel  of  the 
constitution,  I  stated  to  General  Knox  that  it  was  my  opinion, 
none  of  the  ships  contemplated  by  the  Act  of  1794  for  provid 
ing  an  Naval  Armament,  ought  to  be  built  to  the  southward 
of  Philadelphia,  and,  in  giving  that  opinion,  I  considered  the 
interest  of  the  United  States  alone,  without  any  local  consid 
eration  whatever.  The  Secy,  received  my  communication 
with  politeness  &  thanked  me  for  my  attention,  observing  at 
the  same  time  that  tho'he  himself  was  not  conversant  in  Marine 
affairs,  he  was  under  a  belief  that  the  ships  built  to  the  south 
ward,  would  cost-  25  prct  more  than  the  others,  but  that  the 
President  was  willing  to  make  experiment,  in  order  to  ascer 
tain  where  they  could  in  fact  be  built  and  equipt  on  the  most 
favourable  terms,  and  that  another  object  with  him  was,  in 
point  of  policy,  to  harmonize  and  distribute  the  money  to  be 
spent  in  the  opperation-  more  generally  through  out  the  Union. 
On  these  observations,  it  was  not  for  me  to  reply,  but,  in  short 
time  after  I  came  here,  I  was  more  than  ever  confirmed  in  my 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHenry  255 

opinion,  of  the  ineligibility  of  this  place,  and  regretted  that 
it  fell  to  my  lot  to  be  fixed  here.  I  found  no  choice  of  arti 
ficers,  labourers  scarce  and  indolent,  every  article  higher  in 
point  of  price  than  in  the  other  parts  of  the  United  States  N. 
E.  of  this,  where  yards  were  preparing  —  that  part  of  the  city 
called  Fells  Point,  in  point  of  imposition  a  second  Wapping. 
The  master  builder  determined  to  make  the  most  of  the  job, 
as  he  early  declared  he  would  never  build  another  vessel,  af 
ter  completing  the  frigate.  Thus  circumstanced  I  became 
early  disgusted  with  almost  every  one  engaged  in  the  business 
in  this  quarter,  and  wrote  your  predecessors  and  self  with 
candor,  from  the  commencement  of  the  business,  up  to  this 
time  stating  every  thing  as  it  really  was,  and  to  Mr.  Pickering. 
I  proposed,  at  an  early  period,  an  alteration  in  the  powers 
vested  in  the  parties  concerned  in  building  this  vessel,  and 
have  his  answer  now  before  me;  he  declined  to  acquiesce,  on 
the  principle  of  not  altering  the  original  arrangement  of  Genl. 
Knox,  as  I  understood  him  afterwards ;  which  perhaps,  in  the 
then  state  of  things,  he  was  prudent  in  adhereing  to. 

"It  would  be  of  no  sort  of  use  for  me  to  dwell  long  on 
this  subject,  or  to  write  a  lengthy  epistle.  I  will  only  say,  I 
have  by  a  decided  conduct,  and  independent  spirit,  saved 
thousands  to  the  United  States  here,  and  I  thank  God  I  have 
never  touched  a  shilling  of  the  publick  money  or  derived  any 
advantage  from  the  building  of  this  ship  ;  but  have  made  great 
sacrifices  of  my  time  &  have  spent  much  money  in  attending 
four  years  now  within  a  few  weeks  on  her ;  not  as  a  command 
er  only,  but  as  a  director  to  the  arrangements  for  the  Carpen 
ter,  Bigger,  Joiner,  and  every  other  tradesmen,  for  they  were 
alike  ignorant  of  such  business ;  tho '  otherwise  good  workmen. 

' '  The  agent,  however,  he  or  his  brother,  or  others  of  their 
friends  may  suppose,  I  have  often  stept  out  of  my  line  or  was 
unauthorised  in  giving  my  opinion  in  matters  of  accounts,  as 
decidedly  as  I  have  done :  I  have,  notwithstanding,  never  hes 
itated  to  talk  to  him  in  plain  terms,  when  I  discovered  an  in 
difference,  as  I  thought,  in  checking,  writh  promptness,  the 
evident  impositions  of  most  or  all  of  the  tradesmen.  Many 
charges  exhibited  I  have  often  told  him  he  ought  not  to  admit, 
in  some  instances,  he  may  have  taken  my  advice,  in  others,  I 
believe  he  has  not,  for,  as  I  do  not  see  his  books,  I  do  not  know, 
and,  if  he  has  not,  I  cannot  help  it :  but  however  unqualified 
Sterett  may  be  from  his  age,  easy  temper,  and  inexperience, 
I  am  under  a  firm  belief  that  he  is  a  very  upright,  honest 


256  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

young  man  —  as  I  have  constantly  stated  every  thing  of  mo 
ment,  respecting  this  frigate  and  her  materials  &  the  expense 
of  building  and  equipping  her,  I  must  beg  leave  once  and  for 
the  last  time  in  all  probability  to  inform  you  —  that  the 
great  quantity  of  materials  in  this  yard  I  fear  will  be  totally 
ruined,  if  left  exposed  to  the  sun  &  if  they  are  moved,  the 
expense  will  be  enormous,  in  fact,  Sir,  the  salary  of  Mr. 
Cole,  and  the  rent  of  Stodder's  yard,  with  what  will  be  stolen 
in  the  course  of  a  year  or  two,  will  leave  little  for  the  United 
States  to  calculate  on  receiving  thereafter,  and  again,  if  in 
the  final  settlement  of  Mr.  Stodder's  account  with  the  agent, 
care  is  not  taken  by  proper  precaution  and  advice  to  Mr. 
Sterett,  charges  will  be  admitted  that  ought  not  to  be,  and 
credits  omitted  that  ought  to  be  given,  through  the  manage 
ment  of  Stodder  and  the  easy  disposition  of  the  other. 

"Stodder  owes  the  United  States  for  iron,  nails  and  he 
now  demands  £50  for  the  use  of  an  old  Smith's  shop,  which 
he  told  me  at  the  time  we  first  made  use  of  it,  in  the  presence 
of  the  clerk  and  others,  that  the  United  States  was  welcome  to 
occupy  it  without  any  charge  whatever.  The  salary  of  Stod 
der,  I  suppose,  was  only  continued,  one  quarter  after  the 
first  of  Jany.  last,  as  we  have  not  employed  him  more  than 
that  time.  I  mention  these  circumstances  merely  for  your 
information,  and  more  particularly  as  the  business  to  Stod 
der,  has  not  been  of  that  nature,  that  he  ought  to  receive 
further  compensation. 

"Altho'  this  is  a  very  improper  place  for  building  large 
vessels,  the  Chesapeake  turns  out  the  finest  shaped  and  fastest 
small  vessels  built  in  America. 

"Since  my  last  I  have  sent  down  twenty  men,  and  leave 
this  tomorrow  for  the  ship  myself. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be  sir  with  great  respect, 
"Your  very  obt.  h.  S.  in  haste. 

"THOMAS  TRUXTUN" 

On  June  3  and  6,  1797,  McHenry  recommended  con 
gress  1  to  appropriate  $2,000,000  for  fortifications  and  $23,- 
400  for  repairs,  etc.  Forts  were  to  be  built  at  New  York,  Phil 
adelphia,  Norfolk,  Savannah,  and  in  North  and  South  Caro 
lina.  McHenry  was  discouraged  at  the  outlook  in  French 
relations  and  wrote  Washington  on  July  9:  "It  would  seem 

1  State  Papers,  Military  Affairs,  i,  118. 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHenry  257 

as  if  nothing,  short  of  a  dismemberment  of  the  Union  and 
having  a  part  of  it  under  French  protection,  would  satisfy 
the  directory.  After  gaining  this  point,  at  which  I  am  sure 
they  aim,  France  will  then  play  for  the  whole." 

In  answering  the  letter,  "Washington  asked  McHenry  to 
have  the  articles  left  by  him  in  Philadelphia  packed  for  for 
warding  to  him,  except  the  three  two  bottle  wine  coolers,  one 
of  which  he  wished  given  to  McHenry,  one  to  Pickering,  and 
one  to  Wolcott,  "  as  a  token  of  my  friendship  and  as  a  remem- 
berance  of  it."1  McHenry 's  cooler  is  still  possessed  by  his 
descendants.  Yellow  fever  broke  out  at  Philadelphia  in  the 
summer  and,  on  August  19,  McHenry  wTrote  Wolcott, 2  who 
had  gone  home  to  nurse  his  sick  father,  that  he  has  sent  to 
provide  a  retreat  for  his  family  forty  miles  away  on  the  Lan 
caster  Road,  but  hopes  "there  will  be  no  occasion  to  use  it." 
As  the  fever  increased,  he  did  remove  to  near  Downingstown, 
whither  "Wolcott  wrote  him  from  Philadelphia  on  September 
11: 

"My  Dear  Sir 

"I  reed,  your  oblidging  favour  of  Aug.  19th.  which  gave 
me  the  first  information  that  a  serious  state  of  things  existed 
in  the  city  —  it  gives  me  pleasure  to  find  that  yourself  and 
family  have  removed ;  I  hope  you  have  found  a  dry  &  healthy 
situation ;  —  here  I  imagine  we  are  exposed  to  the  fever  & 
ague.  The  yellow  fever,  or  the  Doctors,  or  both  together, 
have  killed  poor  Lewis,  your  messenger,  and  I  am  entreated 
by  a  worthy  old  man,  Mr.  Borrows,  the  messenger  to  the 
Comptroller's  office  to  recommend  a  relation  of  his,  William 
Markworth,  who  lives  nine  or  ten  miles  from  the  City  —  Bor 
rows  is  one  of  the  most  exemplary  men  of  my  acquaintance 
&  he  speaks  of  Markworth  in  decided  terms  as  an  honest, 
sober,  &  diligent  man.  I  could  not  &  ought  not  to  refuse 
conveying  his  wishes  to  you,  though  I  have  been  careful'not 
to  raise  his  expectations. 

"My  friend,  I  have  not  been  here  a  week,  &  yet  I  have 
found  out  that  living  alone,  in  a  small  room  in  a  tavern, 
with  the  prospect  of  a  crooked  river  running  through  a  marsh, 
&  occupied  alternately  \vith  some  dull  job  of  business  or  con 
versation  respecting  the  distresses  of  a  great  city,  is  far  from 

1  Ford,   xiii,   413,   Lear's  "Letters  and   Recollections  of  "Washington," 
222. 

2  Gibbs,  i,   559. 


258  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

being  in  a  state  of  perfect  happiness.  The  contrast  between 
my  present  situation  and  that  which  I  have  lately  left  is  most 
impressive.  I  have  been  lately  too  happy;  —  it  is  just  that 
I  should  experience  some  reverse. 

"Please  to  present  my  respects  to  Mrs.  McHenry  &  be 
lieve  me  your  assured  friend 

"OLIV.  WOLCOTT" 

McHenry  himself  fell  ill  in  September  and,  while  con 
valescing,  wrote  Wolcott 1  on  September  22 :  "  The  bilious 
fever,  with  which  I  have  been  attacked 2  has  left  me  weak 
and  subject  to  feverish  returns  that  affect  both  my  sleep  and 
my  spirits.  I  flatter  myself,  however,  that  a  little  care  and 
time  will  enable  me  to  enjoy  the  beauties  of  this  part  of  the 
country;  which  are  far  more  numerous  and  interesting  than 
the  dull,  damp,  sedgy,  serpentine,  sorrowful  river,  whose  banks 
have  become  your  residence." 

From  this  country  retreat,  McHenry  wrote 3  Wolcott 
again  on  October  2,  "I  am  kept  too  busy  to  get  well,"  and 
on  the  4th,  Wolcott  suggested  that  the  president  would  do 
well  to  invite  congress  to  consider  the  same  measures  as  were 
introduced  at  the  last  session.  McHenry  agreed  to  this  pro 
position  4  and,  on  the  16th,  Wolcott  wrrote  Adams  that  both 
McHenry  and  Lee  had  favored  a  continuance  of  the  former 
recommendations  and  that  he  hoped  the  president  and  secre 
taries  may  all  meet  together  before  congress  convenes. 

Adams,  meanwhile,  had  started  towards  Philadelphia, 
and  wrote  McHenry  from  East  Chester,  twenty  miles  from 
New  York,  on  October  15: 

"  Dear  Sir 

"I  arrived,  with  my  Family  at  this  Place  four  days  ago 
and  propose  to  remain  here  and  at  New  York,  till  the  Meeting 
of  Congress.  Letters  addressed  to  me,  to  the  Care  of  Charles 
Adams  Esq.,  Counseller  at  Law  in  New  York,  will  soon  find 
me. 

"I  pray  you  to  commit  to  writing  Such  Things  as  you 
judge  necessary  to  be  communicated  or  recommended  to  Con- 

1  Gibbs,  i,  563. 

2  One   of   his  sons   fell  and  injured  himself  and  Washington  inquired 
after  the  health  of  bothT  in  a  letter  sent   McHenry  on   October   16,    1797. 
Lear's  "Letters  and  Recollections  of  Washington,"  242. 

3  Gibbs,  i,  565,   566. 

4  Gibbs,  i,  567,  568. 


1 797  - 1 798]  of  James  Me  Henry  259 

gress  at  the  opening  of  the  Session,  and  convey  them  to  me, 
as  early  as  possible  —  And  to  give  me  your  Opinion,  whether 
the  Prevalent  Sickness  in  Philadelphia,  is  so  dangerous  to 
the  Lives  or  health  of  the  Members  as  to  make  it  necessary 
to  convene  them  at  any  other  Place. 

"With  great  regard  I  am  Dear  Sir 
"Your  most  obedient 
"JOHN  ADAMS." 

McHenry  promptly  wrote  Adams  and  received  a  reply 
dated  from  East  Chester  on  October  27 : 

"Dear  Sir 

' '  I  last  night  received  your  favour  of  the  22nd  and  thank 
you  for  your  Sentiments,  with  which  in  general  I  very  well 
agree. 

' '  At  the  Same  time  I  reed  your  other  Letter  of  the  Same 
Date  with  its  Inclosures,  all  of  which  I  return  to  you  with 
this.  I  thank  you  Sir  for  your  indefatigable  attention  to  all 
these  subjects.  The  Letters  and  Instructions  to  the  officers, 
especially  to  General  Wilkinson,  appear  to  me  to  be  all  well 
weighed,  and  judiciously  decided. 

' '  I  shall  observe  to  put  my  name,  on  my  Letters  in  future, 
as  you  desire.  Mr.  Malcom  omitted  it  by  mistake,  on  one 
instance  only,  I  believe. 

"My  Servants  are  returned  to  Philadelphia  and  found 
the  House  in  Order,  notwithstanding  two  unsuccessful  attacks 
upon  it. 

"I,  Am,  Dear  Sir  your  humble  servant 
"JOHN  ADAMS/' 

The  reference  to  Wilkinson  carries  us  to  the  West,  whose 
affairs  had  pressed  themselves  on  McHenry 's  attention  for 
some  time. 

As  early  as  April  3,  James  Ross,  the  Federal  leader  in 
western  Pennsylvania,  had  written  from  Pittsburg: 

"Dear  Sir 

"Genl.  Gibson  is  summoned  to  Attend  the  Federal  Court 
as  a  Witness,  probably  you  will  be  making  Indian  Arrange 
ments  this  Spring.  If  so,  you  will  find  Genl.  Gibson  well 
informed  and  Useful  in  that  department.  It  was  always  my 
opinion  that  Congress  was  Starving  the  business  &  should 
the  French  set  on  foot  any  of  their  projects  in  our  Western 


260  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

frontier,  the  Indians  must  infallibly  Attach  themselves  to 
their  old  Allies,  as  we  have  neither  force,  presents,  agents, 
government,  nor  any  thing  else  to  prevent  it.  If  this  gen 
tleman  should  be  invested  with  any  Commission  of  the  de 
scription  which  has  heretofore  been  contemplated,  I  am  per 
suaded  you  will  find  his  industry,  &  Fidelity  equal  to  that 
of  any  of  your  officers  &  much  more  than  equal  to  any  Com 
pensation  which  you  can  Allow  him  by  law.  I  have  told 
him,  however,  that  it  is  questionable  whether  the  business  can 
assume  any  shape  or  go  into  operation  this  summer  &  that 
he  can  only  know  from  yourself  how  it  will  progress. ' ' 

Thomas  Pinckney  had  made  a  treaty  with  Spain  in  1796 
in  order  to  ascertain  the  boundary  between  the  United  States, 
Florida  and  Louisiana  and  to  accomplish  Spain's  relinquish- 
ment  of  her  forts  within  our  territory.  There  was  ground  to 
suspect  that  Carondelet  and  the  Spanish  administration  were 
having  secret  communication  with  the  Cherokees.  A  letter 
from  Carondelet  to  one  of  the  chiefs  1  was  sent  McHenry  from 
Tennessee  in  June.  On  June  10,  Pickering  2  wrote  McHenry 

1  New  Orleans  the  2nd  April    1797. 

My  dear  son  &  friend, 

The  warrior  Broom  delivered  to  me  your  esteemed  letter  of  26th 
September  of  the  last  year,  I  took  him  by  the '  hand,  &  ordered  to  give 
him  &  his  young  follower  a  little  present,  sending  them  by  the  Movila 
on  account  of  the  war  we  are  carrying  on  with  the  English.  The  same 
reason  prevents  me  to  let  your  son  go  now ;  it  is  better  for  him  to  be 
acquainted  with  the  Spanish  &  French  &  then  he  will  be  useful  to  your 
nation  &  to  us.  We  are  to  make  our  dispositions  for  running  the  boun 
dary  line  between  our  territory  &  that  of  the  United  States. 

The  love  I  profess  to  you  induces  me  to  give  you  the  advice  of  fol 
lowing  the  example  of  those  of  your  nation,  who  consulting  their  security 
put  themselves  under  the  protection  of  the  Spanish  nation  between  Ar- 
kansaw  &  New  Madrid. 

1  remain  always  with  friendship  and  esteem  for  you  &  your  nation 

Tour  beloved  father 

THE  BARON  OF  CARONDELET. 

2  Pickering's    personal   relations    to    McHenry   are   clearly   seen   from 
the   following  letter  written   this   summer. 

"Trenton   Sept.   12,   1797. 
"Dr    Sir 

"I   duly   received  your   letter  of   the  mentioning   Mr.    John 

Caldwell  for  the  office  of  Treasurer  of  the  mint ;  and  altho'  you  referred 
to  me  to  say  what  appeared  proper  concerning  him,  I  chose  to  forward 
your  letter  to  the  President,  to  the  contents  of  which  I  with  pleasure 
subscribed.  The  only  circumstance  that  would  excite  any  hesitation  as 
to  the  fitness  of  the  appointment  was  his  near  connection  with  the  Sec 
retary  of  War,  which  might  give  rise  to  disagreeable  remarks  among 
the  enemies  of  the  Government,  to  excite  the  disapprobation  of  its 
friends.  This  circumstance  a  sense  of  duty  led  me  to  intimate  for  the 
President's  consideration.  But  I  had  better  give  you  all  that  I  wrote 
concerning  Mr.  Caldwell.  It  here  follows. 

"  'Altho'  Mr.  McHenry,  on  account  of  his  connection  with  Mr.  John 
Oaldwell  (the  brother  of  Mrs.  McHenry)  did  not  think  it  proper  directly 
to  me  to  say  what  appeared  proper  concerning  him,  I  chose  to  forward 
to  make  known  his  wishes  to  you,  yet  all  that  he  has  written  in  his 
letter  to  me  appears  so  correct,  I  thought  it  best  to  inclose  it.  Mr. 
Caldwell  is  by  profession  a  lawyer :  yet  having  some  fortune  he  has  very 
little  engaged  in  practice.  I  have  known  him  these  ten  years.  He  is  a 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHenry  261 

that  D'Yrujo,  the  Spanish  minister,  complained  that  Elli- 
cott,  the  United  States  commissioner,  was  unsatisfactory  to 
Carondelet  and  Gayoso,  and  asks  that  he  be  confined  to  run 
ning  the  boundary  and  that  a  discreet,  cool,  and  prudent 
officer  be  appointed  to  command  the  American  troops  who 
may  find  quarters  at  Natchez,  even  if  Spain  does  not  at  once 
evacuate  that  post.  The  Spaniards  do  not  intend  to  resist 
our  claim  to  possession  and  Carondelet  has  written  to  Spain 
to  Godoy,  the  prince  of  peace,  as  to  the  demolition  of  the 
forts. 

The  commissioners  for  running  the  line  between  the  Cher 
okee  country  and  that  open  to  settlement  by  the  whites  were 
at  Dividing  Ridge,  between  the  waters  of  Cumberland  and 
Duck  rivers  on  June  4,  whence  Silas  Dinsmoor,  who  was  in 
attendance  on  them,  wrote  McHenry,  expressing  his  distrust 
of  the  frontiersmen  and  of  Governor  Sevier  and  telling  of  the 
relations  with  Indians : 

"I  was  yesterday  favored  with  your  letter  of  the  20th 
of  April  enclosing  a  copy,  of  the  same  date,  to  Governor 
Sevier.  The  occasion  of  my  being  at  Jellico,  at  the  date  of 
my  letter,  which  you  acknowledge,  was  not  on  account  of  the 
danger  of  being  in  a  more  interior  position,  for,  however 
deceitful  the  Indians  may  be  represented  to  be,  allowing  the 
representation  to  be  true,  I  shall  still  consider  myself  more 
safe  in  the  interior  of  the  Indian  country  than  on  the  fron 
tier  of  our  own  in  the  time  of  disturbance.  I  was  at  that 
time  making  arrangements  for  effecting  the  President's  plan 
of  civilization,  notwithstanding  the  disagreeable  aspect  of  af 
fairs,  by  procuring  looms,  wheels,  ploughs,  &c.  &c.  a  man 
&  woman  to  go  into  the  country  to  shew  the  Indians  how  to 
use  them.  Thus  far  I  have  succeeded.  I  have  sanguine 
hopes  that  the  wishes  of  government  will,  eventually,  be  an- 

sensible,  well-informed  man,  a  decided  federalist  and  supporter  of  our 
government,  with  a  fair  moral  character.  He  has  an  increasing  family. 
But  with  entire  fitness  for  the  office,  perhaps  the  expediency  of  appoint 
ing  the  brother-in-law  of  the  Secretary  of  War  may  merit  consideration.' 

"All  this  I  hope  will  meet  with  your  approbation,  which  the  confi 
dence  and  candour  that  ought  to  subsist  between  us  have  induced  me 
frankly  to  lay  before  you. 

"There  are  many  other  candidates,  some  of  whom  have  revolutionary 
merit,  for  their  service  in  the  American  war.  I  forward  all  their  appli 
cations  to  the  President,  accompanied  with  remarks,  where  I  have  knowl 
edge  of  the  characters. 

"My  family  is  comfortably  situated  in  this  place.  "We  moved  in  good 
time  to  save  ourselves  from  the  risk  of  the  Philadelphia  fever. 

"The  President  highly  approves  the  letter  to  Yrujo.  I  ordered  Mr. 
Fenno  to  send  you  30  copies,  agreeably  to  your  request. 

"Truly  yours 

"T.  PICKERING." 


262  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

swered,  &  it  shall  be  my  care  to  deserve  success.  1  see  by 
your  enclosure  what  you  expect  from  Governor  Sevier.  I 
most  sincerely  pray,  that  your  expectations  may  be  realized 
&  that  mine  may  be  happily  disappointed. 

' '  The  early  arrival  and  firm  conduct  of  the  commissioners 
for  running  the  Cherokee  line  have  afforded  a  curious  sub 
ject  of  speculation  among  the  half  wise  politicians  of  this 
country,  in  which  they  have  admitted  the  usual  proportion  of 
calumny. ' ' 

Shortly  afterwards  charges  1  were  made  against  William 
Blount,  United  States  senator  from  Tennessee,  who  was  ex 
pelled  from  the  senate  as  a  result.  He  seems  to  have 
expected  to  induce  the  Cherokees  and  Creeks  to  make  an  inva 
sion  of  Spanish  territory  under  British  auspices.  The  Span 
ish  minister  used  these  revelations  to  justify  the  delay  in 
surrendering  their  posts,  by  the  fear  of  British  designs. 

Of  the  charges  against  Blount,  Washington  wrote  Mc- 
Henry 2  on  July  7.  If  the  letter  from  Blount  to  James 
Carey,  the  Cherokee  interpreter,  which  was  intercepted,  "is 
a  genuine  one"  and  Blount 's  "handwriting  is  not  easily  mis 
taken  or  counterfeited  I  hope  that  the  author  will  receive  all 
the  punishment  which  the  Constitution  and  Laws  of  this  coun 
try  can  inflict  and,  thereafter,  be  held  in  detestation  by  all 
good  men.  To  seek  private  emolument  at  the  expense  of  pub 
lic  peace  —  perhaps  at  the  expense  of  many  innocent  lives 
and  to  aim  a  stroke  at  the  reputation  of  a  virtuous  character, 
hazarding  his  health  —  probably  life  —  to  promote  tranquility 
between  the  Indians  and  our  frontier  inhabitants;  by  de 
stroying  his  influence  and  well  earned  good  name  among  the 
former,  to  render  him  incapable  of  serving  his  country  and 
this,  forsooth,  because  he  may  be  a  stumbling  block  in  the 
way  of  a  plan  which  he  has  in  contemplation,  is  a  crime  of 
so  deep  a  dye  as  no  epithet  can  convey  an  adequate  idea  of 
to  my  mind."  On  August  14,  Washington  wrote  again  :  "It 
will  be  to  be  regretted  much  if  this  business  is  not  probed  to 
the  bottom."3 

All  sorts  of  rumors  flitted  about,  as  is  shown  by  reports 
made  by  William  H.  Harrison,  later  to  be  president  of  the  Uni 
ted  States,  but  now  a  lieutenant  in  the  first  regiment.  He 

1  McHenry  wrote  of  them  to  Washington  on  July  3  and  9. 

2  Ford,    xiii,    400.     See    Report   of   .the    Committee    of    the    House    of 
Representatives  appointed  to  prepare  articles  of  impeachment  against  Wm. 
Blount,   and  Am.    Hist.   Rev.,  x,    595. 

3 'Ford,  xiii,  413. 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHenry  263 

wrote  from  Fort  Washington  on  May  22,  1797,  reporting 
"that  a  certain  person  of  the  name  of  Hamilton,  who  is  said 
to  have  a  major's  commission  in  the  service  of  Spain,  arrived 
in  the  town  of  Cincinnati  some  time  in  the  month  of  Janu 
ary  last,  and  has  remained,  (excepting  a  short  absence  of  a 
few  weeks,)  ever  since.  His  avowed  object  is  to  prevail  on 
the  citizens  of  this  territory  to  become  settlers  in  the  Spanish 
country  west  of  the  Mississippi,  offering  to  adventurers  dona 
tions  of  land  and  other  inducements.  Hamilton  was  born  in 
New  Jersey,  and  was  some  time  a  merchant  in  New  York, 
from  whence,  after  being  tried  for  a  forgery,  he  emigrated 
to  Dumfries,  in  Virginia,  where  he  resided  until  about  a 
year  ago;  for  a  few  months  previous  to  his  arrival  here,  he 
was  in  Kentucky,  where,  I  believe,  he  obtained  authority  to 
offer  lands  on  the  Mississippi  to  such  persons  as  were  inclin 
able  to  transfer  their  allegiance  from  the  United  States  to  His 
Catholic  Majesty.  Many  families  have  emigrated,  and  many 
more  are  preparing  to  go  the  ensuing  fall  from  this  country, 
in  consequence  of  the  liberal  offers  made  them  by  the  Spanish 
agents.  Hamilton  has  avowed  himself  a  Spanish  subject  to 
several  persons  in  this  towrn,  but  I  do  not  believe  that  he  has 
any  commission  in  their  service ;  but  is,  I  imagine,  authorized 
by  the  Spanish  consul  or  some  other  agent  in  Kentucky  to 
grant  lands  to  persons  who  wish  to  emigrate  to  Louisiana.  I 
shall  use  every  exertion  to  get  information  of  the  views  of 
this  man  and  every  other  suspicious  character  who  may  come 
within  my  reach." 

On  August  13th,  1797,  Harrison  wrote  again : 

"Sir 

"I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  recept  of  your 
letter  of  the  17th.  Ultimo.  Since  my  last  report  on  the  sub 
ject  of  suspicious  persons  passing  through  this  country,  I 
have  until  now  met  with  nothing  worthy  of  communication. 
A  few  days  ago,  a  Mr  Manuel  de  Lesa,  a  merchant  of  New 
Orleans,  arrived  in  company  with  Mr  Knox,  a  person  who  is 
charged  with  dispatches  from  the  Department  of  State  to  our 
Commissioner,  Mr  Ellicot.  Mr  Knox  informed  me  that  de 
Lesa  came  with  him  from  Philada.  &  was  to  accompany  him 
to  the  falls  of  Ohio  &  from  there  he  intended  to  go  to  Post 
Vincennes  where  he  has  a  store.  De  Lesa  was  here  but  one 
night  &  I  believe  had  no  communication  with  the  Inhabitants. 


264  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

Hamilton,  the  person  mentioned  in  my  last  Report,  is  still 
in  the  neighborhood  &  follows  the  occupation  of  a  Dentist. 
I  do  not  find  that  he  has  of  late  done  any  thing* to  confirm 
the  suspicions  I  had  at  first  formed  of  him  -  -  he  is  a  man 
of  desperate  fortune  &,  I  imagine,  it  would  not  be  difficult 
to  employ  him  in  any  villanous  scheme  which  would  tend  to 
better  his  circumstances. 

"Whilst  I  am  on  the  subject  of  suspicious  characters  I 
shall  take  the  liberty  of  mentioning  to  you  some  circum 
stances  relating  to  Mr  David  Jones,  late  chaplain  to  the  Army. 
this  man  I  know  to  be  as  just  a  promoter  of  Sedition  as  the 
world  can  produce.  He  has  lately  made  a  tour  through  Ken 
tucky  &  passed  this  a  few  days  ago.  I  endeavoured  to  dis 
cover  from  him  the  motive  of  his  journey  but  all  that  I  could 
get  from  him  was  that  he  descended  the  Ohio  for  the  purpose 
of  taking  up  with  him  a  mare  which  he  had  bought  when  he 
was  last  in  this  country  —  it  appeared  to  me  strange  that  a 
man  of  his  years  should  have  taken  such  a  journey  in  bad 
health  for  such  an  object  —  this,  together  with  my  knowledge 
of  the  man  —  his  violent  attachment  to  the  French  Govern 
ment,  &  dislike  to  our  own ;  together  with  a  declaration  which 
he  made  to  me,  created  a  suspicion  of  his  being  engaged  in 
some  agency  prejudicial  to  the  interest  of  the  United  States 
— •  the  declaration  I  allude  to,  was,  '  that  if  the  French  estab 
lished  a  Republic  west  of  the  Missippi,  he  intended  to 
emigrate  to  that  country.'  Having  lived  for  a  considerable 
time  with  Mr  Jones  in  the  family  of  the  late  Major  Genl. 
Wayne,  &  still  being  on  good  terms  with  him  (for  he  was  my 
guest  when  he  was  last  here)  I  am  extremely  sorry  to  be 
the  means  of  exciting  the  suspicions  of  Government  against 
him,  when  I  have  no  proof  of  his  guilt  —  but  the  times  are 
such,  as,  in  my  opinion,  to  make  it  the  duty  of  every  friend 
of  his  country  to  keep  a  true  look  out  &,  if  possible,  discover 
&  expose  to  the  detestation  of  the  world  those  traitors,  who 
acting  under  foreign  influence,  are  plotting  schemes  destruc 
tive  to  the  interests  of  their  country. 

"This  day  arrived  here,  Mr  Pike,  a  Cadet  in  the  3rd 
Regt,  from  Fort  Massac.  He  informs  me  that  Capt  Guion, 
after  having  been  joined  by  Dember's  Artillery,  left  that  post 
on  the  llth  July.  Capt  G — n  had  communicated  with  the 
Commdr.  of  New  Madrid  &  had  informed  him  that  he  ex 
pected  to  descend  the  River  to  Natches,  the  Spaniards  replied 
that,  if  he  passed  his  post,  he  should  treat  him  with  polite- 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHcnry  265 

ness  —  but  hinted  that  he  had  better  stay  where  he  was.  They 
(the  Spaniards)  are  building  a  large  Fort  on  the  West  side 
of  the  Missippi,  sixty  miles  above  the  mouth  of  Ohio.  I 
give  you  this  information  Sir  —  because  I  imagine  you  are 
desirous  of  having  the  earliest  accounts  of  the  Movements  of 
Capt :  Guion. 

"I  have  the  Honor  to  be  with 
great  Respect  &  Esteem —  Sir, 
"Your  very  Humble  Servt: 
"WM.  *H.  HARRISON 
"Capt:  1st  Regt     Company  F." 

From  Detroit  on  July  28,  1797,  Major  Rivardi  wrote 
Pickering  as  to  western  matter^: 

"The  British  merchants  of  this  place  seem  exceedingly 
opposed  to  every  measure  taken  by  the  General,  in  order  to 
remedy  the  evils  which  actually  threatened  our  garrison,  the 
greater  part  of  which  was  always  in  a  state  of  intoxication,  on 
account  of  the  small  liquor  shops  held  under  the  sanction  of 
licenses  issued  by  the  Magistrates  within  the  lines  of  our 
guards  and  sentries.  The  proclamation  which  forbids  such 
intolerable  abuse  has  occasioned  many  murmers  and  remon 
strances  from  a  set  of  people  who  have  long  before  that  de 
clined  being  considered  as  American  citizens,  bought  settle 
ments  on  the  British  shore,  and  expressed,  on  every  occasion, 
their  contempt  for  our  Government,  although  our  money  has 
enriched  them  since  our  taking  possession  of  the  Posts.  The 
French  here  are  very  little  better,  and,  in  my  opinion,  not  in 
the  least  to  be  trusted,  happily  they  are  indolent,  cowardly, 
and  (with  prudence)  little  to  be  dreaded.  The  emissaries 
from  their  Mother  Country  alone  are  dangerous.  Yesterday 
we  drummed  out  an  Imposter  born  in  Canada,  who  made  sev 
eral  false  depositions  respecting  the  intentions  of  the  Span 
iards  and  French  to  attack  Mackinac  and  Fort  Wayne.  He 
pretended  to  have  been  a  prisoner  at  the  Illinois  and  gave  a 
spurious  account  of  the  regular  forces  landed  there,  aiming, 
I  suppose,  to  spread  the  alarm  among  the  Canadians  and  to 
lead  the  General  into  some  unnecessary  and  perhaps  improper 
measures  —  fortunately  we  found  that  he  never  was,  since  two 
years,  nearer  of  the  Illinois  than  three  hundred  leagues. 

"Another  man  (a  British  subject)  was  detected,  attempt 
ing  to  seduce  some  of  our  soldiers  from  their  duty,  and  was 


266  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

punished  accordingly.  It  is  so  long  since  we  received  an  Ex 
press  that  we  know  nothing  of  what  passed  in  Congress  these 
seven  weeks  past.  The  Indians  are  still  very  numerous  here, 
owing  to  their  receiving  plenty  of  provisions  on  both  shores; 
but  I  find  that  they  all  expect  to  see  their  Fathers,  the  French. 
The  little  Turtle,  although  peaceably  inclined,  cannot  be  per 
suaded  that  he  received  false  information." 

While  McHenry  thought 1  his  arrangements  would  keep 
the  Indians  quiet,  D'Yrujo  had  aroused  further  trouble  by 
charging  that  Pickering  had  entered  into  a  conspiracy  with  the 
British  minister  to  have  a  joint  expedition  seize  the  Spanish 
forts  in  the  West.  2  Pickering  answered  this  attack  with 
acerbity  and  printed  his  reply  through  Fenno  on  August  8, 
sending  copies  to  his  friends.  On  August  19,  Hamilton  wrote 
McHenry:  "Considering  how  insensibly  precious  the  friend 
ship  of  the  United  States  is  to  Spain,  I  can  only  ascribe  the 
late  conduct  of  some  of  her  officers  to  an  influence  which 
controuls  their  better  judgment.  War  is  not  desired  by  the 
United  States,  they  will  shun  it  if  possible  and  I  am  (sure) 
Spain  ought  carefully  to  avoid  forcing  them  into  it. ' ' 

On  September  4,  Adams  thanked'  Pickering  and  Mc 
Henry  for  their  vigilant  attention  and  judicious  execution  of 
all  the  business  relative  to  D'Yrujo.  The  frontiersmen  were 
also  troublesome.  One  Zachariah  Cox  wras  organizing  an  ex 
pedition  and  other  incursions  were  made  into  the  Indian 
lands,  concerning  which  letters  came  to  the  administration, 
either  directly,  or  through  General  Davie  of  North  Carolina. 
Among  these  letters  was  one  written  by  William  Polk  from 
Charlotte,  August  9,  1797,  to  General  Davie  and  forwarded 
by  him : 

"Dear  Sir 

"Mr.  Wallace  has  delivered  me  your  favor  of  the  22d 
July,  and  I  now,  by  the  first  Post  office  after  the  receipt  of 
your  letter,  transmit  what  information  I  have  been  able  to 
collect  on  the  subject  of  the  Tennessee  expedition  from  this 
country. 

"Six  or  eight  weeks  ago,  a  Mr.  John  Johnson  who  lives 
near  Jonesborough  in  the  State  of  Tennessee  came  into  this 
county  where  many  •-of  his  &  his  wife's  relations  live  and 

1  Gi'bbs,  5,   559. 

2  Pickering,   iii,    404,   407. 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHenry  267 

where  he  moved  from  about  8  years  ago,  his  business  appeared 
to  be  of  two  kinds,  the  first  to  sell  as  much  land  as  he  could 
out  of  a  body  purchased  by  him  from  a  certain  Zack  Coxe, 
said  to  be  30,000  acres,  in  payment  of  which  he  took  horses, 
cattle,  notes  &  money  if  he  could  get  it.  The  second,  to  en 
courage  persons  to  make  a  settlement  somewhere  in  the  coast 
of  the  Tennessee  on  the  lands  of  this  Coxe,  who  by  some  writ 
ten  instrument  promised  to  each  settler  1000  acres  of  his 
Land,  on  condition  that  they  would  make  a  settlement,  cul 
tivate  five  acres  of  ground  in  wheat  or  corn,  live  on  the  spil 
12  months,  support  themselves,  and  defend  themselves  against 
the  enemy;  how  far  the  word  enemy  was  to  extend  I  don't 
know,  whether  against  the  Indians  only,  or  all  who  should 
attempt  to  molest  them,  in  either  going  there  or  whilst  there, 
was  what  nobody  here,  I  believe,  is  in  the  knowledge  of.  John 
son,  to  some,  said  Coxe  had  extinguished  the  Indian  claim  &, 
to  them  and  others,  that  Congress  had  consented  to  the  set 
tlement.  I  am  informed  Genl.  Sevier,  at  a  considerable  meet 
ing  at  his  house,  harangued  the  people  in  favor  of  the  plan 
&,  through  his  influence  &  that  of  Col.  Ezekiel  Polk,  most 
of  25  persons  who  accompanyed  the  latter  were  induced  to 
proceed  on  this  wild  expedition.  I  am  unwilling  to  believe 
that  any  one  of  these  people  had  any  hostile  views  towards 
the  Spanish  settlements  or  that  they  knew  anything  of 
Blount's  plan;  it  is  a  mere  land  speculation  without  any  ex 
pectation,  at  least  by  E.  P.,  of  seeing  or  experiencing  any  dan 
ger.  I  know  his  weak  nerves  too  well  to  believe  he  would 
hazard  himself,  where  there  would  be  the  most  distant  idea 
that  blood  would  be  spilt.  Mr.  Polk  is  a  man  charged  with 
impatience,  has  no  fortitude,  fickle  in  the  extreme,  a  lover  of 
home,  and  never  saw  blood  but  from  a  lancet  or  his  nose  in 
his  life,  from  such  a  leader  I  fear  nothing  —  some  of  his 
party  have,  a  few  days  ago,  returned  who  left  them  about  50 
miles  above  Knoxville  on  the  Tennessee  or  Holston  River, 
who  say  the  party  had  become  very  impatient  and  uneasy, 
as  at  that  place  they  were  to  meet  Coxe,  whom  they  had  not 
seen  or  certainly  heard  of,  some  said  he  had  gone  down  the 
River  to  hasten  the  finishing  some  boats  he  had  making  to 
transport  stores  to  his  settlement,  by  others  that  he  had  gone 
to  Philadelphia.  Johnson  was  taken  here  and  brought  before 
the  Court,  who  then  happened  to  be  in  Session,  but  through 
the  influence  of  Genl.  Sevier  &  the  ignorances  of  the  Court 
they  permitted  him  to  depart." 


268  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

From  the  state  of  Tennessee,  Hawkins  county,  on  Sep 
tember  14th,  1797,  William  Cocke  wrote  John  Adams,  pro 
testing  against  the  removal  of  the  settlers  who  had  encroached 
upon  the  Indian  lands: 

"To  inform  you  that  a  large  number  of  respectable  citi 
zens  of  the  State  of  Tennessee  are  found  to  be  within  the 
limits  of  the  Indian  Claims.  Justice  requires  that  I  should 
speak  to  you  in  plain  and  decided  language.  When  I  last 
had  the  honour  to  converse  with  you  and  Secretary  of  War 
on  the  subject,  I  felt  myself  highly  pleased  at  the  assurance 
you  then  gave  me  that  you  would  take  the  matter  under  your 
serious  consideration  and  notify  the  commissioners  the  result 
of  your  deliberation,  from  the  manner  you  then  expressed 
yourself  I  had  every  reason  to  believe  would  have  produced  a 
decision  favourable  to  the  people.  Impressed  with  this  idea,  I 
communicated  to  them  what  had  passed  between  us,  but  to 
my  great  mortification  and  surprise,  I  have  seen  an  order 
from  Col.  Butler,  directing  the  people  to  prepare  to  remove 
from  their  farms  by  the  25th  of  October,  it  will  not  be  im 
proper  to  remark  to  the  President  that  the  people  of  the  state 
of  Tennessee  know  that  they  are  not  entirely  governed  by 
military  laws,  that  no  citizen  can  be  deprived  of  his  property 
for  public  conveniency  without  full  compensation  and  that 
the  Courts  Judicial  are  bound  to  decide  all  questions  of  right, 
according  to  the  Constitutional  Laws  of  our  country.  Sir,  it 
is  painful  to  me  to  make  these  remarks,  but  as  the  Constitu 
tion  of  my  country  warrant  them  and  as  my  fellow  citizens 
are  likely  to  be  injured,  as  I  conceive  contrary  to  law,  as  a 
number  of  them  possess  Legal  Eights  to  the  land  in  question, 
I  submit  to  you  whether  such  orders  should  not  be  counter 
manded,  especially  at  a  time  when  Congress  hath  had  the  sub 
ject  before  them  and  hath  postponed  it  for  further  considera 
tion,  I  am  Sir  with 

' '  every  sentiment  of  esteem  &c. ' ' 

Meanwhile  letters  came  from  North  Carolina  l  to  Wol- 
cott  and  were  sent  by  him  to  McHenry  on  September  15,  show 
ing  that  Blount's  influence  in  Tennessee  was  not  dead.  In 
answering  Wolcott  's  -letter  on  September  22,  McHenry  ac 
knowledged  the  continuance  of  Blount's  influence  and  re- 

1  Gibbs,  i.  562. 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHenry  269 

ferred  to  the  troubles  over  the  Spanish  boundary  l  and  to 
the  projects  of  Cox,  against  which  he  had  taken  measures 
which  he  trusts  will  succeed. 

On  September  19,  Pickering  wrote  McHenry  that  he 
hears  from  Ellicott  at  Natchez  that  Carondelet  confirmed 
Gayoso's  agreement  with  the  inhabitants.  Two  days  later, 
Pickering  wrote  again,  concerning  the  attempts  of  the  Span 
iards  to  entice  Indians  from  our  territory,  with  a  view  to 
future  hostilities,  and  on  the  25th  he  told  McHenry  that 
Carondelet  and  Gayoso  disagreed,  the  latter,  "as  deficient  in 
understanding  as  in  honor, ' '  does  not  act  ' '  with  the  prudence 
and  persistency"  which  the  baron  might  desire.  Pickering 
hears  from  Daniel  Coxe  that  the  grant  to  Great  Britain  by 
the  United  States  of  the  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi 
is  the  chief  obstacle  to  Spain's  giving  up  the  posts. 2  On 
the  7th  of  October,  Pickering  transmits  information  from 
Daniel  Coxe  that  the  Spanish  governors  and  D'Yrujo  are  act 
ing  without  authority  from  their  government,  anticipating 
war  between  the  United  States  and  France. 

Meantime  McHenry  wrote  Wolcott,  on  October  2,  that  he 
thought  he  could  settle  Tennessee  matters  without  the  aid  of 
General  Wilkinson 3  and  received  a  reply  from  Wolcott 4 
who  thought  there  would  be  no  war  with  Spain.  "You  will, 
however,  by  Hook  or  by  Crook,  get  the  Spanish  posts  and 
the  Dons  will  be  more  anxious  to  keep  what  remains  than  to 
retake  them."  In  his  answer,  McHenry  states  he  was  very 
busy  with  Blount,  Cox,  and  the  Mississippi,  "the  current  of 
which  latter  river  you  know  is  not  so  easy  to  stem."5  Mc 
Henry  sent  copies  of  Pickering's  letter  to  D'Yrujo,  to  dif 
ferent  army  posts,  including  one  to  Ross  at  Pittsburg,  with 
the  request  that  the  letter  be  not  published  in  the  papers. 
Somehow  the  letter  was  published  and  though  McHenry 
thought  the  publication  did  much  good,  Pickering  was  dis 
turbed  at  it  and  wrote: 

"Trenton  Oct.  19.  1797. 
"Dear  Sir, 

"You  see  by  the  Pittsburg  paper  of  last  week,  that  my 
letter  of  Augt.  8  to  Yrujo,  is  prematurely  publishing.  I 
must  charge  some  of  your  military  friends  with  the  communi- 

1  Gibbs,  i,  563. 

2  On     September    30,     Pickering    writes    again    of    Zachariah    Cox's 
scheme   for  unlawful   settlements   in   the   Indian   country. 

3  Gibbs,  i,   565. 

4  Gibbs,  i,   566. 

5  Gibbs,   i,    567. 


270  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

cation ;  as  I  have  sent  no  copy  to  that  quarter ;  and  wherever 
I  have  handed  it  to  my  friends,  it  has  been  with  an  explicit 
caution  against  such  a  publication.  But  I  do  not  know  that 
it  is  to  be  regretted :  it  is  an  anticipation  of  but  a  few  weeks ; 
for  I  doubt  not  that  Congress  would  have  directed  its  pub 
lication,  as  usual  with  documents  before  presented  to  them 
on  the  same  subject.  And  (as  one  of  my  friends  has  lately 
written  to  me)  'Since  the  policy  of  France  has  dragged  our 
Executive  into  the  street,  it  is  best  to  make  the  people  who 
are  there  understand  that  we  are  wholly  right,  and  our  ac 
cusers  altogether  wrong.'  This  friend  thus  begins  his  letter. 
'I  am  greatly  obliged  to  you  for  the  pamphlet  (letter  of 
Aug.  8  to  Y.)  you  sent  me,  as  I  felt  a  strong  desire  to  see  the 
argument,  which  should  prove  conclusively  that  the  Knight 
would  be  a  Knave,  if  he  were  not  by  nature  a  Fool. ' 

"It  is  a  good  while  since  I  heard  from  your  or  of  you: 
how  are  you?  is  your  health  restored?  I  shall  be  glad  to 
learn ;  being  very  truly  yours, 

' '  TIMOTHY  PICKERING.  ' ' 

In  his  letter  explaining  the  matter,  on  October  22,  Mc- 
Henry  said  that  he  was  so  much  occupied  with  affairs  in  the 
Northwest  and  the  South  that  he  was  tired  of  life  and  en 
closed  a  packet  for  the  president,  which  showed  that  the  sec 
retary  had  "not  been  idle  and  that  it  requires  some  ham 
mering  to  make  certain  heads  comprehend  one  object,  when 
they  have  conceived  another."  Two  days  later,  Pickering 
wrote  him: 

"What  do  you  think  of  the  Washington  news,  by  the 
Mr.  Purslie  who  arrived  at  Brownsville  the  2d  of  Oct.  in  45 
days  from  New-Orleans  —  That  the  Posts  were  given  up,  & 
the  boundary  line  running?  You  will  recollect  that  such  was 
Mr.  Ellicott's  expectation,  when  he  conversed  with  D.  W. 
Coxe,  whose  narrative  I  sent  you." 

On  the  following  day  Pickering  wrote  again: 

"Trenton  Oct.  25.  1797. 
"Dr.  Sir, 

"Last  evening  I  received  your  letter  of  the  22d.  with  an 
open  packet  for  the  President,  which  I  have  read,  sealed,  and 
shall  this  day  forward. 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHcnry  271 

' '  Can  the  cautious  restriction  of  Powers  —  the  prepos 
terous  idea  of  taking  the  posts  of  St.  Louis,  Genevieve  & 
New-Madrid  —  be  accounted  for,  except  on  the  principle  that 
they  may  cover  sinister  views,  the  consciousness  of  which 

prompts to  overact  his  part  ?     But  if  hostilities  were 

to  commence  on  the  Mississippi,  why  not  collect  the  utmost 
force  to  that  quarter  ?  Why  the  zeal  to  attack  —  &  the  con 
tradictory  measure  of  lessening  the  force  he  could  command, 
by  remanding  a  company  where  it  was  not  needed? 

"His  construction  of  Rivet's  letter  is  probably  just.  But 
if  the  poor  missionary  has  two  years  salary  in  arrears,  it 
would  seem  advisable  to  pay  him  at  least  one,  immediately. 
What  is  become  of  the  other  priest?  Jannin?  I  thought  both 
had  gone  to  the  Spaniards.  Will  not  the  retaining  of  his 
pay,  furnish  an  excuse  for  unfaithfulness  &  desertion?  and 
with  the  influence  he  has  acquired  over  the  Indians,  may  not 
his  desertion  hazard  mischief?  Doubtless  it  had  been  better 
that  we  had  never  seen  either.  By  the  overtures  of  R.,  it 
is  clear  that  he  belongs  to  the  nation  of  spies  &  intriguers 

"I  return  Mr.  Hindman's  letter,  &  thank  you  for  the 
perusal.  But  how  astonishing  that,  at  this  time,  Jacobinism 
should  increase!  Surely  the  people  want  information. 

"Adieu! 

"T.  PICKERING." 

On  the  28th  came  still  another  letter  on  Western  affairs 
from  Pickering: 

"Dr  Sir, 

' '  The  enclosed  letter  from  Kentuckey  I  received  last  even 
ing,  covering  one  from  Walter  Evans  to  James  Farris,  rela 
tive  Z.  Coxe's  project  of  a  forced  settlement  at  the  Muscle 
Shoals.  The  1000  men  mentioned  as  ready  to  proceed  must 
be  a  monstrous  exaggeration :  such  villains  always  exaggerate, 
to  encourage  &  fortify  their  deluded  partisans,  and  with  such 
decoys  to  lure  others  into  their  snares. 

"I  do  not  consider  the  letter  much  consequence:  but  it 
may  afford  some  evidence  against  the  wrriter  this  friend  ad 
dressed,  should  the  scheme  be  prosecuted. 

"I  am  respectfully  yours 
"TIMOTHY  PICKERING" 

The  enclosed  letter,  written  from  Russess  Creek,  Tennes- 


272  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

see,  Grainger  county,  on  August  10th,  1797,  by  one  Walter 
Evans  to  James  Farris,  Jr.,  stated : 

"By  this  you  may  be  informed  that  We,  the  Tennes 
see  Company,  have  not  had  access  to  the  Musscle  Shoals,  and 
indeed,  have  but  a  faint  Idea  of  being  admitted  by  Congress 
to  go  to  that  Country. 

"There  are  upwards  of  1000  men  who  are  now  in  readi 
ness  to  prosecute  the  intended  voyage  to  the  musscle  Shoal 
Country.  We  —  have  70  pieces  of  Cannon  and  other  suitable 
Equipage  for  war  —  at  the  head  of  which  is  Zacheriah  Cox, 
a  Citizen  of  Georgia,  who  will  endeavour  to  force  his  way 
down  to  that  Country,  The  Indian  Tribes  notwithstanding, 
with  whom  I  expect  to  go,  provided  we  can  go  next  winter, 
otherwise  not. ' ' 1 

Vigilant  in  their  endeavors  to  obtain  information  relative 
to  any  project  of  France  to  excite  the  Southwestern  part  of 
the  Union  and  Georgia  to  a  separation  from  the  United  States 
in  the  winter  of  1797  and  1798,  McHenry  and  Pickering  ex 
pended  $2,560,  paid  to  one  St.  Hilaire.  The  account  for  this 
was  one  of  the  causes  of  accusation  made  against  McHenry, 
after  he  left  the  war  department  and  was  not  closed  until 
1810. 2 


1  Fort  Massac   18    February   1798. 

Sir 

1  find  by  this   Mitchell   that  he  is  concerned  with   Cox  >&  his  party, 
that  finding  it  impracticable  to  pass  the  Military  posts  upon  the  Tennes 
see,    they   have   altered    their   route,    &   Marched    thro'    Kentucky,    in   part, 
where   they   are   assembling  at   the  falls   of   the   Ohio   from  whence   they 
intend    to   embark    for   the    Mouth    of    Cumberland    River,    where   a   Town 
was  to  be  laid  out  for  their  temporary  accommodation  ;   Mitchell  is  to  be, 
as  he  says  the  principal  surveyor,  &  that  his  business  at   this  place  was 
to  know  from  Captain  Pike,  where  the  Indian  line,  particularly  ran,   that 
he  wishes  to  know  as  they  intended  to  move  as  near  it  as  possible ;  how 
ever  I  am   well   assured   that   all   this   enquiry  of  W   Mitchell,    is   nothing 
more,  than  finesse ;   I  think  his  real  object  was  to  discover  what  number 
of   Troops   the   Garrison    consisted   of,   &   to   know    the   disposition   of   this 
detachment,   particularly.     Cox's   Artillery   consists   as   I   am   informed,   of 
small  pieces  which  he  has  packed  on  Horseback  to  Kentucky  &  will  em 
bark  them  at   the  falls. 

I  have  the  honor  to  remain  with  great 
respect  &  Esteem  your  mo. 
Obt.    Hble    Servant 

T.   LEWIS. 

2  City  of   Washington   Jany.    17.    1810. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  enclose  an  exact  copy  of  your  certificate  &  receipt  which  I  had 
filed  as  a  voucher  for  my  payment  of  that  sum  of  $2560.  but  which  not 
being  certified  by  the  President  is  not  admitted  at  the  Treasury  depart 
ment.  Mr.  Oallatin,  whom  I  have  just  conversed  with,  remarked  that 
you  were  responsible  for  the  money;  but  he  thought  you  might  be  dis 
charged  in  one  of  these  two  ways  —  Either  by  producing  receipts  or  other 
written  acknowledgements  from  the  person  or  persons  to  whom  you  actu- 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHenry  273 

After  the  Spaniards  ceded  the  forts, 1  Pickering  wrote 
McHenry  on  December  23,  stating  that  the  governor  at  Nat 
chez  must  exercise  liberal  hospitality  to  visiting  chiefs,  giv 
ing  them  some  presents,  "to  keep  the  Indians  in  an  amicable 
temper  and  may  have  to  call  a  council  of  the  tribes.  If  the 
governor  serve  in  the  field,  what  rank  shall  he  have?  These 
matters  should  be  attended  to  at  once. ' ' 

The  greed  for  Western  lands  led  all  classes  to  purchase 
them  and  this  complicated  Indian  relations,  as  may  be  clearly 
seen  from  a  letter  Chase  wrote  McHenry  on  December  10: 

"There  is  another  Matter  in  which  I  wish  for  your  ad 
vise —  You  have  heard  of  a  Claim  by  Citizens  of  U.  S.  to 
t wo  purchases  from  the  Indians  —  called  the  Illinois  and  Wa- 
bash  Purchase.  I  am  entitled  to  a  22d  or  whole  share  in 
both  purchases,  which  cost  me  with  interest  about  1600  cury. 
The  Case  has  been  sometime  before  Congress,  &  you  will  see 

ally  paid  the  money;  or  by  furnishing  to  the  existing  President  (Madi 
son)  evidence  to  satisfy  him  of  the  application  of  the  money  to  the  pur 
pose  specified  in  your  certificate,  so  as  to  induce  him  to  certify  (what 
President  Adams  should  have  done)  that  the  money  had  been  applied  to 
the  service  of  the  U  States :  conformably  to  the  power  vested  in  the 
President  by  the  2d  section  of  "the  act  providing  the  means  of  intercourse 
between  the  U.  States  &  foreign  nations."  Vol.  IV.  page  69-70  of  the 
Acts  of  Congress.  If  you  have  no  such  receipts  —  or  if  they  were  burnt 
in  the  war-office,  you  will  advise  me.  Do  you  suppose  that  Pres.  Adams 
possesses  such  a  knowledge  or  remembrance  of  the  transaction  as  to  en 
able  him  (on  sight  of  your  certificate  and  receipt  to  me)  as  would  enable 
him  now  to  give  such  a  certificate  as,  if  given  during  his  presidency, 
would  have  been  sufficient?  Or  can  you  make  such  a  statement  of  facts, 
times  and  circumstances  as  must  bring  the  affair  so  fully  to  his  recol 
lection?  If  this  can  be  done,  I  think  it  not  improbable  that  Mr.  Mad 
ison  may,  on  Mr.  Adams'  certificate,  furnish  the  requisite  voucher  for 
the  Treasury. 

Please  to  favour  me  with  an  answer  as  speedily  as  possible. 
Very    truly   yours 
T.  PICKERING 
James   McHenry   Esq. 

Baltimore 
This   may    certify   that    there   has    been    expended    by    the   subscriber 

Two  thousand  five  hundred  and  sixty  dollars  in  obtaining  from    

information  relative  to  a  project  of  France  to  excite  the  So. 

Western  part  of  the  Union  and  Georgia  to  a  separation  from  the  United 
States. 

JAMES  MCHENRY 

Secy,   of  War 
Dollars     2560 

19    March    179S  — 

Received  the  above  mentioned  two  thousand  five  hundred  and  sixty 
dollars  this  25th  of  April  1798  of  T.  Pickering  Secy,  of  State. 

JAMES  Me  HENRY 

1  On  January  5,  1798,  (State  Papers,  i,  Milit.  Affairs,  62S,  632,  638) 
McHenry  reported  on  the  Cherokee  boundary  of  1791,  on  April  6,  he  op 
posed  paying  militia  in  1794  for  an  offensive  expedition  against  the  Chero- 
kees  and  on  January  16,  1799,  he  sent  the  senate  papers  concerning  the 
Cherokee  treaty  of  1798. 


274  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

the  grounds  of  our  claim  as  published  by  the  Company,  & 
their  proposal  to  Congress,  without  examining  our  Right, 
I  wish  to  be  quit  of  the  Business.  It  is  very  clear  that  Con 
gress  must  purchase  of  the  Indians  to  extinguish  their  claims, 
if  we  have  no  Right  and  as  we  have  done  it,  &  have  their 
Title,  at  least  so  far  as  the  Right  of  preemption,  I  would 
agree  to  relinquish  all  Claim  for  what  I  have  paid  with  Inter 
est,  on  1600£,  and  I  will  take  a  Certificate  payable  with  an 
nual  Interest  when  Congress  thinks  proper.  I  think  Justice 
will  say  that  my  request  is  reasonable.  I  do  not  wish  to  in 
jure  the  claims  of  my  Partners,  but  I  have  no  inclination  to 
contest  by  suit,  with  Congress.  Be  so  kind  as  to  give  me  your 
candid  opinion  whether  a  memorial  making  such  an  offer 
would  be  successful.  Read  our  Claim,  which  you  can  procure 
from  Dr.  Smith. 

"I  wish  you  Health,  &  Happiness,  adieu 
"Your  affectionate  & 
obedt.  servt. 

"SAMUEL  CHASE" 

From  Europe  news  came  in  the  autumn.  Pinckney  wrote 
from  Rotterdam  on  September  19,  concerning  military  books 
which  McHenry  desired: 

"By  this  opportunity  (the  Adelaide,  Capt  Mann  via 
Baltimore)  I  send  you  the  Military  regulations  during  the 
time  of  the  French  Republic;  they  were  to  have  been  sent 
above  three  months  ago,  but  by  some  mistake  were  postponed. 
Briquet's  Military  Code  is  out  of  print,  I  am  informed  a  new 
edition  is  preparing  which,  when  published,  I  will  procure 
and  transmit  to  you,  and  anything  I  may  meet  with  new  and 
of  reputation  in  that  line. 

"Genl.  Marshall  and  myself  are  now  upon  our  progress 
to  Paris:  you  will  hear  by  my  letters  and  enclosed  papers  to 
the  Secretary  of  State,  and  Mr.  Murray's  communications  to 
you,  of  the  extraordinary  transactions  in  Paris;  these  trans 
actions  and  some  intimations  we  have  received  that  our  pres 
ence  at  this  juncture  at  Paris  might  be  important,  and  the 
delay  of  our  journey  imputed  to  very  false  and  improper 
motives,  have  induced  Genl.  Marshall  and  myself,  to  set  out 
to  Paris,  more  particularly,  as  Mr.  Prince,  the  Agent  of  the 
Union,  the  vessel  in  which  Mr.  Gerry  is  to  sail  from  Boston, 
writes  word  to  the  Consul  at  Rotterdam  that  she  is  to  call 


1797-1798]  of  James  Me  Henry  275 

at  Havre;  I  have  therefore  written  to  that  port  to  request 
Mr.  Gerry  to  proceed  from  thence  to  Paris,  without  coming 
round  by  Holland. 

"We  shall  not  commence  any  direct  negoeiations,  before 
we  are  joined  by  Mr.  Gerry,  without  circumstances,  should 
indicate  great  probable  advantages. 

"These  I  do  not  expect;  for  so  much  reliance  is  placed 
in  France,  on  the  individual  divisions  in  America,  and  so  large 
a  party  is  thought  to  be  more  attached  to  French  measures 
than  to  the  interests  of  our  Country,  that,  tho '  I  am  convinced 
this  opinion  is  erroneous,  yet  as  it  is  entertained  by  men  in 
power,  I  am  apprehensive  our  negociations  will  be  very  dif 
ficult,  and  my  hopes  of  success  are  not  at  all  sanguine. 

' '  I  remain  My  dear  Sir,  with  great  regard  and  esteem  — 
"Your  most  obt. 

"humble  Servant 
"CHARLES  COTESWORTH  PINCKNEY. " 

Three  days  later  a  letter  was  sent  McHenry  by  Murray, 
who  had  tried  to  ward  off  any  danger  of  a  war  between  Hol 
land  and  the  United  States: 

"Mr  Gerry  arrived  here  last  night.  He  will  proceed  on 
to  Paris  as  soon  as  he  can  return  from  Amsterdam,  whither 
he  must  first  go.  The  other  ministers  went  on  the  18th. 
inst.  The  only  chance  it  seems  to  me  they  have,  is  in  the 
renewal  of  the  war.  This  would  give  to  us,  all  the  advan 
tages  of  ally  'd  force,  without  the  odium.  Still  however  to  me 
our  affairs  do  appear  desperate  in  Paris.  This  dreadful  con 
vulsion  which  took  place  on  the  4th,  in  which  all  fell,  upon 
whose  sense  of  justice  we  could  have  any  reliance,  has  been 
to  me  a  most  serious  event.  Pastoret  Portalis  —  Boissy  d' 
Anglois  —  Dumas,  Voublanc  —  Barbe  Marbois  &  Pichigru  — 
these  were  men  of  superior  cast  —  who  wished  to  restore  order 
to  the  whole  social  &  political  state  in  France;  to  recall  the 
public  bodies  to  a  recognition  of  foreign  nations  in  the  good 
faith  of  France ;  &  to  check  the  Directoire,  in  those  violations 
both  of  the  constitution  &  of  the  law  of  nations  which  had 
excited  alarm  at  home  &  fear  &  hatred  abroad.  These  men, 
confounded  with  the  emigrants  who  had  returned,  &  many 
of  whom  had  kept  up  a  perpetual  conspiracy  agt.  the  Republi 
can  system,  are  swept  off,  &  by  this  are  on  their  way  to 
Madagascar.  Since,  the  two  councils,  like  the  peasant  when 


276  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP  xn 

arguing  with  justice,  agree  to  every  proposition,  &  anticipate 
every  wish  of  the  Directoire.  They  have  broken  up  Pastorets 
committee  which  he  had  got  appointed,  after  a  most  able 
speech  on  our  affairs,  in  which  he  urged  the  right  we  had  to 
enter  with  the  Treaty  of  94  —  &  held  up  the  violence  of  the 
Directoire  &  their  Tribunals  agt.  our  neutral  rights  in  a 
variety  of  ways,  as  unjust,  tyrannical  &  impolite.  The  ob 
ject  of  this  committee  was  to  report  upon  the  existing  rela 
tions  between  the  U.  8.  &  France  &  upon  the  injuries  that  had 
been  inflicted  upon  our  trade.  The  report  was  delay 'd  till 
the  arrival  of  our  minister,  &  probably  under  the  foresight  of 
an  intervening  crisis,  on  which  they  counted  upon  success. 
They  have  declared  the  object  of  such  committees  (Zumolard 
had  one  also,  upon  the  transactions  in  Genoa  Venice  &c  &c) 
as  inconsistent  with  the  constitution  &  Kepublicanism,  &  have 
expressly  affirmed  the  respective  acts  of  the  Directory  upon 
our  affairs.  Mulin,  too,  the  late  minister  of  Justice,  &  the 
official  instrument  of  the  numerous  condemnations,  is  now  a 
Director,  in  Carnot's  place.  Whether  you  consider  the  acts 
of  the  present  Legislature  or  of  the  Directory  &  the  nature 
of  the  government,  wh.  is  now  a  complete  military  despotism 
&  the  characters  of  the  men  who  are  in  the  Executive,  we 
shall  have  little  reason  to  expect  justice.  By  a  letter  wh.  I 
received  a  few  days  since  from  a  very  intelligent  man  at 
Paris,  it  appears,  that  the  table  talk  in  select  &  official  parties 
is,  that  we  may  have  peace,  but  it  must  be  upon  their  terms : , — 
that  there  is  a  party  in  the  United  States  strong  enough  to 
controul,  &,  if  necessary,  to  overthrow  the  government ;  —  & 
that  a  six  months  war  with  France  would  dissolve  the  Union. 
M.  Adet  's  Secretary  was  in  this  party  &  confirmed  their  asser 
tions.  I  fear  that  our  ministers  may  think  that  delay,  and 
the  gaining  of  time,  would  be  a  good  thing,  my  idea  is  that 
all  the  speed,  consistent  with  candour  &  gentleness  in  man 
ner,  is  in  every  aspect  of  their  &  our  affairs  important.  To 
you,  I  can  write  with  perfect  freedom  —  I  do  not  believe 
they  will  grant  us  a  single  object  of  our  just  demands,  that 
they  will  wish  to  keep  the  negociation  open,  after  they  shall 
have  had  use  of  it,  to  throw  into  discussion  in  America, 
two  or  three  proposals:  as  to  give  us  a  free  West  India,  &  a 
guaranteed  Mediterranean  trade  -  -  if  we  will  abandon  the 
Treaty;  probably  with  this,  an  assurance  of  indemnification, 
after  the  war.  To  dissolve  the  Union  —  to  revolutionize  the 
South  &  West  —  to  place  those  into  a  State,  available  to  them 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHenry  277 

against  the  British,  both  in  arms  &  especially  commerce  & 
West  India  relations,  will  be  the  object  of  such  offers,  pend 
ing  the  negociation.  This  idea  I  have  had  for  months,  &  so 
exprest  myself  in  one  of  my  letters  to  you.  The  pamphlets 
which  are  published  in  the  U.  S.  under  French  auspices  of 
late,  tending  to  familiarise  the  breach  of  the  Treaty  of  94, 
&  to  conciliate  this  with  the  constitution  &  the  interests  & 
duties  of  America,  I  consider  as  mere  collateral  evidence, 
compared  with  those  stronger  inferences,  which  may  be  drawn 
from  their  past  &  present  spirit  &  proceedings,  &  the  connex 
ion  of  symptoms  wh.  have  gradually  developed  themselves  in 
America.  Congress  &  the  State  Legislatures  will  all  be  in 
Session  at  a  period  when  they  might,  I  should  think,  be 
brought  to  a  fixed  complexion ;  &  when  some  definite  idea 
might  be  transmitted  to  you  from  Paris.  In  such  a  state  of 
things  the  rigour  of  public  spirit  would  have  something  cer 
tain  to  act  upon.  If  it  is  assailed  by  discussions  upon  the 
alternatives  with  which  France  will  endeavour  to  amuse  it  - 
&  if  expectation  be  long  kept  on  a  stretch,  &  raised  &  deprest 
by  an  indefinite  variety  of  news  from  Europe,  &  conjectures, 
this  spirit  may  tire,  or  cool,  or  divide  into  difficult  points  of 
doctrine  &  policy.  But  surely,  long  before  this,  the  mist  has 
been  withdrawn  from  the  eyes  of  thousands  of  our  country 
men  who  have  been  certainly  in  the  most  profound  errors  re 
specting  the  views  of  France  towards  us  &  all  other  nations. 
Her  object  is  aggrandisement.  Her  means  the  destruction  of 
great  Britain.  Weak  or  infatuated  neutral  nations  are  her 
stepping  stones  to  reach  at  her  rival.  As  to  Republicanism  — 
She  has  it  not  herself  —  She  is  ruled  by  the  Directoire  through 
the  army.  To  preserve  this  despotism,  this  Directoire  must 
&  will  keep  at  war,  as  then  the  executive  is  all  in  all,  &  have 
the  armies  more  at  their  disposal,  &  more  temptations  to  offer 
them  as  the  price  of  their  obedience.  When  Buonaparte  held 
out  his  olive  branch  to  the  arch  Duke,  clever  &  great  as  he 
is,  he  was  in  the  utmost  danger  —  Both  sides  gained  time. 
The  Directoire  had  nothing  to  do  with  it.  In  this  interval  of 
a  Peace,  for  which  all  France  groans  the  two  councils  set 
about  really  organising  the  true  principles  of  their  constitu 
tion.  They  wished  to  produce  that  responsibility  in  the  Exec 
utive  which  this  expressly  gave  them  as  the  source  of  the  exec 
utive,  they  examined  into  the  State  of  the  Finances,  saw 
confusion  &  penury  &  no  system  even  attempted.  They  looked 
into  the  expenditures  &  found  a  wider  &  more  devouring  pro- 


278  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

fusion  than  had  disgraced  the  ancient  regime.  They  exam 
ined  into  the  State  of  the  Bureaus  &  into  the  different  de 
partments  of  the  Govt.,  and  beheld  a  more  disgusting  parade, 
and  a  more  intricate  chain  of  patronage,  &  a  more  extensive 
arrangement  of  official  &  subofficial  machinery  than  the  old 
court  had  ever  been  charged  with  by  its  enemies  &  reformers. 
They  then  attempted  -to  ameliorate  the  revenues  &  to  give 
them  system ;  —  to  check  this  profusion,  —  &  even  dared  to 
point  out  the  propriety  of  looking  into  the  expenditure  of 
those  vast  treasures  with  which  different  generals  in  Italy 
had  been  debited.  They  sought  into  the  State  of  the  colonies 
&  pointed  out  the  necessity  of  really  regenerating  their  lost 
commercial  &  regular  habits,  as  a  source  of  maritime  strength 
&  as  generally  connected  with  the  policy  of  internal  strength, 
agriculture  &  manufactures.  Their  object,  in  fact  was  to 
revive  the  internal  happiness  of  France;  to  bring  the  people 
to  cherish  order,  industry  &  peaceful  habits  &  to  methodise 
that  dreadful  chaos  into  which  the  relaxation  of  laws,  & 
the  great  irregularity  in  the  proceedings  &  the  principles  of 
the  revolutionary  governments,  had  thrown  the  people  more 
than  any  external  force  had  done.  Then  happened,  in  the 
election  of  a  new  Third,  who  were  moderates  (ie.  Anti  Jacob 
ins,)  and  the  preliminary  articles  of  peace  wth.  the  Empire, 
a  coincidence  favouring  this  great  &  patriotic  design.  This 
election  gave  the  men  who  entertained  these  enlightened  views, 
the  decided  majority  —  as  3  to  1.  Their  efforts  &  objects 
were  of  a  nature  to  excite  alarm  among  all  who  lived  in 
truth  upon  public  confusion.  The  Directoire  saw,  in  the  line 
of  conduct  which  they  promised  to  pursue,  that  check  which 
they  were  not  willing  to  endure.  The  Bureaus  —  &  all  the 
offices  felt  sore  under  this  scrutiny  into  their  members,  inca 
pacity,  &  profusion  —  the  armies  were  stimulated  by  the  gen 
erals  in  a  hatred  against  the  councils  &,  in  the  same  propor 
tion,  into  a  respect  for  the  Directoire.  Wth.  whom  it  became 
politic  then  to  make  a  common  cause.  From  the  moment  that 
the  Directory  perceived  that  the  Legislature  resolved  to  act 
with  firmness  in  the  reform  of  public  abuses,  &  undertook  to 
exercise  some  pretence  to  their  rights  of  Peace  &  war,  agree 
ably  to  the  constitution,  they  excited  sedition  against  those 
councils  &  gradually  took  their  measures  under  the  pretence 
of  guarding  against  Royalism,  to  overthrow  the  moderates  & 
to  put  all  power  under  their  own,  absolute  direction.  Pich- 
igru  &  others  foresaw  this  crisis  —  the  mysterious  march  of 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHcnry  279 

the  army  towards  Paris  &  the  daring  language  in  the  army 
addressed  to  the  Directoire  agt.  the  councils,  &  to  each  other, 
from  Italy  to  the  Sambre  &  Meuse,  led  that  great  man  to 
attempt  those  measures  of  safety  wh.  the  constitution  put 
wt.in  the  reach  of  the  councils.  He  set  about  organizing  the 
national  guards  or  militia  —  France  had  been  disarmed  about 
a  year  since  —  Not  a  cannon  nor  a  musket  had  been  permitted 
to  appear  in  Paris  but  those  in  the  hands  of  the  guards.  The 
sections  of  Paris  had  been  disarmed  on  the  celebrated  Ven- 
demiere.  The  Directory  saw  that  if  this  national  guard  were 
organised  &  armed,  the  Legislature  wd.  be  supported.  They 
saw  too  that  if  Peace  with  the  Emperor  &  G.  Britain  fol 
low  'd  such  a  Legislative  preparation  of  strength,  their  schemes 
of  ambition  &  absolute  power  might  be  frustrated.  They 
anticipated  the  Legislature  by  placing  peace  at  a  distance, 
and  by  the  convulsion  of  the  4.  Sep.  triumph.  Never  per 
haps  in  the  Roman  Senate  under  Tiberius,  when  Senators 
could  be  nodded  by  the  Tyrant  to  the  Baths,  was  there  a 
bolder  stroke  of  despotism,  under  the  cloak  of  Republican 
ism  !  Fifty  odd  of  the  most  enlightened  Revolutionists  in 
France,  seized  as  members  of  the  Legislature,  and  ordered 
for  Banishment,  to  one  of  the  most  distant  &  savage  scenes 
upon  earth  —  without  notice  —  hearing  or  a  trial !  for  the 
order  of  Banishment  preceded  even  the  frivolous  &  unexam- 
ined  scraps  of  inadmissible  evidence  which  had  been  exhibited 
against  one  of  them,  &  that  one  Pichegru  —  undoubtedly 
there  were  emigrants  in  France  who  watched  &  always  will 
watch  for  a  crisis  between  the  republican  parties,  that  they 
may  direct  the  crisis  to  their  own  ends ;  —  but  the  members 
of  the  500  &  of  the  ancients,  except  perhaps  Camille  Jourdan, 
who  had  lately  returned  from  England,  were  as  remarkable 
for  their  revolutionary  characters,  as  Mr  Rewbill,  Mr.  Barros 
&  Mr.  Lepeaux.  So  also  were  Carnot  &  Barthelemy.  The 
real  crimes  of  these  men  were  attempts  to  put  the  constitu 
tion  in  force  —  to  execute  the  Laws  —  &  to  extricate  the 
people  out  of  revolutionary  government,  in  favour  of  Peace, 
order  &  justice.  The  charge  agt  PicTiegru  is  derived  from 
the  papers  of  a  count  D'  Entrigue,  an  emigrant,  who  states 
conversations  with  another  emigrant,  a  count  Montgaillard, , 
near  two  years  since.  These  were  tricks  which  the  tories 
used  to  play  off  upon  the  whigs  with  us  —  but  america  had 
too  much  goodness  &  justice  to  credit  such  trumpery.  From 
this  period,  however,  it  is  probable  that  very  serious  designs. 


280  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  xn 

will  be  taken  up  by  the  ablest  revolutionists  in  France,  to 
restore  a  share  of  monarchy  to  the  government.  My  own 
idea  is  that  the  different  parties  &  generals  will  wait  for  an 
opportunity  of  placing  a  King  upon  the  throne  of  France. 
That  whatever  party  attempts,  it  will  be  opposed  by  an  oppo 
site  party,  because  each  will  be  jealous  of  the  others ;  &  each 
would,  if  it  be  at  all  done,  wish  to  have  the  advantages  & 
emoluments  of  such  a  decisive  event.  But  a  vast  &  horrible 
involution  of  party  rage  &  personal  rivalship  will  long  con 
tinue  to  distract  them,  &  retard  any  government  but  a  revolu 
tionary  &  military  despotism. 

"Lord  Malmsbury  has  left  Lisle  —  This  is  not  from  pub 
lic  authority,  but  I  hear  it  through  a  channel  upon  which  I 
completely  rely.  I  do  not  regret  this,  as  the  war  will  recom 
mence  with  vigour,  &  as  parties  are  distrusted  in  France,  & 
they  have  no  means  to  fit  out  distant  expeditions,  they  may 
be  the  more  inclined  to  listen  to  our  ministers.  Still  I  am 
convinced  that  they  rely  upon  a  source  of  transatlantic  means 
which  they  will  organise  in  proportion  as  the  negociation  is 
lengthened  &  spun  out  by  their  acts. 

"There  is  a  certainty  that  upon  the  Rhine  at  Bonn,  Cob- 
lentz,  &  Cologne,  a  revolutionary  spirit  has  brought  a  revolu 
tion  to  bear  upon  the  constituted  authorities.  The  plan  is 
to  erect  a  Cis-Rhine  Republic.  The  plan  of  France  is  not 
only  to  avail  herself  of  the  confusion  &  weakness  which  her 
enemies  will  feel  from  revolutions  in  their  towns,  but  also  to 
surround  her  land  —  Frontier  with  a  cordon  of  small  repub 
lics,  who  will  be  her  satellites,  her  out  guards,  &  whose  ex 
istence,  as.  republics,  must  depend  upon  subserviency  to  her 
&  on  her  protection.  Her  agents  have  produced  this  event. 
Her  force  is  at  hand  —  &  Though  the  great  majority  of  the 
people  there,  as  here,  are  agt.  this  plan,  her  partizans  there 
will  get  possession  of  power  &  call  their  ambition  Repub 
licanism.  Dear  God!  a  Republic  in  the  wealthy  &  corrupt 
parts  of  Europe !  as  a  republican  I  shd.  rejoice  if  I  saw  man 
ners,  morals,  &  independence  in  these  scenes.  Formerly  where 
luxury  had  totally  debauched  the  morals  of  a  nation  they 
supply  'd  in  energy  of  govt,  what  their  vices  &  habits  ren- 
dered  necessary,  to  hold  the  society  at  all  together.  At  pres 
ent  the  attempt  at  Liberty  begins  at  the  point  of  the  social 
state  when  it  used  to  end.  An  impatience  under  moral,  re 
ligious,  &  civil  institutions,  arising  from  a  knowledge  of  only 
abstract  doctrines,  &  stimulated  by  ambition,  love  of  plunder, 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHenry  281 

idleness  &  profligacy,  is  mistaken  for  love  of  Liberty.  It  is 
in  fact  the  restlessness  of  Vice  —  a  popular  path  which  it 
takes  to  avoid  the  imputation  of  criminality  &  to  enjoy  all 
its  extravagances  &  profits.  A  dreadful  anarchy  is  the  result 
—  &  society  is  thrown  back  into  its  elements,  without  its  sim 
plicity  &  morals,  I  can  see  no  end,  except  that  which  one 
man  enjoys  in  the  charge  &  possession  of  another's  property. 
"The  revolution  at  Paris  has  affected  this  country  but 
slightly.  The  violent  men  would  like  to  see  the  present  inter 
mediary  govt.  here  a  little  more  revolutionary;  but  the  great 
mass  of  virtuous  phlegm,  the  fair  &  honest  views  of  the  very 
great  majority  of  the  People  &  the  whole  genius  of  the  nation, 
incorporated  as  it  is  in  a  thousand  circumstances  &  arising 
out  of  the  artificial  existence  of  the  whole  Republic,  are 
against  sudden  bursts  of  fanaticism.  Dykes  which  repel  the 
beseiging  ocean  are  the  bulwarks  of  the  national  character. 
Those  who  exist  but  by  the  tenure  of  a  never  ending  vigi 
lance  to  sensible  objects,  of  such  importance  as  the  whole  of 
their  embanking  system,  you  can  readily  believe,  are  preserv 
ing  —  of  course,  patient,  thoughtful  —  slow  to  alter,  &  fixed 
when  once  determined  —  a  real  overthrow  of  things  in  Hol 
land,  in  the  true  revolutionary  sense  in  wh.  Europe  work.s 
changes  in  Govt.,  would  produce  the  catastrophe  of  which  the 
Zuyder  Zee,  at  this  moment,  is  an  awful  momento.  When- 
this  South  or  Zud  Zee  now  is,  once  was  land!  There  are 
records  in  Overyssel  &  Guilderland  of  this  fact.  The  gre?t 
exterior  Dykes  had  been  neglected  —  Storms  had  accumulated 
the  Ocean  upon  that  quarter —  the  bottoms  of  the  Dykes  were 
softened  and  sapped  and  were  burst.  The  deluge  in  -four 
&  twenty  hours  destroy 'd,  and  in  a  great  degree  covered,  & 
soon  obliterated  many  hundred  Villages  —  ( The  people  live 
in  villages)  I  hear  eight  hundred!  You  have  often  heard, 
but  scarcely  believed  that  the  ocean  is  higher  than  the  land 
in  many  of  the  finest  parts  of  the  Seven  Provinces  —  The 
fact  is  so  —  The  country  rests  upon  a  foot  of  soft  mud  - 
They  must  have  banked  out  first  in  the  flats  of  the  sea  &  then 
pumped  out  all  the  surrounded  water.  This  is  done  daily, 
as  to  pumping;  &  the  maintenance  of  wind  mills  for  this 
purpose,  to  keep  the  land  dry  which  is  below  the  surface  of 
the  sea,  forms  a  part  of  something  like  ground  rent,  to  each 
lot  in  the  town  districts.  Thus  it  is  near  Leyden  —  &  be 
tween  Rotterdam  —  the  Hague.  A  people  so  placed  are  obliged 
to  be  grave  and  steady,  or  drown.  A  Fete  indeed  is  to  take 


282  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  xn 

place  upon  the  event  of  the  downfall  of  Royalism,  as  they 
call  the  overthrow  of  the  Legislature  at  Paris  —  a  Speech 
from  the  President  of  the  assembly  &  from  Mr  Noel,  the  min 
ister,  is  it  is  said,  to  manifest  the  sympathy  of  Batavia  in 
the  triumphs  of  Liberty.  These  Fetes  are  useful  things  to 
any  party  who  use  them  triumphantly,  they  have  an  impos 
ing  effect  —  They  strike  all,  &  upon  thousands  who  love  bril 
liance,  effect,  &  success,  but  who  have  neither  opportunity  nor 
power  to  examine  into  the  justice  of  the  occasion.  These 
fetes  are  to  extend  from  the  mouth  of  the  Rhine,  to  the  ancient 
Kingdom  of  Ulysses  in  the  mouth  of  the  Adriatic,  that  'Lewd 
whore'  —  where  the  tri-coloured  flag  now  waves  over  the 
ruins  of  that  wise  king.  These  fetes  are  to  pervade  every 
scene  where  France  has  influence  or  possession.  They  will 
be  attempted  in  america.  I  consider  them  as  partly  the  tri 
umphs  over  our  friends  &  those  who  might,  if  any  in  France 
could,  do  us  justice.  It  will  be  highly  important  to  destroy 
the  influence  of  these  Fetes  then.  It  is  to  celebrate  the  bru 
tality  of  a  strictly  military  Despotism,  over  a  sincere  &  cordial 
operation,  through  which  the  great  experiment  was  to  be 
fairly  made,  whether  France  could  endure  a  real  republican 
form  of  Govt.  The  experiment  was  a  fair  one  —  The  people 
chose  their  members  —  these  now  were  not  Jacobins  — -  the 
Jacobins  formed  the  club  of  Saline  afterward  Montmorency. 
The  Directoire  grew  jealous  of  the  two  new  thirds  —  the  Ja 
cobins  united  wt.  it,  &  with  the  armies  agt.  them  —  The  Direc 
toire  turned  out  these  men  whom  the  people  appointed  and 
banished  the  ablest  of  them.  The  elections  of  all  men  of  that 
description,  except  of  those  who  from  timidity  have  made 
terms  with  the  Executive,  are  declared  illegal,  &  others  put 
in  before  the  intelligence  could  have  reached  the  communes  & 
Departments !  This  is  the  Avay  the  Directoire  secures  ma 
jorities  !  If  a  proper  use  be  made  of  the  late  event  in  Paris 
I  should  suppose  the  eyes  of  many,  certainly  not  all,  in 
America  might  be  opened;  &  that  the  Deception  of  the  Govt. 
once  manifested,  our  worthy  citizens  would  no  longer  be  the 
dupes  of  the  most  graceful  &  vicious  nation  under  the  sun. 

' '  I  have  written  to  Mr.  Smith,  the  minister  Plenipotent  'y 
at  Lisbon,  congratulating  him  —  He  merited  the  distinction 
— •  I  went  to  house-keeping  as  soon  as  I  heard  of  his  appoint 
ment,  &  could  get  ready.  But  my  dear  friend,  I  never  hear 
from  you  —  nor  from  a  soul  except  Col.  Pickering,  in  his 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHenry  283 

public  letters.     When  you  write,  you  could  omit  your  name 
as  I  do. 

<;I  can  not  omit  one  piece  of  information  of  which  I 
shall  also  inform  Col.  P.  The  publication  of  Mr.  Adam's 
letter  respecting  this  country  does  us  mischief.  It  has  ex 
cited  considerable  heat  —  &  is  thought  an  insult.  They  wd. 
certainly  have  demanded  his  recall  had  he  been  here.  Yet 
I  will  still  suppose  that  to  answer  a  great  end,  these  steps 
must  sometimes  be  taken  —  and,  in  this  case,  whatever  incon 
venience  arises  to  the  minister  it  is  his  duty  to  bear  it  as 
part  of  his  official  labours  &  troubles.  Certainty  of  good, 
however,  ought  always  to  be  placed  against  certainty  of  evil. 
Unless  the  good  is  great  and  certain  from  publication,  I 
should  hope  the  govt.  would  never  publish.  I  know  that  it 
is  to  tell  the  truth,  however  unwelcome,  that  a  minister  is 
sent  abroad.  I  have  not  been  spoken  to  nor  written  to  for 
mally;  &  have,  when  I  saw  it  would  be  convenient,  attempted 
to  soften  the  affair.  The  violence  is  pretty  much  against  Mr. 
Adams  —  who  is  out  of  the  reach  of  this  anger.  They  say 
its  hurts  them  with  France  &  is  impolitic  as  it  enables  her 
to  stimulate  this  country  against  us  contrary  to  their  wishes, 
by  appealing  to  the  pride  of  the  Batavian  People  and  national 
Govt.  But  I  have  no  fears  respecting  their  disposition  to  be 
at  peace,  unless,  shd.  a  war  unfortunately  come  on  with 
France,  they  should  be  urged,  under  their  Treaty  offensive 
&  Defensive  of  1795,  to  join  F.  in  the  war  agt.  us.  To  guard 
against  this  probability  I  have  for  months  seized  &  sought 
occasions  of  supporting  this  proposition,  when  I  thought  it 
might  work  to  the  proposed  end  —  That  it  is  the  interest  of 
France  to  suffer  the  Dutch  to  l)e  at  Peace  with  America. 
This,  I  believe,  is  true.  To  support  this  proposition  I  am 
endeavouring  to  collect  materials  to  show  the  importance  of 
the  American  trade  to  the  Dutch  and  the  bearings  of  the 
Dutch  trade  and  money 'd  operations  upon  the  French  re 
sources  &  affairs.  The  relations  of  the  American  trade  with 
Bremen  &  Hamburg  &  the  connection  of  these  in  this  trade 
with  Amsterdam  and  Rotterdam.  The  subserviency  of  the 
instalments  &  interest  to  those  sources  of  Dutch  competency 
which  are  available  to  France  at  present.  The  relations  of 
the  American  trade  to  France  as  diverted  from  English  into 
a  Dutch  channel  &  the  importance  of  keeping  up  this  diver 
sion.  The  great  importance  of  the  American  neutral  bot 
toms  to  Holland  &  France  in  the  Surinam  &  Batavia  E.  India 


284  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

trade  —  and  a  prodigious  deal  of  this  carrying  is  done  now 
in  American  ships  which  have  not  been  at  home  for  three  years 
—  particularly  those  in  the  E.  India  freights.  In  fact,  the 
great  value  to  France  of  an  extensive  Dutch  trade,  till  she  can 
revive  her  own  navigation  —  and  the  very  little  aid  she  could 
derive  from  a  power  whose  fleets,  are  year  after  year  block 
aded  in  the  Texel  —  together  with  the  loss  which  the  Dutch 
would  sustain  in  the  West  Indies  &  South  America  without 
benefit  to  the  IT.  S.  but  to  the  certain  aggrandisement  of  the 
great  rival  of  France,  G.  Britain.  In  these  attempts,  I  shall 
not  show,  nor  have  I  manifested,  any  the  remotest  apprehen 
sion  of  a  failure  of  our  pacific  negociation  which  will  open  at 
Paris  —  but  only  urged  them  to  lend  them  as  far  as  friendly 
sympathy  might  act,  to  aid  the  force  of  our  reasonings  &  to 
prevent  a  rupture  &  a  good  understanding  with  France  &c. 
&c  &c. 

"The  mutiny  in  the  British  fleet  is  crushed,  not  only  by 
the  government,  but  by  that  union  in  all  sorts  of  parties  which 
was  produced  by  so  serious  &  unmetaphysical  a  situation  &  as 
to  the  British,  they  behave  handsomely  enough  to  our  trade, 
from  all  I  can  learn  —  of  course  interest  &  that  alone  produces 
this  conduct  &  of  course  they  wish  us  to  go  to  war.  There  is 
one  thing  very  far  from  pleasant,  in  the  prospect  of  the  busi 
ness  of  settlement  of  claims  by  the  board  of  commissioners. 
No  case  falls  wth.  in  the  cognizance  of  that  board,  but  such 
as  can  not  be  reached  in  the  ordinary  course  of  judicial  pro 
ceedings  there  —  cases  have  to  travel  through  certain  stages 
of  process  in  the  courts  first  —  here  is  the  approaching  hard 
ship.  Either  the  courts  are  in  justifiably  slow,  or  their  delays 
are  designed  to  take  many  cases  out  of  the  remedy  of  the 
Treaty,  for  the  commissioners,  I  believe,  can  not  receive  cases 
longer  than  about  the  next  April.  In  such  a  state  of  cases 
undecided,  they  might  avail  themselves  of  circumstances,  and 
say,  (though  with  chicanery)  that  the  Treaty  had  been  grat 
ify  'd.  However  we  have  debts  as  a  pledge  —  but  that  again 
sets  the  old  sores  to  running. 

"Mrs  M.  has  written  I  think  twice  to  Mrs.  McIIenry  — 
pray  remember  us  both  with  the  most  cordial  respect  &  kind 
ness  to  her  &  accept  these  from  us  both  —  my  compliments  to 
my  friend  Mr.  John  McHenry.  I  have  written  thrice  to  Genl. 
Washington.  1.  under  cover  a  blank  cover  to  you,  soon 
after  my  arrival.  2.  inclosed  by  a  gentleman  to  Baltimore 
to  Mr  Gilmor.  3d.  lately  by  Cap.  Izard,  who  returns  an 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHenry  285 

accomplished,  refined  right  sort  of  young  man.  One  letter 
from  you,  your  first  —  &  one  from  my  brother  are  all  —  all 
that  I  have  seen  from  America!  Mun's  letters  I  have  seen. 
I  admire  the  way  in  which  Col.  P.  has  turned  aside  from  him 
—  god  bless  you,  my  dear  friend,  &  believe  me  to  be  always 
' '  Sincerely  &  Affectionately  yrs. ' ' 

On  October  13,  another  letter  was  sent  by  Murray, 1 
telling  of  the  events  of  the  European  war  and  saying : 

"The  Hague  13.  Oct.  1797. 
"My  dear  Sir, 

"Were  I  in  China  I  should  not  wonder  at  the  total  ab 
sence  of  letters  from  those  who  are  such  friends  as  I  am  pos 
sessed  of.  But  so  near,  with  such  constant  opportunities,  I 
do  wonder  &  grieve.  If  you  have  not  time,  my  young  friend, 
Mr  John  McHenry  would  write  &  let  me  know  how  you  do  & 
that  I  am  not  gone  from  all  remembrance.  Mrs.  M.  also 
grieves  —  for  I  have  received  but  one  letter  from  you  —  but 
one  from  my  brother  —  &  a  line  from  Harper  since  I  became 
Dutch ! 

"The  Dutch  Fleet  at  length  resolved  to  try  its  title  to  the 
ocean  with  the  british.  They  went  out  on  Saturday  last. 
Duncan 's  Squadron  being  supposed  to  be  in  port.  The  Fleets 
met  a  little  South  of  the  Texel,  where,  you  may  easily  suppose, 
from  the  map  I  send  for  your  acceptance,  an  engagement  took 
place.  The  Dutch  Fleet  under  Admiral  De  Winter,  formerly 
a  Lieutenant  of  a  ship,  consisted  of  17  of  the  line  &  ten  Fri 
gates  &  small  ships.  The  British,  it  is  said,  of  15.  of  the  line 
&  some  frigates  (I  do  not  hear  how  many).  The  Dutch,  as 
might  be  expected  from  their  inexperience  &  want  of  old 
officers,  &  especially  of  old  Seasoned,  between-deck  subal 
terns,  were  defeated  &  eight  fine  ships  of  the  line,  some  say 
ten,  taken.  They  behaved  very  handsomely  &  with  the  great 
est  bravery.  De  Winter  &  another  Admiral  Krayestein  were 
among  the  prisoners! 

"On  the  sailing  of  the  Fleet,  the  greatest  joy  prevailed 

1  On  October  24,  Pickering  wrote  McHenry  as  follows: 
"Mr.  Murray's  last  letter  is  dated  July  21.  He  mentions  that  last 
spring  certain  terms  had  been  agreed  between  Delacroix  &  the  Portu 
guese  minister  at  Paris,  and  the  treaty  prepared  for  signing  —  but  just 
then  arrived  the  news  of  Bonaparte's  great  successes  —  and  the  Directory 
had  the  perfidy  and  the  insolence,  not  only  to  abandon  the  treaty  agreed 
on,  but  to  present  a  paper  with  very  different  terms  to  the  Portuguese 
minister  to  sign  :  but  he  refused  —  and  they  ordered  him  to  quit  Paris  — 
Tho'  not  France.  He  chose  to  go  to  Holland.  I  suppose  it  was  from  him 
that  Mr.  M.  received  the  account." 


286  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

among  the  men  in  public  life  —  &,  on  a  false  report  of  the 
british  flying  before  the  Batavian  flag,  the  guns  were  fired  at 
Rotterdam  &  great  demonstrations  of  triumph  took  place. 
The  sudden  reverse  of  fortune  has  affected  all  classes,  as  you 
may  imagine,  with  a  steady  gloom.  Dead  bodies,  &  the  wreck 
of  masts,  sails,  &c  &c  float  up  hourly  upon  the  long  line  of  sea 
coast  &  present  a  mournful  detail  of  the  defeat. 

"This,  though  I  can  not  help  grieving  for  my  Sober  & 
honest  friends  the  Dutch,  who  deserve  to  be  a  free  &  inde 
pendent  nation,  under  present  circumstances  will  help  us ;  as 
that  british  squadron  which  was  large  &  expensive,  will  be  no 
longer  necessary  on  this  coast.  The  French,  the  pivot  of  mod 
ern  speculation,  will  find  their  rival  enemy  so  very  strong  by 
this  liberation  of  force  from  European  attention  in  the  West 
Indies,  as  to  render  the  vessels  &  supplies  of  the  U.  S.  &  their 
neutrality,  more  &  more  essential. 

' '  Parties  here  are  differently  affected  by  this  event.  The 
mass  of  the  people,  who  appear  to  be  orangists,  do  not  lament 
it  — •  many  of  them  are  to  day  drinking  &  rejoicing  in  private 
at  this  defeat,  which  they  think  will  help  their  friend  the 
Prince. 

' '  I  have  not  heard  from  any  of  our  Negotiators  at  Paris 
since  their  arrival.  I  have  written  every  post.  I  am  almost 
certain  they  would  write.  Since  the  publication  of  Mr 
Adam 's  letter  respecting  this  country  &c  —  I  have  reason  to 
apprehend  a  great  attention  on  the  part  of  the  French  to  all 
letters  to  a  prime  minister  U.  S.  Indeed,  I  feel  the  effects  of 
that  publication  in  various  ways,  for  it  has  produced  an  un 
disguised  resentment  in  the  members  of  the  Govt.  If  you 
would  have  any  minister  ordered  off  —  the  way  would  be  to 
publish  his  dispatches.  I  shall  still  do  my  duty,  as  I  have  told 
one  of  the  members  of  the  Commission  des  Relations  Exter- 
ieures  who,  among  others,  spoke  to  me  with  rather  a  menace, 
or  at  best  a  warning,  agt.  such  communications.  So,  my  dear 
Sir,  you  will  judge  upon  this  affair.  The  minister  must  write 
the  truth  &  the  whole  of  it  —  &  I  shall  do  so  —  the  Govt.  must 
judge  as  to  publication  —  always,  however,  under  a  Certainty 
that  from  that  moment  any  minister  becomes  offensive  at  the 
place  he  is.  As  yet,  from  appearances,  they  seem  to  like  me 
very  well. 

"They  have  a  committee  upon  another  constitution.     I 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHenry  287 

very  lately  wrote  by  Capt.  Stiles  of  Baltimore  to  you  &  to 
Genl.  W.     Fayette  is  liberated. 

"&  believe  me  always  affectionately  Yrs" 

These  difficulties  with  France  disturbed  Lafayette,  who 
was  now  released,  and  wrote  McHenry  at  the  end  of  the  year : 

"Lhemkull  December  26th  1797 
''My  Dear  McHenry 

"  I  do  not  know  Whether  or  Not  My  former  Letters  Have 
reached  America.  Should  they  have  Miscarried  I  Hope  the 
various  Dangers  now  attending  the  Navigation  Will  Sufficient 
ly  Apologize  for  me.  This  prison  Scrible  of  Mine  I  Risk  at 
Random.  Lieutenant  Juimpi  of  the  Artillery  acquaints  me, 
in  a  Letter  Dated  October  the  24th,  that,  in  a  fortnight,  He 
will  Sail  for  Baltimore.  I  Heard  of  it  But  Lately  And  Depend 
Upon  Some  Mistake  in  the  Date  or  an  Unforseen  Delay  that 
May  Have  Detained  him.  I  am  Much  obliged  to  Him  for 
the  Notice  He  Has  given  Me,  nor  was  it  His  fault  if  it  Comes 
too  Late.  To  him  also  I  owed  on  my  passage  through  Ger 
many  the  pleasing  emotions  I  felt  at  the  first  Sight,  after  so 
long  a  time,  of  an  American  Uniform.  How  Many  Dear  Ideas 
it  Recalls  to  My  Mind  and  to  My  Heart !  Among  Which  My 
Beloved  McHenry  Comes  in  for  a  great  Share. 

"  I  am  Sick,  and,  for  the  Whole  Winter,  intend  to  Remain 
in  this  Solitary  Country  Seat  in  Holstein,  on  Danish  Territory, 
where  my  fellow  prisoner  Latour  Maubourg  and  our  two 
families  are  With  me.  You  know  that  State  of  our  Health, 
particularly  that  of  My  Wife  Has  Rendered  it  impossible  for 
us  to  travel  farther,  Much  more  so  to  Embark  at  this  Season 
of  the  Year  —  we  are  in  a  Safe  place,  and  Waiting  for  the 
Spring.  I  am  Now  Well  again  —  it  is  not  Yet  the  case  with 
my  two  friends.  My  Wife,  altho  She  is  a  little  Better,  Has 
not  Hitherto  made  great  Progress  towards  Her  Recovery.  This 
Captivity  Has  Been  More  Hurtful  to  Her  than  to  any  body 
else. 

"With  great  and  Heartfelt  Satisfaction  I  Hear  that  the 
Dreadful  Distemper  in  Philadelphia  and  Baltimore  Has  Sub 
sided.  So  Many  friends  I  Have  there.  So  Affectionate  is  My 
Attachement  to  the  Mass  of  the  Citizens,  and  so  Difficult  is  it 
to  Hear  Any  thing  from  Your  quarter  that  I  Could  not  But 
Be  Extremely  Anxious,  and  So  shall  be  until  I  Can  Come  at 
particulars  about  this  Horrid  Calamity. 


288  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

"There  is  another  Subject  of  Unhappiness  to  me.  These 
differences  Between  America  and  France.  How  they  Damp 
every  enjoyment  of  My  Eestoration  to  Liberty  and  Life,  How 
I  r,egret  not  to  be  able  to  do  more  than  write  a  few  Letters, 
How  I  wish  it  was  in  My  Power  to  adjust  them  With  Equal 
Convenience  and  Equal  Dignity  to  Both  Countries  I  Need  Not 
talk  to  You,  My  Dear  McIIenry  —  a  Quarrell  Between  the  two 
Common  Wealths  is  So  Unnatural  a  thing  that  I  Had  Never 
feared  I  Should  Live  to  See  it. 

' '  Inclosed  is  a  letter  to  Gl.  Washington  Which  I  also  trust 
to  the  Same  very  Uncertain  Chance.  That  of  Lieutenant 
Juimpi's  not  having  sailed.  I  also  enclose  two  quadrupli 
cates  to  my  two  Heroic  friends,  Bolman  and  Huger.  Present 
my  Best  and  grateful  Respect  to  the  President,  the  Vice  Pres 
ident,  and  all  our  friends,  Particularly  to  Your  Family.  I 
Have  not  Yet  Heard  from  My  Brother  Noailles.  Let  him 
know  How  we  are.  I  Hope  His  answers  will  Soon  Come  to 
Hand.  Remember  me  also  to  Gen'l  Kosciusko.  I  Hope  His 
Health  is  Better.  My  Great  Regard  for  Him  Makes  me  More 
affectionately  Partake  in  every  thing  that  Concerns  Him.  You 
know,  Dear  McHenry,  How  Heartily  I  am  forever 
"Your  friend 
' '  LAFAYETTE ' ' 

Other  European  letters  came  to  McHenry  from  Lisbon, 
whither  his  friend,  William  Smith  of  South  Carolina,  had 
gone  in  the  summer  of  1797  as  the  minister  and  whence  he 
wrote  of  the  customs  of  the  country  and  of  the  events  of  the 
European  wars.  Smith  wTas  a  thorough  Federalist  and  stood 
for  a  stern  refusal  to  compromise  with  France.  l 

During  the  course  of  1797,  the  forts  in  New  York  harbor 
were  begun.  New  York 2  appropriated  $150,000  for  these 
fortifications,  in  expectation  of  being  repaid,  without  reference 
to  the  balance  found  due  from  the  state  to  the  nation,  by  com 
missioners,  and,  as  Adams  3  thought,  did  not  declare  that  the 
forts  when  built  should  belong  to  the  United  States,  therefore, 
he  thought  the  money  should  be  expended  by  Hamilton,  with 
reservation  of  rights  of  the  national  legislature.  Pickering 
wrote  that  the  jurisdiction  of  the  forts  was  ceded,  but  doubted 

1  These  letters  were  printed   in    Sewanee   Review,   xiv,    No.    1,    Janu 
ary,   1906. 

2  J.  Adams,  viii,   556.  ^ 

3  Some  interesting  letters  from  Murray   to   the   President  are  printed 
in  the  appendix  to  volume  8  of  John  Adams's  Works. 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHenry  289 

whether  the  state  intended  to  appropriate  money  to  pay  its 
debt  to  the  United  States  and  suggested,  on  November  6,  that 
McHenry  write  Jay  to  direct  the  work  to  proceed,  stating  that 
sums  expended  by  New  York  should  be  credited  on  account  of 
the  balance,  to  avoid  a  claim  from  the  state.  Winter  was  near, 
nothing  could  be  done  until  spring  and,  consequently,  a  little 
delay  would  not  hurt  matters. 

On  June  13,  1798,  McHenry  wrote  the  military  committee 
of  New  York  and  sent  the  letter  to  Hamilton,  asking  whether 
the  forts  should  be  first  undertaken  on  the  islands  in  the  har 
bor,  or  on  Sandy  Hook.  A  letter  from  Hamilton  to  McHenry, 
dated  June  1,  seems  to  be  upon  this  matter  as  follows: 
"My  Dear  Sir 

"Our  citizens  are  extremely  anxious  that  som^  further 
measures  for  their  defence  should  take  place.  Do  me  the 
favour  to  inform  me  confidentially  what  means  are  actually 
in  the  disposition  of  your  department  for  this  purpose,  when  & 
how  they  will  be  apllied. 

"  Yrs  truly  &c 
"A  HAMILTON 

"A  Capt  Hacker  formerly  of  our  Navy  is  desirous  of 
being  employed.  One  or  two  good  men  have  recommended 
him  to  me.  It  seems,  however,  —  that  he  has  been  heretofore 
rather  Democratic.  I  barely  wish  that  his  pretensions  may  be 
fairly  but  carefully  considered  &  that  he  may  have  such  chance 
as  he  merits 

"The  sooner  I  hear  from  you  the  better." 

On  February  27,  1798,  McHenry  reported  to  the  house 
of  representatives  1  that  he  had  expended  on  forts,  princi 
pally  on  Fort  Mifflin,  Pa.,  $39,400,  and  that  there  remained  a 
balance  of  the  appropriation  of  $97,700.  The  delay  in  build 
ing  forts  was  largely  caused  by  the  tardiness  of  the  states  in 
ceding  sites.  He  suggested  that,  as  the  frontiers  are  likely  for 
a  long  time  to  need  all  the  existing  army  and  forts  cannot  be 
garrisoned  by  militia,  the  army  be  augmented  and  that  a  re 
gard  to  ultimate  economy  required  that  the  forts  be  con 
structed  of  durable  materials. 

From  Mount  Vernon,  Washington  wrote  -  McHenry  on 
January  28,  asking  many  questions  on  public  and  private  mat 
ters,  especially  as  to  the  "meaning  of  the  calm  and  apparent 

1  State  Papers,  Milit.  Affairs,  5,  119. 

2  Ford,  xiii,  428. 


290  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  xn 

harmony"  in  congress  and  whether  there  are  "no  accounts  yet 
from  our  envoys?  If  not,  to  what  is  their  silence  attributed, 
when  the  newspapers  are  filled  with  accounts  of  them  as  late 
as  the  middle  of  November  from  Paris,  where  they  must  have 
been  at  least  six  weeks. ' ' l 


1  Other  unpublished  letters  from  Washington  on  private  matters, 
are  dated  from  this  period  as  follows : 

"Mount   Vernon   7th.   Feb.    1798. 
"Dear  Sir, 

"Tour  two  letters,  tooth  dated  the  1st.  instant,  came  to  hand  yes 
terday  only.  I  thank  you  for  giving  me  the  perusal  of  their  enclosures ; 
and  as  I  am  upon  the  point  of  setting  out  to  a  meeting  of  the  Stock 
holders  of  the  Potomack  Navigation,  and  may  be  from  home  two  or  three 
days,  I  return  them  without  delay. 

"I  had,  it  is  true,  entirely  forgot  my  old  Coach  until  reminded  thereof 
by  Mr.  Small;  upon  which,  I  wrote  to  Colo.  Biddle  (who  transacts  all 
matters  of  that  sort  for  me  in  Philadelphia)  to  sell  it  for  whatever  it 
would  fetch,  and  took  it  for  granted  that  all  expences  (as  he  had  money 
of  mine  in  his  hands)  had  been  paid  Let  me  entreat  you,  therefore,  to 
direct  Mr.  iSmall  to  that  source  for  payment. 

"As  the  Gout  &  Rheumatism  are  said  to  [be]  Cousin  Germans,  it  is  no 
matter  on  which  Acct.  (I  hope  I  may)  congratulate  you  on  a  recovery 

from •     Complims.    &c.  —  and   I    am   always 

"Your   Affecty 

"Go.   WASHINGTON. 
"'James  McHenry  Esqr." 

"Mount   Vernon   4th.    Mar.    1798. 
•"Sir, 

"Your  favour  of  the  9th  ult.  came  duly  to  hand  &  would  have  received 
an  earlier  acknowledgment  had  not  causes,  of  one  kind  or  another  inter 
vened. 

"Always  desirous  of  promoting  works  which  are  calculated  for  the 
use  and  benefit  of  mankind ;  and  believing  that  the  one  you  have  in 
contemplation  if  well  compiled,  will  contribute  to  this  end,  I  readily  be 
come  a  subscriber  to  it. 

"For  the  flattering  terms  in  which  you  have  been  pleased  to  intro 
duce  the  subject  to  me,  I  pray  you  to  accept  the  thanks  of.  Sir 
"Your  Most  Obedt.  —  Hble.   Servt. 

"Go.  WASHINGTON. 
"Mr.  John  Parker 

"Mount  Vernon  4th.  March  1798. 
"Dear    Sir, 

"Knowing  nothing  of  Mr.  John  Parker  (whose  letter  I  enclose  you;) 
of  his  fitness  for  the  work  he  contemplated ; —  or  the  utility  of  it  when 
done ;  except  bringing  All  these  Matters  into  a  connected  view ; —  which 
indeed  Might  be  useful —  But  knowing  as  I  Well  do,  that  many  men 
when  they  want  money,  and  do  not  readily  know  how  else  to  come  at  it, 
are  too  apt  to  set  projects  of  this  kind  on  foot,  to  obtain  it ;  sometimes 
for  the  mere  purpose  of  catching  a  penny,  without  meaning  more  than 
t6  get  hold  of  the  money;  and  oftentimes  without  abilities  to  execute 
their  designs  in  Useful  undertakings,  by  which  attempts,  more  competent 
pens  lye  unimployed.  I  say,  viewing  things  in  this  light,  &  presuming 
you  have  a  better  knowledge  of  what  is  stated  in  his  letter  than  I  can 
pretend  to,  —  of  his  views ;  and  of  the  propriety  of  encouraging  the  pro 
posed  Undertaking;  I  have  taken  the  liberty  of  putting  along  with  his 
letter,  My  answer,  to  be  forwarded  to  him,  or  not,  as  in  your  judgment, 
&  from  existing  circumstances,  you  shall  deem  best.  — 

"With  truth  &  sincerity  —  I  am  always 
"Your  affectionate  friend 
"Go.   WASHINGTON. 
"Are    our    Commrs.    Guilotined?  — 
or   what   else    is    the    Occasion 
of  their  Silence?" 

From  Mount  Vernon  Washington  wrote,  on  June  22,   1<98,  complain- 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHenry  291 

As  the  year  1798  began  and  a  rejection  of  our  envoys 
seemed  probable,  Adams  addressed  a  series  of  questions  on 
January  24  to  the  heads  of  departments,  asking  them  if  war 
should  follow  such  rejection.  1 

Two  days  later  McHenry  wrote,  enclosing  the  president's 
queries:  "My  dear  Hamilton,  Will  you  assist  me,  or  rather 
your  country,  with  such  suggestions  and  opinions  as  may  oc 
cur  to  you  on  the  subject  of  the  within  paper.  Some  of  the 
questions  it  contains  are  very  important  and  an  immature  step, 
or  a  wrong  policy,  pursued  or  recommended,  respecting  them 
may  become  extremely  injurious,  or  beget  disagreeable  conse 
quences.  I  am  sure  I  cannot  do  such  justice  to  the  subject  as 
you  can.  Let  me,  therefore,  intreat  you  to  favour  me,  as  soon 
as  possible,  with  your  ideas.  Take  care  of  the  paper.  I 
received  it  only  this  morning.  Yours  most  affectionately. ' ' 2 

Hamilton's  answer  to  this  is  as  follows: 

"It  may  serve  to  prepare  the  way  for  a  direct  answer  to 
the  questions  stated  by  the  President  to  make  some  preliminary 
observations : 

"1.  It  is  an  understood  fact  that  there  is  a  very  general 
and  strong  aversion  to  War  in  the  minds  of  the  people  of  this 
Country  —  and  a  considerable  part  of  the  community  (though 
even  this  part  has  been  greatly  alienated  from  France  by  the 
late  violent  conduct  towards  this  country)  is  still  peculiarly 
averse  to  a  War  with  that  Republic. 

"2.  A  formal  rupture  between  the  two  countries  ipso 
facto  carries  matters  to  the  greatest  extremity,  and  takes  all 

Ing  of  McHenry's  failure  to  answer  his  letters  and  asking,  "what  has  been 
done  with  a  letter  of  mine,  put  under  cover  to  you  (early  in  March  last) 
to  be  forwarded,  or  suppressed,  at  your  discretion,  to  a  Mr.  John  Parker ; 
who  exhibited  Proposals  to  the  Public,  for  compiling  a  complete  Edition 
of  all  the  Journals  of  Congress  from  the  earliest  period  of  them  down  to 
the  present  day?" — Lear's  "Letters  and  Recollections  of  Washington."  255. 
On  June  26,  McHenry  wrote  Washington  apologizing  for  forgetting 
to  answer  owing  to  a  press  of  business,  and  saying  that  he  did  not  give 
Parker  Washington's  letter  for  Parker  was  working  for  a  Democratic 
printer  and  McHenry  thought  it  best  not  to  give  a  person  the  "countenance 
of  your  name  whose  politics,  according  to  my  information,  entitled  him 
to  none.  If  this  objection  is  not  valid,"  McHenry  will  yet  deliver  the 
letter.  The  objection  must  have  been  valid,  for  the  letter  to  Parker  re 
mained  among  McHenry's  papers  to  this  day. 

1  J.   Adams,  i,   515. 

2  C.    F.    Adams,    in    his    life   of   his   grandfather,    insinuates    that    Mc 
Henry's  plan  was  drawn  by  Hamilton  with  reference  to  Miranda  and  that 
this  explains   McHenry's  reference  to   Spain.     But   Adams  had  asked   Mc 
Henry   to   consider  relations   with   Spain.     C.   F.   Adams   also   groundlessly 
insinuates  that  Pickering,  Wolcott,  and  McHenry  knew  more  of  Miranda's 
project  than  they  cared  to  disclose. 


292  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

the  chances  of  evil  which  can  accrue  from  the  Vengeance  of 
France  stimulated  by  success. 

"3.  A  mitigated  hostility  leaves  still  a  door  open  to 
negotiation  and  takes  some  chances,  to  avoid  some  of  the  ex 
tremities  of  a  formal  war. 

"4.  By  a  formal  war  with  France  there  is  nothing  to  be 
gained.  Trade  she  has  none  —  and  as  to  territory,  if  we  could 
make  acquisitions  they  are  not  desireable. 

"5.  These  premisses  if  just  lead  to  this  conclusion,  that 
in  the  event  of  a  failure  of  the  present  attempt  to  negotiate,  a 
truly  vigorous  defensive  plan,  with  the  continuance  of  a  read 
iness  still  to  negotiate  is  the  course  advisable  to  be  pursued. 

"Then,  if  one  or  more  of  our  Commissioners  remain  in 
Europe,  it  may  be  expedient  to  leave  them  there  (say  in  Hol 
land)  to  have  the  air  of  still  being  disposed  to  meet  any  open 
ing  to  accommodation. 

"If  they  all  return,  there  is  an  end  of  that  question,  for 
they  certainly  are  not  to  be  sent  back. 

' '  The  further  measures  presumed  to  be  expedient  for  the 
Government  in  the  event  supposed  are: 

"1.  To  give  permission  to  Merchant  Vessels  under  prop 
er  guards  to  arm  for  defence. 

"2.  To  prepare  as  fast  as  possible  a  number  of  Sloops 
of  War,  say  Twenty,  of  from  16  to  20  guns  each.  Vessels 
already  built  may  be  procured  fit  for  the  purpose  and  perhaps 
in  sufficient  numbers. 

"3.  To  complete  as  fast  as  possible  the  three  remaining 
Frigates. 

"4.  To  give  authority  to  the  President,  in  case  of  open 
rupture,  to  provide,  equip  &c,  by  such  means  as  he  shall  judge 
best,  a  number  of  ships  of  the  line  not  exceeding  ten  in  num 
ber.  'Tis  not  improbable  these  may  be  procured  from  G.  B. 
—  to  be  manned  &  commanded  by  us.  A  provisional  negotia 
tion  for  this  purpose  may  be  opened.  The  authority  ought  to 
be  broad  enough,  though  correct  in  the  terms,  to  permit  the 
contracting  with  a  foreign  power  to  take  such  a  number  of  its 
navy  into  the  pay  of  our  Government. 

' '  In  the  first  instance  our  Merchant  &  other  armed  vessels 
should  be  authorised  to  capture  and  bring  or  send  in  all  ves 
sels  which  may  attack  them  and  all  French  privateers,  which 
they  may  find  hovering  within  -  -  leagues  of  our  Coast.  The 
vessels  to  be  condemned  &  the  crews  liberated. 


1797-1798] 


of  James  Me  Henry 


293 


"To  this  end  and  for  more  important 
reasons,  the  Treaties  of  Alliance  &  Com 
merce  between  the  U.  States  &  France 
to  be  declared  suspended. 

"6.     A  substantial  regular  Force  of 
20,000  men  to  be  at  once  set  on  foot  and 
raised  as  soon  as  may  be.     Of  these  not 
"5.  A  Regiment  to|  less  than  2000  to  be  cavalry.     An  auxil- 
form    two    batalionsjiary  provisional  army  to  be  likewise  con- 
commanded     by      a  stituted  of  30,000.     Infantry  on  the  plan 


Colonel. 

"Each  batalion  to 
be  commanded  by  a 
Major  &  to  consist  of 
5  Companies  to  have 


heretofore  suggested.  1 

"7.  To  furnish  the  means,  all  the 
sources  of  revenue  to  be  immediately 
seized  and  put  in  action  with  boldness 
&  a  loan  to  the  requisite  extent  on  com- 


a  Captain  two  lieu-jputation  to  be  authorised, 
tenants    4    sergeants j     "The  more  Revenue  we  have  the  more 
&  100  rank  &  file.        vigour  evidently  we  can  act  with  &  by 
taking  a  rank  hold  from  the  commence 
ment  we  shall  the  better  avoid  an  accu 
mulation  of  debt.     This  object  is  all  im 
portant  nor  do  I  fear  any  serious  obsta 
cles  from  popular  opposition. 

"The  measures  to  be  taken  by  Executive  will  therefore 
be.  To  Communicate  to  Congress  with  manly,  but  calm  and 
sedate  firmness  &  without  strut,  the  ill  success  of  the  attempt 
to  negotiate  &  the  circumstances  attending  it.  To  deplore  the 
failure  of  the  measure. 

:To  inculcate  that  the  crisis  is  a  verv 


'*!  think  the  ov 
erthrow  of  England 
&  the  invasion  of 
this  Country  very 
possible  so  possible 


serious  one  &,  looking  forward  to  possi 
ble  events  in  Europe,  may  involve  the 
safety,  liberty  &  prosperity  of  this  Coun 
try.* 

"That  the  situation  points  out  two  ob- 


that   any   other  cal-'jeots:     1.     measures  of   immediate   de- 


culation  for  our  Gov 


ernment 
bad  one. 


will    be    a 


fence  to  our  Commerce  and  2.  of  ulterio>* 
security  in  the  event  of  open  Rupture. 


Towards  these  the  above  mentioned  meas 
ures  to  be  recommended  but  without  de- 
jtail  as  to  numbers  of  Ships,  troops  &c. 
The  idea  to  be  thrown  in  that  the  hope  of  an  accomoda- 


1  McHenry,  in  his  reply  to  the  president,  placed  the  regulars  at  16,000 
and  the  provisional  army  at  20,000. 


294  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

tion,  without  proceeding  to  an  open  Rupture,  ought  not  to  be 
abandoned  or  precluded,  while  measures  of  self  preservation 
ought  not  to  be  omitted  or  delayed  &  ought -to  be  prosecuted 
with  a  vigour  commensurable  with  the  present  injury  &  event 
ual  greatness  of  the  danger. 

"The  further  idea  ought  to  be  thrown  out  that  France, 
by  formally  violating,  has  in  fact  suspended  the  Treaties  — 
that  they  ought,  consequently  ad  interim,  to  be  suspended  by 
us  —  since  the  observance  on  one  side  &  not  on  the  other  can 
only  produce  inconvenience  &  embarrassment. 

The  necessity  of  ample  provision  of 
revenue  &  force  ought  to  be  dwelt  upon 


' '  There    has    been 
latterly     too     much 


with   emphasis  accompanied  by  strong 
allusions  to  great  future  possible  dan- 


Epigram  in  our  Of-]gers.     In  all  this  a  stile  cautious,  solemn, 
ficial  Stile.  j  grave,  but  free  from  asperity  or  insult 

|  is  all  important. 

"An  Embargo  seems  now  to  be  out  of  place  &  ineligible. 

"With  regard  to  Spain,  nothing  more  seems  advisable  at 
present  than  to  instruct  our  Minister  at  that  Court  to  make 
respectful  but  energetic  representations,  pressing  the  fulfil 
ment  of  the  Treaty.  The  less  is  done  with  her  Officers  here 
the  better. 

' '  With  regard  to  Holland  or  Portugal,  it  is  not  perceived 
that  any  thing  is  requested  except  to  endeavour  to  continue  & 
cultivate  good  understanding. 

"As  to  England,  it  is  believed  to  be  best,  in  any  event,  to 
avoid  alliance.  Mutual  interest  will  command  as  much  from 
her  as  Treaty.  If  she  can  maintain  her  own  ground,  she  will 
not  see  us  fall  a  prey  —  if  she  cannot,  Treaty  will  be  a  public 
bond.  Should  we  make  a  Treaty  with  her  &  observe  it,  we 
take  all  the  chances  of  her  fall.  Should  France  endeavour 
to  detach  us  from  a  Treaty,  if  made,  by  offering  advantageous 
terms  of  Peace,  it  would  be  a  difficult  &  dangerous  task  to  our 
Government  to  resist  the  popular  cry  for  acceptance  of  her 
terms.  'Twill  be  best  not  to  entangle. 

"Nothing  more,  therefore,  seems  proper  to  be  done  than, 
through  Mr.  King,  to  communicate  the  measures  in  Train  — 
to  sound  as  to  cooperation  in  case  of  open  Rupture,  the  furn 
ishing  us  with  naval  force  —  point 'g  the  cooperation  to  the 
Floridas,  Louisiana,  &  South  American  possessions  of  Spain, 
if  rupture,  as  is  probable,  shall  extend  to  her.  To  prevail  on 
Britain  to  lodge  in  her  Minister  here  ample  authority  for  all 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHenry  295 

these  purposes;  but  all  this  without  engagement  or  commit 
ment  in  the  first  instance.  All  on  this  side  the  Mississippi 
must  be  ours,  including  both  Floridas  [McHenry  added  New 
Orleans].  Twill  be  best  to  charge  with  the  instructions  a  con 
fidential  Messenger. 

"In  addition  to  these  measures,  Let  the  President  recom 
mend  a  day  to  be  observed  as  a  day  of  fasting,  humiliation,  & 
prayer.  On  religious  ground,  this  is  very  proper.  On  politi 
cal,  it  is  very  expedient.  The  Government  will  be  very  un 
wise,  if  it  does  not  make  the  most  of  the  religious  preposses 
sions  of  our  people,  opposing  the  honest  enthusiasm  of  Reli 
gious  Opinion  to  the  phrenzy  of  Political  fanaticism.  The 
last  step  appears  to  me  of  the  most  precious  importance  &  I 
earnestly  hope,  it  will,  by  no  means,  be  neglected." 

On  February  15,  McHenry  -1  submitted  his  answer  to 
Adams,  practically  embodying  Hamilton's  paper.  Later 
Adams  submitted  questions,  when  details  of  French  news  had 
come,  whether  the  particulars  should  be  disclosed  to  congress 
at  once,  and  whether  he  should  recommend  a  declaration  of 
war.  McHenry  answered  by  appealing  to  his  former  paper.  - 

McHenry  thus  spoke  of  alliances:  "As  to  England. 
Notwithstanding  her  naval  victories  and  undisputed  control 
of  the  ocean,  her  fate  remains  yet  perhaps  precarious  and  must 
continue,  so  as  long  as  invasion  remains  practicable  or  possible. 
This  consideration  may  render  it  best  to  avoid  entangling  our 
selves  with  an  alliance."  3 

On  February  20,  Hamilton  wrote  regretting  he  had  not 
found  time  to  read  a  report  McHenry  had  sent.  4  William 

1  On    February    13,    Hamilton    wrote    McHenry    (Hamilton,    vi,    267) 
in  reference  to  his  private  debts. 

2  J.    Adams,    i,    517.     J.    Adams,    viii,    568.     C.    F.    Adams    says    J. 
Adams  had  no  suspicion  as  to  the  source  of  McHenry's  policy. 

3  Hamilton,    vi,    278.     March    27,     1798,    Hamilton    writing    to    Pick 
ering,    suggests  no   alliance   with  Great   Britain,    J.   Adams  had   by  form 
of   queries   opposed   English    alliance.     See    Hamilton,    vi,    271,    March    17. 

4  , 

My  Dear  Friend 

I  regret  that  my  occupations  have  not  permitted  me  to  give  your 
report  more  than  a  cursory  reading,  before  my  being  obliged  to  leave  the 
city  for  Albany.  I  have  put  it  under  a  cover  addressed  to  you.  If  it 
cannot  conveniently  wait  my  return,  which  will  be  in  a  fortnight,  it  will 
be  sent  you  upon  a  line  directed  to  Mr.  "James  Inglis  at  Col  Hamilton's 
No.  26  Broadway  N  York."  desiring  him  to  forward  you  the  Packet 
left  in  his  care  for  you  which  will  be  done. 

Interpret  favourably  &  forgive 
Yr  Affect 

A  HAMILTON 
N  York  20  Feb 
1798 


296  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

Pinkney  wrote  on  February  26,  from  London,  where  he  was 
commissioner  to  settle  claims  under  the  Jay  Treaty. 

"When  I  had  the  pleasure  to  see  you  last  you  requested 
me  to  write  to  you  —  and,  if  I  have  not  availed  myself  of  this 
Request,  it  is  only  because  I  have  had  nothing  to  communicate 
which  wd.  not  come  to  you  more  promptly  as  well  as  more 
satisfactorily  from  other  channels.  Of  the  progress  of  our 
Commission  you  wd.  naturally  be  apprized  by  our  Dispatches 
to  the  Secy,  of  State  —  and  of  the  great  Events  of  which 
Europe  has  been  the  Theatre,  my  Letters  could  give  you  no 
Information  equal  to  that  wch  you  have  better  Means  of  ac 
quiring.  I  think,  however,  that  my  Silence  has  been  blame- 
able  —  and  that  I  shd.  have  written,  if  it  were  merely  to 
remind  you  of  my  Claim  to  a  place  in  your  recollections,  and 
to  evidence  the  Value  I  do  not  cease  to  put  upon  your  Friend 
ship  &  good  opinion.  I  beg  you  to  pardon  me,  if  you  believe 
me  to  have  been  faulty  in  this  respect  —  and  to  allow  my 
promise  of  Amendment,  with  this  Specimen  of  it,  to  make  my 
peace.  I  am  aware  that,  in  saying  this  much,  I  appear  to 
make  myself  of  more  Importance  than  I  am  entitled  to  do  — • 
but  you  will  be  good  enough  to  ascribe  this  seeming  Vanity  to 
the  Proofs  I  have  heretofore  received  of  your  regard. 

"You  have  doubtless  been  much  gratified  by  observing 
that,  notwithstanding  serious  tho  temporary  Obstacles,  the 
Execution  of  the  7th.  art.  of  the  Treaty  has  equaled  our  best 
Expectations,  and  you  will  be  more  gratified  by  learning  that 
the  prospect  of  an  honorable  Close  to  our  Commission  becomes 
every  day  more  certain.  We  have  supposed  it  probable  that 
we  shd.  differ  from  the  B.  Comn.  on  a  point  of  more  Conse 
quence  than  has  hitherto  occurred  &  upon  the  Decision  of 
which  wd.  depend  whether  the  article  shd.  be  idle  and  illu 
sory  or  a  substantial  efficacious  Provision.  The  Treaty  pre 
scribes  18  Months,  for  the  Exhibition  of  Claims  in  the  first 
Instance,  &  gives  us  a  Discretion  to  receive  them  within  6 
months  after  the  Expiration  of  the  18.  It  is  now  perfectly 
certain  that  the  judicial  Remedy  will  not  have  been  exhausted, 
in  the  great  mass  of  the  Cases  within,  either  of  those  periods  — 
as  the  Lords  of  Appeal  decide  nothing,  or  at  least  very  little. 
The  Treaty  makes  it  an  essential  Ingredient  in  every  Com 
plaint  that  it  shd.  be  shown  that  the  Compt.  cd.  not  procure 
Redress,  in  the  ordinary  Course  of  judicial  proceeding,  — 
and  no  Complainant  can  come  to  us,  until  he  is  in  a  Situation 
to  alledge  &  substantiate  that  Fact,  of  Course  it  wd.  become 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHcnry  297 

important  to  determine  whether  a  Man,  whose  Cause  is  still 
iubjudice,  without  fault  on  his  part,  at  the  End  of  the  18 
Months,  is  not  authorized  to  demand  our  Aid,  upon  the  Ground 
that  he  has  tried  the  judicial  Remedy  to  the  Extent  required 
by  the  Treaty.  For,  if  he  cd.  not  then  demand  it  &  his  Cause 
shd.  remain  undecided  by  the  Lords  until  the  End  of  the  6 
Months,  it  is  obvious  that  he  wd.  be  forever  witho  't  the  pale  of 
this  provision,  and,  consequently,  the  Treaty  wd.  be  almost 
a  dead  Letter.  Upon  this  point,  on  which  we  had  anticipated 
difference  of  opinion,  we  shall  probably  be  unanimous  —  and 
I  do  not  foresee  any  other  on  wch  we  are  likely  to  have  any 
considerable  Difficulty.  I  have  Hopes  of  being  able  to  return 
to  America  in  the  Course  of  the  next  Year  —  and  it  will,  I  am 
sure,  give  you  pleasure  to  learn  that  my  Health  is  so  much 
recruited  as  to  enable  me  to  go  back  to  the  Bar  without  Incon 
venience.  If  it  shall  happen  that  our  Labours  here  have  not 
been  in  vain  (and  there  is  every  reason  to  hope  so),  I  shall  be 
so  far  from  having  Cause  to  regret  my  absence  from  my  Coun 
try  that  I  may  justly  felicitate  myself  upon  it. 

"Our  Envoys  at  Paris  are  still  statu  quo.  Tho  French 
Law  of  the  last  Month  denouncing  indiscriminate  Hostility 
agt.  Neutral  Commerce  —  &  Talier  's  late  motion  for  another, 
by  which  all  Neutral  Vessels  are  to  be  brought  in  for  Adjudi 
cation  &,  if  armed,  condemned  without  further  Enquiry  (a 
regulation  obviously  in  Aid  of  the  former)  seem  to  be  an  un 
equivocal  Answer  to  our  Demands  of  Redress  for  past  Injur 
ies.  My  Information  does  not  enable  me  to  form  any  decisive 
Judgment,  but  I  shd.  think  our  Comm'rs  cannot  remain  much 
longer  in  France.  If  a  rupture  with  the  proud  Republic  shd. 
be  unavoidable  without  the  Sacrifice  of  our  national  Honor 
and  Interests  (and  of  this  there  does  not  appear  to  be  any 
room  to  doubt)  I  hope  &  trust  that  the  public  Mind  in  Amer 
ica  will  be  prepared  for  it  &  that  we  shall  meet  the  Necessity 
with  all  the  Spirit  &  resources  of  the  Country.  Europe  pre 
sents  every  day  fresh  Instances  of  French  Ambition  and  the 
baneful  System  by  which  it  is  to  be  gratified.  Switzerland  is 
upon  the  point  of  being  revolutionized,  &  probably  annexed 
to  France  not  by  the  Troops  of  that  Nation,  but  by  the  opera 
tion  of  that  detestable  policy  which  plays  off  the  lower  & 
unprincipled  portion  of  Society  agt  the  Government.  Berne 
is  supposed  to  be  prepared  for  a  considerable  Stand;  but  the 
prospect  of  its  being  an  efficacious  one  is  not  such  as  could  be 
wished.  The  Ecclesiastical  States  are  on  the  Eve  of  being 


298  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

democratized  or  sunk  into  a  French  province.  Portugal  is 
menaced  with  a  powerful  Invasion  —  &  Spain  has  consented  to 
the  March  of  the  necessary  Forces  thro  her  Territories  —  the 
consequences  of  which  will  obviously  be  fatal  to  both.  Thus 
for  the  want  of  a  timely  Coalition  among  the  different  Powers 
of  the  Continent,  each  will,  in  its  Turn,  become  a  Prey  to  the 
inordinate  Views  of  a  Nation  which,  with  Union  they  are  still 
able  to  resist.  G.  Britain  alone  preserves  the  firm  attitude 
with  which  she  commenced  the  contest.  But  her  Efforts  can 
only  be  defensive  &  can  respect  herself  alone.  The  threatened 
Invasion  of  this  Country  is  probably  mere  vapouring;  but  if 
attempted  to  be  carried  into  Execution,  has  every  possible 
chance  agt.  it.  I  ought  to  make  an  Apology  for  troubling  you 
with  politics.  I  did  not  intend  to  do  so,  because  I  can  state 
nothing  upon  these  Topics  but  what  I  collect  from  Newspapers 
&  common  Conversation,  &  because  you  have  infinitely  surer 
Sources  of  Knowledge.  Mr.  King's  Dispatches  have,  I  pre 
sume,  made  you  acquainted  with  the  State  of  our  Claim  to 
the  Bank  Stock.  His  good  offices  have  been  constantly  em 
ployed  to  secure  to  Maryland  the  Effect  of  its  Right,  &  it  is  to 
be  hoped  will  be  finally  successful.  Every  Motive  of  Justice 
&  Policy  points  to  an  absolute  Transfer  of  the  Stock  to  the 
State's  use  &  must  ultimately  produce  it.  '  Harper's  Book  has 
gained  uncommon  Celebrity  here  —  &  is  read  with  avidity  by 
people  of  every  Description.  Monroe's  is  re-published  in 
London,  but  I  have  not  seen  it.  From  what  I  have  heard  of 
it,  it  contains  that  which  only  the  Govt.  of  the  IT.  S.  could  give 
to  the  world  —  his  Instructions  &c.  Whence  a  diplomatic 
Agent  derived  his  Authority  for  the  publication  of  such  Docu 
ments  is  inconceivable  - —  unless  the  Govt.  has  given  it  to  him. 
"I  will  not  add  more  to  this  long  &  hasty  Letter  than  to 
tell  you  that  we  pass  our  time  pleasantly  enough  in  London  & 
that  my  Family  enjoy  better  Health  than  formerly ;  but  that 
I  am  anxious  to  return  to  Maryland.  We  do  not  precisely 
know  the  Value  of  our  Country  &  our  Friends,  till  we  are 
separated  from  them.  I  beg  you  to  be  assured,  my  Dr.  Sir, 
that  of  the  latter  there  is  none  whom  I  remember  with  warmer 
Sentiments  of  Regard  than  you.  I  do  not  ask  you  to  write  to 
me ;  but  I  cannot  help  remarking  that,  if  you  shall  have  Leis 
ure  to  give  me  a  Line,  you  will  gratify  me  highly  by  doing  so. 
''Yours  sincerely 

"WM    PlNKNEY." 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHenry  299 

On  March  19,  Adams  announced  to  congress  the  failure 
of  the  negotiators,  without  publishing  the  correspondence 
showing  the  full  details  of  the  transactions.  Not  only  the 
commissioners  had  failed  but  also  Talleyrand's  minions  had 
demanded  bribes  and  had  been  refused,  Pinckney  and  Marshall 
had  retired  from  Paris,  leaving  Gerry  there. 

On  April  12,  Murray  wrote  from  the  Hague : 

"My  dear  Friend, 

"At  length  I  have  heard  once  more  from  you  &  Mrs  M  — 
from  her  friend  Mrs  McHenry  —  yesterday  I  reed,  your 
letter  of  Novr.  It  has  been  almost  as  long  in  coming,  as  our 
Envoys  dispatches  are  in  going.  A  year  this  day  since  we 
received  the  last  of  your  kind  offices  at  the  boat  in  wh.  we 
embarked !  One  Year  —  and  I  shall  just  bear  myself  clear 
of  every  expense  —  &  that  only  with  about  400  guilders  in 
Pocket  —  but  I  could  not  keep  your  commands  —  the 
living  here  is  as  dear  as  in  Philada  —  the  demands  from  com 
pany  more  —  the  necessity  of  attending  to  various  people  in 
this  &  other  governments,  greater  —  &  more  urgent,  as  times 
waver  from  critical  to  temperate  &  back  again.  The  style  of 
entertaining  here  is  heavy,  ceremonious,  &  costly.  We  are 
rigid  economists  —  we  go  in  a  Treck  Schuyte  if  we  go  out  of 
towTn  —  in  a  hack,  if  we  go  in  the  rain,  in  town.  I  keep  old 
Will  &  a  man  who  speaks  dutch  &  english  —  who  is  essential 
to  housekeeping.  I  keep  no  horse  —  nor  have  I  been  on  one 
since  I  came  —  though  I  want  exercise.  Yet  my  dear  friend 
furnishes  as  many  rooms  as  we  want  only  —  &  the  noviciate 
among  the  dealers  for  every  thing  of  Life  &  they  are  all 
SHARPERS:  so  it  is  your  Min.  Resident  is  pretty  much  as 
he  started  —  though  I  see  there  is  a  stir  in  Congress  about  our 
Salaries.  I  know  what  you  will  say  —  retrench  —  but  you 
know  not  the  sort  of  scene  we  are  in  —  a  marry d.  minister 
must,  lie  must  see  certain  people  at  their  houses  &  of  course 
at  his  own !  You  observed  once  to  Hollingsworth,  when  I  men 
tioned  that  I  intended  to  carry  Mrs.  M.  with  me  to  the  Springs 

—  'That  is  bad'  —  but  on  this  voyage  you  know  I  could  not 
help  it  —  we  are  rigid  economists  —  &  I  often  feel  very  un 
easy  at  the  necessity  of  spending  money  —  we  live  as  snug  as 
possible  —  but  we  could  not  live  with  decency  as  genteel  peo 
ple  under  £800  a  year  Sterl  —  war  has  raised  the  price  of 
everything  but  house  rent  —  we  live  in  the  house  of  the  U.  S. 

—  in  which  we  have,  from  its  size,  almost  died  this  dreadful 


300  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

winter,  in  damp  &  cold.  The  repairs  of  this  house  cost  some 
money,  the  bankers  undertook  it  —  they  said  their  original 
powers  extended  to  repair.  I  shall  pay  for  one  room  —  the 
most  expensive  one. 

"We  trembled  for  you  in  the  fever,  though  we  heard,  as 
I  mentioned  in  mine  of  24.  Jany  —  that  you  all  were  safe. 
In  that  letter,  I  mentioned  the  Revolution  here  —  of  which  I 
have  often  written  to  the  Secretary  of  State.  The  winds  have 
been  furiously  West  &  N.  W.  ever  since  the  7.  Oct.  That  must 
account,  with  probable  captures,  for  your  not  hearing  from 
the  Envoys  at  Paris  up  to  3.  Feb.  But  my  dear  Sir !  a  stroke 
is  struck  at  Paris  at  the  Commission  that  will  pose  every  body. 
The  Directory  have  selected  Gerry  —  &  will  open  the  negocia- 
tion  with  him.  I  understand  from  Genl.  P.  will  order  P.  & 
M.  to  quit  paris.  I  can  not  understand  what  new  property 
Gerry  has  discovered  in  the  mill  stone  ever  turning  &  ever 
grinding  every  thing  —  what  new  property  he  has  discovered, 
by  means  of  algebra,  in  his  own  powers  or  in  their  plans  — 
but  so  it  is.  The  whole  3  made  one  commission  —  one  is  se 
lected  'whose  supposed  opinions  they  say  promise  most  confi 
dence  in  them ' !  !  thus  my  dear  Sir  the  Directory  have  us  '  on 
the  hip '  —  Why  Mr.  G.  stays  after  all  that  has  past  —  after 
the  very  ground  of  negociation  is  changed  by  acts  subsequent 
to  their  arrival,  no  mortal  but  himself  I  believe  can  divine. 
I  fear  he  is  deceived  in  the  degree  of  his  own  address  &  ability 
to  tread  in  a  labyrinth  without  a  clue  —  if  he  had  had  a  clue, 
his  colleagues  must  have  seen  it  —  &,  without  one,  I  think  he 
will  lose  himself.  I  do  fear  that  with  all  his  goodness  of  part 
he  has  the  trick  of  mistaking  the  forms  of  a  new  &  brilliant 
Society  for  deference  to  himself  —  the  lamps  of  Paris  for  il 
lumination —  the  kiss  of  the  Fish  women  for  public  joy  & 
these  dames  for  dignify 'd  matrons  meeting  to  hail  him  as  the 
great  pacificator.  I  fear  this  —  of  his  good  intentions  I  have 
no  doubt  —  of  his  knowledge  of  men  —  such  men  —  &  of 
women  —  &  such  women  —  &  of  politics  conducted  without 
chart  or  compass  as  ours  are,  I  do  doubt  &  he  must  obtain 
Justice,  &  settle  the  dispute  on  principles  warranted  by  the 
spirit  of  America.  And  do  that  soon,  or  I  shall  think  he 
wanted  common  sense  in  separating  from  such  men  as  Pinck- 
ney  &  Marshall,  under  circumstances  of  calumny  agt.  the 
Govt.  U.  S.  &  dishonour  to  them  too  —  if  any  thing  said 
against  an  honest  man<-by  France,  can  be  dishonour.  If  he 
does  not  obtain  his  objects  speedily,  it  is  entirely  improbable 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHenry  301 

he  can  justify  a  step  that  places  so  much  power,  in  a  crisis, 
in  the  hands  of  France,  wh.  step  stagnates  every  measure  in 
America  while  it  strengthens  France  &  yet  binds  not  F.  to 
anything  but  to  treat  with  him  —  no  principle  established  — 
no  hope  of  success  held  out  that  Genl.  P.  had  heard  of  on  the 
6th.  or  he  would  have  told  me  in  his  letter  —  in  his  of  23. 
March  —  they  had  resolved  All  to  reject  the  proposal. 

"I  have  seen  Mr.  M's  book  —  &  despise  it  too  much  to 
dread  another,  wh.  I  should  not  be  surprised  to  see  engendered 
soon  on  the  same  soil  &  not  very  unlike  it. 

"Harper's  work  does  me  much  good.  It  is  in  England 
the  property  of  a  benevolent  Society,  the  profits  arising  from 
its  prodigious  Sale  are  devoted  to  a  charity.  Pray  tell  our 
friend  this  —  it  has  past  7.  editions  —  &  large  ones. 

"I  will  write  again  soon.  The  Govt.  here  are  very  friend 
ly  towards  U.  S.  I  rejoice  Spain  has  opened  her  eyes  as  to 
Limits.  I  have  taken  great  pains  here  with  her  minister,  an 
amiable  &  sensible  man,  lately  in  the  council  of  State,  on  this 
subject,  ever  since  last  summer  —  but  do  not  know  that  he 
has  communicated  on  it  to  his  Court.  Mr.  Delacroix  is  very 
polite  to  us  —  &  all  his  family.  Pray  remember  me  most 
kindly  &  respectfully  to  Mrs  McHenry  —  &  do  also  to  our  fair 
and  amiable  young  friend  now  Mrs.  Marcou  —  and  do  also  to 
Sedgwick  —  Hindman  —  Harper  —  Mr.  Dennis  —  Tracey  — 
Rep.  — S.  Smith  &c  &c  &c  &  Mr.  Wolcott. 

"God  bless,  you  my  dear  friend  & 
believe  me  always  affectionatelv 
"Yrs.  &c  &c  &c" 

On  March  27,  Washington  wrote  McHenry, 1  asking  if 
it  can  be  true  that  some  members  of  congress  have  had  treas 
onable  correspondence  with  the  Directory.  ' '  On  this,  as  upon 
all  other  occasions,  I  hope  the  best.  It  has  always  been  my 
belief  that  Providence  has  not  led  us  so  far  in  the  path  of 
independence  of  one  nation  to  throw  us  into  the  arms  of  an 
other.  And  that  the  machinations  of  those  who  are  attempting 
it  will,  sooner  or  later,  recoil  upon  their  own  heads." 

Some  dissatisfaction  had  arisen  as  to  McHenry 's  admin 
istration  of  his  department  and  on  April  27,  1798,  Robert 
Goodloe  Harper2  wrote  to  Hamilton:  "Could  anything 
prevail  on  you  to  take  the  war  department,  a  war  minister  is 

1  Ford,  xiii,  493.     Sparks,  xi,  230. 

2  Hamilton,  vi,  282. 


302  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

more  important  than  a  general.  If  Adams  understood  your 
willingness  to  come  forward,  the  arrangement  would  imme 
diately  take  place,  McHenry  would  give  way  and  there  is  no 
difference  of  opinion  among  the  federal  party  on  the  absolute 
necessity  of  his  doing  so. ' '  No  answer  to  this  letter  has  been 
found. 

The  growth  of  the  navy  demanded  that  more  attention 
should  be  given  it.  On  March  8,  McHenry  recommended  that 
the  war  department  should  be  assisted  by  a  commissioner  of 
marine  and  from  this  suggestion  came  the  navy  department.  1 
The  frigate  United  States  had  been  launched  July  10,  1797, 
the  Constellation  on  September  7  and  the  Constitution  was  to 
leave  the  ways  in  April,  1798.  2 

On  May  12,  McHenry  wrote  Hamilton  3  that  one  or  two, 
of  the  frigates  will  shortly  be  ready  for  sea  and  that  Capt. 
Dale  will  sail  in  the  Ganges  within  six  or  seven  days.  He 
asks  for  help  in  preparing  instructions  to  the  captains.  As 
there  is  no  secretary  of  the  navy  as  yet,  McHenry  must  pre 
pare  instructions  to  guide  the  conduct  of  the  men  of  war  in 
employing  force  to  protect  convoys  against  French  ships. 
Congress  shows  a  profound  reserve  and  makes  no  declaration 
of  war. 

On  May  17,  Hamilton  answered  that  the  president,  by  the 
constitution,  probably  has  power  only  "to  employ  the  ships 
as  convoys,  with  authority  to  repel  force  by  force  (but  not  to 
capture)  and  to  repress  hostilities  within  our  waters,  including 
a  marine  league  from  our  coasts. 

"Anything  beyond  this  must  fall  under  the  idea  of  re 
prisals  and  requires  the  sanction  of  that  department  which  is 
to  declare  or  make  war."  The  president  should  exercise  no 
"doubtful  authority,"  but  should  send  a  message  to  congress, 
asking  for  authority  to  give  more  "extensive  protection"  to 
our  shipping.  This  "course  will  remove  all  clouds  as  to  what 
the  President  will  do,  will  gain  him  credit  for  frankness  and 
an  unwillingness  to  chicane  the  constitution  and  will  return 
upon  Congress  the  question  in  a  shape  which  cannot  be  elud 
ed. "  A  French  privateer  had  made  captures  at  the  mouth 
of  New  York  harbor.  ' '  This  is  too  much  humiliation,  after  all 
that  has  passed.  Our  merchants  are  very  indignant ;  our  gov- 


1  State  Papers,  i,  Naval  Affairs,  33.  34. 

2  Ingersoll's  War  Department,  29. 

3  Hamilton,  vi,   282. 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHenry  303 

eminent  very  prostrate   in   the  view  of  every  man  of  en 
ergy."1 

The  navy  department  was  not  long  to  remain  vacant.  Ben 
jamin  Stoddert  of  Georgetown,  a  merchant  of  moderate  abil 
ity,  who  had  been  a  fellow  member  of  the  Maryland  senate 
with  McHenry,  was  appointed  secretary  and  assumed  the  du 
ties  in  June.  After  accepting  the  office,  he  wrote  McHenry 
thus: 

"Geo.  Town,  May  28,  1798. 
"Dear  Sir,- 

"  Unqualified,  as  I  really  think  myself,  I  have  after  a 
thousand  struggles,  accepted  my  honorable,  and  at  this  crisis, 
important  appointment.  Who  that  has  the  feelings  of  an 
American,  could  refuse  to  try,  at  least,  to  serve  his  country 
at  such  a  time  ?  I  put  in  thus  early  my  claim  on  your  Friend 
ship  for  all  the  assistance  I  shall  need,  and  it  will  be  a  great 
deal.  I  mean  to  set  out  for  Philadelphia  as  early  as  possible. 
I  hope  a  week's  delay  will  not  be  thought  long,  and  I  hope  I 
shall  not  find  it  necessary  to  bestow  more  than  a  week  on  my 
private  affairs.  I  go  at  first  without  my  family,  who  are  to 
follow,  or  to  wait  till  the  Fall,  as  I  shall  determine,  after  get 
ting  to  Philadelphia.  You  did  not  write  me  a  word  about 
your  wishes  as  to  my  acceptance  or  refusal  —  make  up  for  the 
deficiency  by  writing  me  on  the  receipt  of  this,  and,  if  possi 
ble,  flatter  me  into  a  belief  that  I  may  be  able  to  avoid  merited 
reproach.  One  letter  may  reach  me  before  I  leave  this. 
"I  am,  Dear  Sir,  with  great  esteem, 
"y'r  Serv., 

"BEN  STODDERT." 

We  learn  of  Stoddert 's  arrival  in  Philadelphia  from  a 
letter  written  thence  by  William  Hindman  on  June  13 : 

"Our  Friend  Stoddart  reach 'd  here  Tester  Afternoon, 
&  will  wait  upon  the  President  this  Morning,  being  anxious 
to  be  geered  &  enter  upon  the  Duties  of  his  Office ;  the  appli 
cants  for  Clerkship  are  numerous,  &  some  of  the  first  Char 
acters  in  the  United  States,  He  will  not  probably  appoint  his 
principal  Clerk  for  some  Days. 

"You  will  see  by  the  Paper,  that  there  is  to  be  a  special 
Call  of  our  House  at  after  11  Oclock  to  Day,  as  the  Bills  for 
the  direct  Tax  And  to  authorize  the  Defence  of  the  Merchant 
Ships  of  the  United  States  against  French  Depredations; 

1  Lodge's  Hamilton,  x,  281. 


304  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

will  be  read  the  third  Time  to  Day.  The  last  is  a  good  Bill, 
tho'  not  so  strong  as  some  of  our  Friends  wish'd  it;  I  hap 
pened  to  be  out  on  a  Visit  to  Mr :  Stoddert,  when  the  Yeas  & 
Nays  were  called  upon  an  Amendment  moved  by  Mr :  Harper. 

"I  have  just  seen  your  Nephew  —  Your  Family  are  all 
well. 

"I  learn  the  joint  Committee  of  both  Houses  to  fix  upon 
the  Time  of  adjournment,  will  agree  to  rise  the  last  of  this 
Month  or  beginning  of  next,  if  They  should  thus  report,  I 
hope  it  will  not  be  concurred  with,  tho'  my  Fears  are  it  will. 
My  best  Respects  to  my  much  valued  Friend  Col  Hamilton." 

On  April  3  the  famous  X  Y  Z  dispatches  were  made  pub 
lic  and,  amid  the  patriotic  furor  of  enthusiasm  they  aroused, 
all  were  eager  for  action  against  France.  1  McHenry  's  report 
to  the  house  of  representatives  -  on  April  9,  1798,  contains  a 
clear  statement  of  his  position  in  relation  to  France.  That 
country  "derives  several  important  advantages  from  the  sys 
tem  she  is  pursuing  towards  the  United  States.  Besides  the 
sweets  of  plunder  obtained  by  her  privateers,  she  keeps  in 
them  a  nursery  of  seamen  to  be  drawn  upon  in  all  conjunc 
tures  by  her  navy.  She  unfits,  by  the  same  means,  the  United 
States  for  energetic  measures  and,  thereby,  prepares  us  for 
the  last  degree  of  humiliation  and  subjection.  To  forbear, 
under  such  circumstances,  from  taking  naval  and  military 
measures  to  secure  our  trade,  defend  our  territory  in  case  of 
invasion,  and  prevent,  or  suppress  domestic  insurrection, 
would  be  to  offer  up  the  United  States  a  certain  prey  to 
Europe  and  exhibit  to  the  world  a  sad  spectacle  of  national 
degradation  and  imbecility.  The  United  States  possess  an  ex 
tensive  trade.  Heavy  expenses  must  be  submitted  to  for  pro 
tection.  The  United  States  border  upon  the  provinces  of 
great  and  powerful  kingdoms.  Heavy  expenses  must  be  in 
curred,  that  we  may  be  at  all  times  in  a  situation  to  assert 
our  rights  over  our  own  territory."  Therefore,  he  recom 
mends  an  increase  of  the  navy,  by  building  20  smaller  ves 
sels,  and,  in  case  of  a  rupture  with  a  foreign  power,  6  ships 
of  the  line  or  frigates,  and  6  galleys  of  one  or  two  guns;  the 
increase  of  the  army  by  the  addition  of  one  regiment  each  of 
infantry,  artillery,  and  cavalry,  the  first  of  these  also  to  serve 
as  marines ;  a  law  authorizing  the  President  to  call  out 

1  Hamilton,  vi,  285. 

2  State  Paper?,  i,  Military  Affairs,  120. 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHenry  305 

20,000  men  as  a  provisional  force  if  needed;  more  forts  cost 
ing  about  $1,000,000;  more  supplies,  such  as  cannon,  small 
arms,  powder,  saltpetre,  copper,  and  military  stores;  and, 
to  pay  for  all  these,  more  revenue  to  be  raised. 

From  Maryland,  McHenry  heard  during  the  winter  and 
spring.  Uriah  Forrest,  on  December  6,  wrote  from  Annapolis 
urging  Adams  to  agree  to  the  request  of  the  commissioners  of 
the  District  of  Columbia  and  ask  Maryland  at  once  for  an  ad 
vance  of  money,  in  addition  to  the  $100,000  loaned  the  year 
before.  Two  days  later,  he  wrote  again  introducing  a  candi 
date  for  office  and  talking  of  the  election  as  United  States 
senator  of  James  Lloyd,  who  introduced  the  Sedition  Act  in 
June,  1798.  "I  have  had  to  make  wonderful  exertion  to  get 
Lloyd  elected  a  senator.  Better  might  have  been  found,  but 
none  would  go  down.  He  is  as  strictly  governmental  as  it  is 
possible,  a  man  of  nice  honor  and  pretty  good  judgment,  slow, 
and  heavy."  Carroll  of  Carrollton  wrote,  on  the  same  day, 
indorsing  the  same  applicant,  telling  of  Lloyd's  election  and 
asking  for  news  from  Europe  of  the  embassy  to  France. 

On  April  18,  James  Winchester  sent  McHenry  a  long 
and  important  letter  as  to  conditions  in  Baltimore.  l 

"My  engagements  in  our  County  Court,  which  has  been 
in  session  three  weeks,  &  a  bad  state  of  health  has  prevented 
my  hitherto  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  the  Communica 
tions  you  was  so  kind  as  to  enclose  or  to  communicate  the 
politics  of  this  place. 

"Yesterday,  we  had  a  numerous  meeting  at  the  Court 
House  on  the  interesting  situation  of  our  affairs,  and  certain 
resolutions  were  adopted  —  approbatory  of  our  Government, 
which  you  will  see  in  the  papers.  Certain  events,  otherwise 
trivial  than  as  they  serve  to  teach  us  prudence  and  a  cautious 
avoidance  of  the  declaration  of  pretended  reformed  politi 
cians,  mark  so  strongly  the  views  of  a  party  here  that  I  think 
it  my  duty  to  communicate  them  to  you.  It  happened  that 
I  was  selected  to  open  the  object  of  meeting,  which  I  did  by 
a  brief  statement  of  the  outrages  committed  on  this  Country 
by  France,  and  a  recital  of  the  fate  of  the  Neutral  Nations, 
who  had  reposed  confidence  in  them,  and,  calling  on  each 
individual  to  declare,  if  any  there  was,  his  dissatisfaction  at 

1  Letters  from  McHenry's  correspondence  relating  to  Maryland 
politics  in  1796  are  found  in  So.  Hist.  Ass.  Pubs.,  ix,  374  (November, 
ISO'S),  and  on  the  same  subject  in  1797  in  So.  Hist.  Ass.  Pubs.,  x,  31  (Jan 
uary,  1906). 


306  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

the  resolution  propounded,  no  opposition  appeared.  But  not 
one  of  the  name  or  immediate  Connections  of  S.  Smith  at 
tended.  One  of  their  party  (I  hear  J.  A.  Buchanan)  asked 
tauntingly,  was  there  any  complaint  of  British  orders?  The 
answer  Was  no.  The  immediate  observation  in  reply  was,  It 
is  an  electioneering  stroke  &  has  no  other  motive  than  to  turn 
Genl.  S.  out  of  Congress.  This  I  have  learned  this  evening. 
They  dare  not  face  us.  But  they  keep  alive  the  spirit  of  the 
party  in  favor  of  France,  tho'  they  are  ashamed  to  avow  it. 
They  had  rather  sacrafice  their  Country,  its  honor,  &  national 
character,  than  their  individual  popularity. 

"This,  connected  with  a  circumstance  which  occurred 
while  I  was  at  Annapolis  during  the  last  Session  of  Assembly 
attending  the  House  as  Council  for  the  Landlords,  satisfy 
me  that  there  is  a  party  here,  however  they  may  endeavour  to 
conceal  their  real  views  by  hypocritical  professions,  who  ar 
dently  wish  a  connection  with  France  of  the  nearest  kind. 

"You  know  I  am  considered  rather  democratic,  and, 
under  this  impression,  Govr.  Henry  unbosomed  himself  to  me 
after  dinner  at  "Wharf's  tavern.  Thus,  —  'Depend  upon  it, 
Sir,  there  is  a  British  influence  in  this  Country.  I  have  seen 
it  —  yes,  in  this  room.  Mr.  Jefferson  is  the  only  point  to  look 
up  to  resist  it.  He  is  the  only  mound  to  prevent  its  over 
whelming  us  as  a  torrent  —  wrhen  I  saw  the  British  Treaty  I 
did  not  think  it  could  be  possible  I  could  have  even  been 
brought  to  vote  for  it  —  but  the  conduct  of  the  late  Execu 
tive  left  us  no  alternative  but  to  adopt  it  or  go  to  war,  —  nec 
essity  therefore  compelled  assent  to  it.'  This  conversation 
became  public.  The  event  was  Mr.  Winder's  defeat  &  Genl. 
Loyds  election. 

"I  cannot  help  connecting  the  observation  on  our  Town 
meeting.  'Was  there  any  complaint  of  British  orders,'  with 
Mr.  Henry's  declaration  That  British  influence  was  about  to 
overwhelm  us  and  tho'  they  will  not  openly  show,  at  this 
time,  their  predilection  for  France,  they  will  discover  it  in 
the  first  calamitous  event  which  may  happen  to  our  Country. 
Depend  on  it  they  are  not  to  be  trusted.  I  speak  of  the  party 
here. 

"I  have  just  had  a  meeting  with  Genl.  Swan,  Mr  Carroll, 
Mr  Dorsey,  &  Mr.  Rollings  worth  on  the  subject  of  an  address 
to  the  Government,  which  we  have  agreed  on,  conformably  to 
the  Town  Resolutions,-  Adding  our  willingness  to  submit  to 
increased  taxes,  and  praying  that  consideration  of  expences 


1797-1798]  of  James  McHenry  807 

&c  may  not  be  put  in  Competition  with  the  important  rights 
now  at  stake. 

"The  facts  I  have  stated  relative  to  Gov.  Henry  may  be 
stated  in  any  way  in  which  they  may  be  serviceable.  Tis  time 
to  unmask  hypocrites." 

On  May  6,  Washington  wrote 1  McHenry  urging  the 
establishment  of  an  arsenal  at  Harper 's  Ferry  and  said :  ' '  The 
Demo's  seem  to  be  lifting  up  their  heads  again.  They  were 
a  little  crestfallen  or  one  might  say  thunderstricken  on  the 
publication  of  the  Dispatches  from  our  Envoys,  but  the  con 
tents  of  these  Dispatches  are  now  resolved  into  harmless  chit 
chat —  mere  trifles,  less  than  was  or  ought  to  have  been  ex 
pected  from  the  misconduct  of  the  Administration  of  this 
Country  and  that  it  is  better  to  submit  to  such  chastisement, 
than  to  hazard  greater  evils  by  showing  futile  resentment. 
So  much  for  a  little  consultation  among  themselves." 

During  the  extra  session  of  congress  2  a  bill  was  passed, 
on  April  27,  to  add  another  artillery  regiment  and  a  second 
one,  on  May  28,  to  provide  for  a  provisional  army. 3 

Meanwhile  Gerry  remained  at  Paris,  though  his  colleagues 
had  left  France.  The  news  of  Gerry 's  conduct  aroused  indig 
nation  on  part  of  the  administration  and,  on  June  26,  Mc 
Henry  wrote  Washington, ' '  Gerry  has  been  playing  the  double 
politician  and  besides  a  very  foolish  and  hurtful  game.  He 
held  conversations  and  correspondencies  with  Talleyrand,  and, 
in  other  respects,  has  conducted  himself  in  the  most  excep 
tionable  manner.  Lest  he  should  have  misconceived  the  dis 
patch  of  the  28th  of  March,  he  has  been  addressed  to  day  in 
a  manner  which  he  will  find  it  difficult  to  misconstrue  and 
which,  while  it  will  mortify  his  pride,  will  prevent  him  from 
doing  further  mischief,  or  longer  sporting  with  the  honour, 
dignity,  and  integrity  of  his  country.  I  think  it  probable  that 
letters  of  marque  and  reprisal  will  be  shortly  declared.  You 
see  how  the  storm  thickens  and  that  our  vessel  will  soon  re 
quire  its  antient  pilot.  Will  you,  may  we  flatter  ourselves, 
that  in  a  crisis  so  awful  and  important  you  will  accept  the 

1  Sparks,     xi,     231.     Ford,     xiil,     495.     McHenry    answered    on     June 
26,  that  it  was  very  hard  to  have  anything  done  for  Shenandoah,  but  he 
will   do  what   he  can. 

2  State    Papers,    i,     Military    Affairs,    p.     119.     McHenry's    report    of 
March   8,   and   p.    123   report  of  April    12   on  cannon   contract. 

3  On  June   5,   Hamilton  sent  to  Wolcott  to  hint  to  the  president   to 
moderate  his   tone.     Hamilton,   vi,    295. 


308  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xn 

command  of  all  our  armies?  I  hope  you  will,  because  you 
alone  can  unite  all  hearts  and  all  hands,  if  it  is  possible  that 
they  can  be  united. ' ' 

McHenry  still  hoped  for  the  best  and,  on  July  1,  wrote 
Washington :  ' '  Enjoy  your  happy  situation  or,  if  it  is  to  be 
disturbed,  let  it  be  only  by  transient  domestic  cares  and  the 
pain  of  sympathizing  with  those  whom  you  have  stationed  in 
places  where  there  are  more  thorns  than  roses. ' ' l  Only  a 
few  days  later,  however,  McHenry  was  directed  to  call  Wash 
ington  into  service  again,  that  he  might  close  his  career  at  the 
head  of  the  army. 

1  McHenry   complains   of   rheumatism   in   his   wrist   and   tells   Wash 
ington,   "Your  carriage  still  pays  rent." 


CHAPTER  XIII 

THE    PROVISIONAL   ARMY    AND    THE    STRIFE    OVER    THE    GENERALS 

THE  emergency  which  called  George  Washington  into  fed 
eral  service,  as  head  of  the  Provision  Army,  was  a 
most  urgent  one.  On  July  3,  McHenry  wrote  him :  ' '  The 
crisis  and  almost  universal  wish  of  the  people  to  see  you  at  the 
head  of  the  armies  of  the  United  States  has  been  too  strong 
to  be  resisted.  The  President  has  yielded  to  causes  so  power 
ful  and  nominated  you  accordingly,  which  has  been  unani 
mously  confirmed  to-day  by  the  Senate  and  thus  you  are 
again  called  upon  by  all  voices  to  fill  a  station  wrhich  all  think 
you  alone  qualified  for  at  this  moment.  I  know  what  must 
be  your  feelings  and  how  many  motives  you  must  have  for 
preferring  the  privacy  you  are  in  the  enjoyment  of,  to  the 
troubles  and  perplexities  of  a  commander  of  an  army.  This, 
however,  is  the  crowning  sacrifice  which  I  pray  to  God,  you 
may  agree  to  make  for  the  sake  of  your  country  and  to  give 
the  last  finish  to  a  fame  that  nothing  short  of  such  a  call  as 
the  present  occasion  could  have  been  capable  of  increasing. 

"I  think  it  probable  that  the  President  will  require 
me  to  be  the  bearer  of  his  letter  to  you.  I  shall,  in  that  «ase, 
have  an  opportunity  to  converse  with  you  at  large  on  sev 
eral  subjects  relative  to  the  army  and  agree  with  you  upon 
such  arrangements  as  may  leave  you  as  long  as  possible  at 
Mount  Vernon.  Perhaps  I  shall  set  out  on  Friday  or,  at 
farthest,  Monday  next." 

Before  he  received  this  letter,  Washington,  in  a  letter 
written  on  July  4,  T  answered  McHenry 's  query  of  June  26  as 
to  whether  he  would  assume  command  of  the  Provisional 
Army.  In  this  frank  communication  he  stated  that  he  would 
not  let  his  love  of  retirement  cause  him  to  withhold  any  ser 
vices  required  by  his  country,  especially  when  "its  dearest 
rights  are  assailed  by  lawless  ambition  and  intoxicated 
power."  He  must  have  three  questions  answered  affirma- 

1  Ford,  xiv,   19.     Sparks,  xi,   246. 


310  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xm 

tively,  however,  before  he  will  accept  the  office :  1.  He  does 
not  believe  there  is  a  danger  of  invasion  and  inquires  whether 
he  will  be  free  from  criticism  for  "appearing  again  on  a 
Public  Theatre,  after  declaring  the  sentiments"  of  his  vale 
dictory  address.  2.  He  wishes  to  be  sure  that  the  Americans 
do  not  prefer  juvenile  generals,  as  the  French  do,  but  that 
"it  is  the  wish  of  my  country,  that  the  military  force  of  it 
should  be  committed  to  my  charge. ' '  3.  He  must  be  certain 
that  the  army  "to  be  formed  should  be  so  appointed,  as  to 
afford  a  well  grounded  hope  of  its  doing  honor  to  the  country 
and  credit  to  him  who  commands  it  in  the  field."  A  general 
staff  he  feels  to  be  all  important  and  he  gives  his  views  as 
to  the  inspector  general,  quartermaster  general,  adjutant  gen 
eral,  and  commandants  of  artillery  and  engineers. 

Washington  enclosed  this  letter  in  another  personal  one 
to  McHenry,  written  1  on  the  next  day,  in  which  he  asked  him 
to  show  the  enclosure  as  from  himself  to  Adams,  to  whom 
Washington  has  "expressed  tantamount  sentiments,  in  more 
concise  terms, ' '  and  to  write  him  the  responses,  ' '  if  you  are  at 
liberty  and  deem  it  expedient."  Adams  had  already  written 
Washington  a  letter,  which  "is  strongly  indicative  of  a  wish 
that  I  should  take  charge  of  the  military  force  of  the  country 
and,  if  I  take  his  meaning  right,  to  aid  also  in  the  selection 
of  the  General  Officers. "  "  The  appointment  of  these  are  im 
portant,  ' '  Washington  wrote  McHenry,  ' '  but  those  of  the  Gen 
eral  Staff  are  all  important,  insomuch,  if  I  am  looked  to  as 
the  Commander  in  chief,  I  must  be  allowed  to  choose  such  as 
will  be  agreeable  to  me. ' '  One  great  difficulty  concerned  the 
time  when  Washington  should  take  command.  Adams  may 
wish  this  to  occur  at  once.  Washington,  however,  will  not 
"come  forward,  before  the  emergency  becomes  evident,"  but 
is  willing  to  have  it  known  that  he  "will  step  forward,  when 
it  does  appear  so  unequivocally,"  if  the  "matters,  for  which 
I  have  stipulated  as  previously  necessary,  are  ascertained  and 
accommodated."  In  the  meantime,  either  the  appointment 
of  the  general  staff  may  be  postponed,  or  the  President  may 
"advise  with  me  on  the  appointment  of  them."  Washing 
ton  refers  to  this  matter  now,  as  he  feels  sure  he  can  secure 
the  services  of  some  "very  fit  men,"  who  will  not  serve,  ex- 

1  Ford,  xiv,  29.  Sparks,  xi,  254.  He  thanks  McHenry  for  informa 
tion  in  the  letter  of  June  26,  and  says  that  he  has  already  been  applied 
to  by  candidates  for  the  position  of  director  of  the  hospital  and  has  re 
fused  both  on  general  grounds  and  because  he  wishes  Dr.  Craik  appointed, 
if  he  ever  needs  a  surgeon. 


1798-1799]  of  James  McHenry  311 

cept  as  his  "coadjutors."  As  to  the  officers  to  command  the 
divisions  and  brigades,  on  whom  much  depends,  Washington 
suggests  that  they  be  not  chosen  exclusively  from  the  "Old 
Generals,"  several  of  whom  are  unsuitable. 

On  the  6th,  Adams  sent  instructions  l  to  McHenry,  who 
had  been  unwell,  to  set  out  at  once  for  Mt.  Vernon.  The 
reasons  for  appointing  Washington  can  not  be  detailed  in 
writing.  "As  it  is  a  movement  of  great  delicacy, 2  it  will  re 
quire  all  your  address  to  communicate  the  subject  in  a  manner 
that  shall  be  inoffensive  to  his  feelings  and  consistent  with 
all  the  respect  that  is  due  from  me  to  him." 

"If  the  General  should  decline  the  appointment,  all  the 
world  will  be  silent  and  respectfully  acquiesce.  If  he  should 
accept,  all  the  world,  except  the  enemies  of  this  country,  will 
rejoice.  If  he  should  come  to  no  decisive  determination,  but 
take  the  subject  into  consideration,  I  shall  not  appoint  any 
other  Lieutenant  General,  until  his  conclusion  is  known. ' ' 

Adams  desired  Washington's  advice,  especially  as  to  the 
inspector,  adjutant,  and  quartermaster  generals,  and  sug 
gested  certain  names  for  military  positions  to  be  mentioned 
to  him.  "His  opinion  on  all  subjects  would  have  great  weight 
and  I  wish  you  to  obtain  from  him,  as  much  of  his  reflections 
upon  the  times  and  service  as  you  can."  McHenry  v^rote 
Washington  at  once,  asking  that  he  be  met  at  Alexandria.  On 
the  next  day,  Adams  wrote  Washington :  3  "  McHenry,  the 
Secretary  of  War,  will  have  the  honor  to  wait  on  you,  in  my 
behalf,  to  impart  to  you  a  step  I  have  ventured  to  take  and 
which  I  should  have  been  happy  to  have  communicated  in 
person,  if  such  a  journey  had  been,  at  this  time,  in  my 
power.  Mr.  McHenry  will  have  the  honor  to  consult  you  upon 
the  organization  of  the  army  and  upon  everything  relating  to 
it. ' '  Pickering  had  already  written  Washington,  4  urging  him 
to  insist  on  Hamilton  as  his  second  in  command,  and  on  the 

1  Schouler,    i,    407,    states    that    Hamilton    sent   his   letter    to    Wash 
ington,    written  on   June   2,   to   Mt.   Vernon   in   care   of   McHenry.     If   this 
be    true,    Hamilton    kept    the    letter   over   a   month    before    forwarding   it 
(Hamilton,    vi,    293).     This    shows    how    baseless    is    one    of    the    charges 
against  McHenry.     Schouler  probably  means  the  letter  of  July  8    (Hamil 
ton,  vi,   389). 

2  J.  Adams,  viii,  573.     Sparks,  xi,  531. 

3  J.   Adams,  viii,    575.     Sparks,  xi,   5S2. 

4  Pickering's  Examination  of  Adams  and  Cunningham's  letters,  1-161. 
On   July  28,    Pickering  wrote  Jay    (Hamilton,   vi,    330)    that  Washington 
was  sometime  balancing  Hamilton  and   Pinckney   as  to  priority  and   per 
haps   my   letter  of   the    6th,    which   Washington    did  not   show    McHenry, 
turned  the  scale. 


312  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xm 

llth,  Washington  answred,  l  stating  that  he  had  not  yet  seen 
McHenry,  but  preferred  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney  to 
Hamilton  for  second  place.  The  same  morning,  Washington 
sent  to  Alexandria  for  McHenry  and  in  the  evening  he  ar 
rived.  2 

On  the  next  day,  McHenry  wrote  Adams, 3  that  Wash 
ington  will  probably  accept,  provided  he  be  not  called  into 
active  service,  until  his  presence  be  absolutely  needed.  He 
showed  McHenry  his  letters  of  the  4th  and  5th,  which  had 
not  arrived  in  Philadelphia  before  the  secretary  left  that 
place,  and  McHenry  notified  Adams  that  the  letter  of  the 
4th  shall  be  given  him,  as  it  treats  "on  several  points  that 
will  require  your  attention."  McHenry  will  obtain  from 
Washington  the  names  of  the  persons  he  considers  the  best 
qualified  for  his  "confidential  officers."  After  completing  his 
letter,  McHenry  showed  it  to  the  general,  who  asked  him  to 
add  to  the  last  sentence:4  "and  without  whom,  I  think,  he 
would  not  serve." 

Washington  let  McHenry  return  on  the  13th  with  a 
"full  communication5  upon  the  several  points  he  had  in 
charge. ' ' 6  

On  the  14th,  Washington  wrote  Hamilton  7  that  he  de 
sired  to  put  him  next  himself  and  feared  that  by  this  step  will 
lose  Pinckney.  Knox,  "whom  I  love  and  esteem,"  has  been 
placed  last  of  the  three.  But  "after  all,  it  rests  with  the 
President  to  use  his  pleasure."  Hamilton  answered  this  let 
ter,  stating  that  he  had  a  great  regard  for  Knox,  but  must 
stand  up  for  his  own  rights.  Yet  rather  than  see  Washington 

1  Sparks,  xi,   257. 

2  Mount  Vernon  llth.  July   1798. 
Dear  Sir 

My  carriage  is  sent  to  Alexandria  to  bring  you,  and  any  companion 
you  may  have  to  this  place 

I    am    always    Yours,  —  and 

Affectionately 
GEO.   WASHINGTON 
James  McHenry  Esqr. 
Secretary  of  War 
expected   to   be   in    Alexandria 

3  Adams,  viii,   574.     'Sparks,  xi,   533. 

4  See  Washington's  letter  of  September  16. 

5  Sparks,  xi,  261. 

'6  C.  F.  Adams  charges,  without  any  foundation  that  I  can  dis 
cover  (Adams,  i,  528,  529),  that  Pickering  and  McHenry,  with  other 
friends  of  Hamilton,  set  in  motion  the  most  extraordinary  influences  to 
bring  about  Hamilton's  being  named  as  second  in  command  and  that 
Washington  was  made  to  fear  that  Adams  wished  to  appoint  Burr  as  a 
major  general.  C.  F.  Adams's  statement  is  also  incorrect  that  priority 
had  not  been  settled  at  the  time  of  the  nomination,  though  McHenry  and 
Pickering  had  invoked  Washington  to  decide  it  at  once. 

7  Sparks,  xi,  264. 


1798-1799]  of  James  McHenry  313 

compromitted, 1  "I  shall  cheerfully  place  myself  in  your  dis 
posal  and  facilitate  any  arrangement  you  may  think  for  the 
general  good."  On  the  17th,  Hamilton  wrote  Pickering  that 
he  was  willing  to  go  below  Knox,  but  does  not  like  to  be  the 
third  in  the  list  of  major  generals. 2  Meantime  Washington 
had  written  Knox, 3  on  the  16th,  that  Hamilton,  Pinckney, 
and  Knox,  in  the  order  named,  were  selected  as  major  gen 
erals.  "The  first  of  these,  in  the  public  estimation  as  de 
clared  to  me,  is  designated  to  be  second  in  command,  with 
some  fears,  I  confess,  of  the  consequences,  although  I  must 
acknowledge  at  the  same  time,  that  I  know  not  where  a  more 
competent  choice  could  be  made." 

Knox  answered, 4  declining  the  position,  on  the  29th,  be 
fore  he  had  heard  from  McHenry. 

From  Philadelphia,  McHenry  wrote  on  the  18th  that  he 
had  returned  on  Tuesday,  and  found  the  session  of  congress 
over,  but  the  senate  still  sitting  to  act  on  nominations.  Be 
fore  he  saw  his  family,  he  presented  Washington's  letter  to 
Adams,  while  the  president  and  Mrs.  Adams  breakfasted. 
Both  of  them  were  pleased. 

Adams  wrote  a  message, 5  naming  the  three  major  gen 
erals,  in  the  order  which  Washington  gave  them,  though  he 
said  Colonel  Hamilton,  former  rank  being  considered,  was  not 
entitled  to  stand  so  high  and  asked  why  Pinckney  was  pre 
ferred  to  Knox.  McHenry  told  him  Washington's  opinions 
and  showed  a  copy  of  the  general's  letter  to  Hamilton  dated 
July  14.  While  they  talked,  Pickering  came  in  and  said  the 
senate  had  adjourned  for  the  day.  On  the  morrow,  Adams 
said  his  mind  had  changed  and  he  could  not  think  of  placing 
Hamilton  before  Knox;  but,  finally,  he  agreed  to  send  in  the 
names  in  that  order,  on  McHenry 's  statement  that  the  parties, 
if  aggrieved,  might  appeal  to  a  board  of  officers  or  to  the 
commander  in  chief.  Pickering  then  came  in  and  placed 
Drayton  as  a  brigadier  general  above  W.  S.  Smith,  Adams's 
son-in-law.  Adams  grew  warm  and  said  Smith  should  be  ad 
jutant  general  and  Drayton  a  brigadier.  Pickering  was  silent 
as  to  this,  but  suggested  Sevier  as  a  brigadier. 

McHenry  considered  him  unprincipled  but  waived  ob 
jections,  as  the  appointment  was  one  which  might  remain 

1  Sparks,  xi,  537. 

2  Hamilton,  vi,  326. 

3  Sparks,  xi,  266. 

4  Sparks,  xi,  534. 

5  Sparks,  xi,  542. 


314  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xin 

nominal  and  might  have  a  good  effect  in  Tennessee.  As  the 
provisional  officers  might  be  wanted  before  fall,  it  was  thought 
best  to  appoint  them  at  once.  After  Pickering  left,  he  sent 
McHenry  word  that  Smith  was  a  swindler,  which  piece  of 
information  McHenry  felt  should  have  been  given  sooner. 
Before  McHenry  went  to  Mount  Vernon,  Pickering  had  said  in 
McHenry 's  presence,  that  Smith  would  be  a  good  officer. 
Hamilton  had  concurred  in  the  propriety  of  appointing  Smith 
and  neither  Wolcott  nor  McHenry  had  heard  of  the  charges 
against  Smith.  Pickering  now  aided  in  the  rejection  by  the 
senate  of  Smith's  nomination  as  adjutant  general  and  this 
exceedingly  irritated  Adams,  who  said  there  was  an  intrigue 
against  Smith,  who  was  no  more  in  debt  than  Lee  or  Knox, 
who  was  no  disorganizer  and  could  procure  proof  from  his 
creditors  of  their  satisfaction  with  his  conduct. 

Edward  Carrington  was  asked  by  Washington  if  he  would 
accept  a  brigadier  generalship  and  answered  at  once  favorably 
from  Richmond  on  July  18,  1798.  "By  this  evenings  mail 
I  had  the  honor  to  receive  your  letter  of  the  15th.  instant, 
and  am  impelled,  by  the  very  great  sensibility  with  which  it 
fills  my  mind,  to  reply  to  it  immediately. 

"It  is  impossible  for  me,  Sir,  to  disobey  your  call  to  any 
Station  which,  in  the  threatened  crisis,  you  may  suppose  me 
capable  of  taking:  were  I  ever  insensible  to  the  honor  result 
ing  from  the  circumstance,  the  example  under  which  your 
summons  is  made,  could  not  but  be  irresistable  in  a  mind  im 
pressed  as  that  of  every  true  American  must  be  at  this  time. 
I  freely  give  my  assent  to  be  disposed  of  agreeably  to  your 
judgment,  with  a  view  to  the  good  of  our  beloved  and  injured 
Country,  without  annexing  any  conditions  whatever.  Hav 
ing  said  this  much,  It  may  not  be  improper  for  me  to  observe, 
that  the  late  increased  duties  of  the  office  I  hold,  have  brought 
into  operation  measures  which,  with  the  old  business,  render 
it  of  importance  that  my  attention  to  the  appointment  you 
have  assigned,  be  deferred  as  long  as  possible;  and  it  would 
be  my  wish  if  the  public  interest  admit  of  it,  not  to  be  called 
to  it  until  indispensably  necessary." 

The  bill  increasing  the  army  to  twelve  regiments  of  in 
fantry  and  a  regiment  of  dragoons,  comprising  6  troops,  had 
passed  1  on  the  16th,  and  on  the  20th,  McHenry  wrote  Ham 
ilton,  asking  him  to  attend  at  once  to  providing  a  system  for 
the  forces.  This  letter-Hamilton  answered  on  the  22nd,  thus  r 

1  On  the  16th,  congress  adjourned  and  the  senate  followed  on  the  19th. 


1798-1799]  of  James  McHenry  315 

"Your  letter  of  the  20th.  instant,  inclosing  one  from 
General  Washington  came  to  hand  this  day. 

"The  object  you  suggest  in  it  is  one,  which  no  doubt  de 
serves  a  primary  attention ;  and  it  will  be  paid  to  it.  But  it 
will  be  useful  that  I  should  shortly  confer  with  you  fully  on 
a  variety  of  subjects,  and  after  receiving  an  official  communi 
cation  of  my  appointment,  I  shall,  without  delay,  repair  to 
Philadelphia. 

' '  I  count  always  upon  your  confidence,  as  well  in  my  per 
sonal  friendship  for  you  as  in  my  zeal  for  the  public  service ; 
and  having  no  inclination  to  spare  myself,  it  only  remains  for 
us  to  trace  together  the  plan  in  which  I  can  best  second  your 
operations  and  promote  the  service. 

"Yrs  with  true  attachment 

"A  HAMILTON 
"P  S 

"In  some  instances  we  have  missed  it  in  our  Brigadiers. 
It  is  very  essential  there  should  be  no  mistake  about  the  field 
office  — Festina  lente  in  your  choice  of  officers." 

On  the  same  day,  McHenry  wrote  a  letter  to  Pickering, 
in  which  are  contained  germs  of  the  ideas  which  resulted  in  the 
Louisiana  Purchase  and  in  the  Monroe  doctrine.  He  en 
closed  a  memorandum,  with  reference  to  the  instructions  to  be 
given  Rufus  King,  our  minister  to  Great  Britain,  and  asked 
that  Pickering  talk  with  Adams  as  soon  as  may  be  on  these 
points :  "It  presses  very  strongly  on  my  mind  that  we  ought 
not  to  lose  a  moment  in  forming  our  resolutions  relative  to 
the  2nd  and  3d  especially,  as  the  determinations  had  thereon 
must  sensibly  influence  my  arrangements  respecting  the  pub 
lic  force.  Will  it  not  be  proper  that  King  be  instructed  at 
once  concerning  the  French  West  Indies  and  New  Orleans? 
Is  it  right  that  the  measures  taken  by  our  government  which 
may  eventuate  in  putting  Great  Britain  in  possession  of  the 
French  West  India  Islands  should  be  productive  of  no  equiva 
lent  to  the  United  States?  2.  Is  it  not  expedient  that  the 
United  States  should,  in  the  event  of  the  French  West  Indies 
declaring  themselves  independent,  be  in  a  situation  to  give 
them  aid  and  that  provisional  arrangements  be  made  with 
England  to  prevent  her  from  taking  exceptions  thereto  or  de 
feating  the  same  ?  3.  Ought  not  Mr.  King  to  inform  the  British 
cabinet,  without  loss  of  time,  that  the  United  States  can  in  no 
event  permit  New  Orleans  to  pass  from  the  hands  of  Spain, 


316  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xin 

unless  to  become  a  possession  and  part  of  the  United  States. ' ' 

On  July  22,  Washington  answers  McHenry's  letter  of 
the  18th.  He  agrees  to  the  nominations,  *  though  he  thinks 
Smith  would  do  better  in  the  line,  than  as  adjutant  general, 
and  asks  why  no  quartermaster  general 2  is  named.  As  to 
the  man  to  be  named  for  that  office,  he  has  a  decided  prefer 
ence.  Washington  transmits  an  application  for  a  commission 
and  states  that  he  will  not  take  strong  ground,  in  general, 
for  any  applicant.  He  suggests,  however,  that  "when  the 
President  has  fixed  upon  officers  of  established  character  to 
command  companies,  Gentlemen  who  prize  their  own  honors 
and  the  reputation  of  their  company,  that  it  would  be  good 
policy  to  let  them  choose,  or  at  least  to  recommend,  their  own 
substitutes."  This  would  "facilitate  recruiting  and  contri 
bute  much  to  the  harmony  of  the  company." 

For  commander  of  cavalry,  Washington  is  inclined  to  rec 
ommend  Major  Talmadge  of  New  York  (formerly  of  Shel 
don's  horse)  and  suggests  a  number  of  other  names  for  com 
missions  of  various  kinds. 

On  the  25th,  McHenry  informs  3  Washington  that  Adams 
has  gone  to  Massachusetts  for  the  summer  and  that  it  is 
planned  to  have  Hamilton,  the  inspector  general,  revise  the 
army  regulations.  Adams's  long  and  frequent  absences  from 
the  capital,  while  business  was  left  in  the  hands  of  the  secre 
taries,  who  bore  the  responsibility  without  full  power,  was  a 
great  cause  of  the  administration's  troubles. 

On  July  29,  Washington   answered4   McHenry's  letter 


1  He  criticises  the  nomination  of  Sevier.     Sparks,  xj,   269;  Ford,  xlv, 
47. 

2  No    such    general    was    provided    in   the    law,    is    McHenry's    reply. 
Washington  wrote  again  upon  the  subject  on  August  2  : 

"Private)  "Mount   Vernon,    2d   Aug't,    1798. 

"Dear    Sir, — 

''Finding  that  I  was  not  altogether  correct,  in  giving  the  uniform  of 
the  Company  of  Greyheads  in  the  Town  of  Alexandria,  I  amend,  as  soon  as 
possible,  the  mistake,  by  transmitting  the  letter  of  the  Capt'n  thereof  — 
Col.  Simms  —  to  Mrs.  Washington. 

•'Have  you  received  my  letter  of  the  22d  of  July?  The  enquiry  then 
made  respecting  the  Quarter-Master-General  is  of  serious,  and  interesting 
moment  to  me.  If  the  business,  which  my  own  appointment  has  involved 
me  in,  increases  —  or  even  continues  —  I  shall  soon  be  under  the  necessity 
of  calling  upon  that  officer,  or  you,  for  a  supply  of  stationery :  —  on  you 
particularly  for  copying  Paper ;  who,  better  than  he,  will  know,  or  can 
direct  the  proper  sort.  I  thought  I  came  home  well  provided  with  these 
articles,  but  shall  soon  run  short. 

"Yours  affectionately, 

"Go.   WASHINGTON." 

3  Sparks,  xi,   540.     He  did"  not  apprise  Pickering  or  McHenry  of  the 
day  of  his  intended  departifre. 

4  Ford,  xiv,   55;  Sparks,  xi,   276. 


1798-1799]  of  James  Me  Henry  317 

of  the  25th,  thanking  him  for  the  copy  of  the  rules  and  regu 
lations,  asking  that  full  information  on  all  points  be  given 
him,  and  requesting  that  a  secretary  be  allowed  him  at  once, 
as  he  is  overwhelmed  with  applications  for  commissions  in 
the  army.  One  of  these  early  applications  1  for  a  captaincy 
for  Wm.  Champe  Carter  of  Albemarle  assigns  as  a  reason  for 
his  appointment  not  only  that  it  is  "praiseworthy  in  young 
men  of  fortune  &  character,  at  this  juncture  to  step  for 
ward  in  defence  of  the  rights  of  their  country, ' '  but  also  that 
a  few  commissions  might  well  be  distributed  in  his  part  of 
Virginia  as  a  "certain  character  [i.  e.  Jefferson],  in  his  route 
from  Philadelphia  to  Monticello,  used  every  indirect  means  of 
damping  the  patriot  spirit  of  the  people. ' ' 

The  demands  for  commissions  to  be  given  to  friends  were 
many.  We  have  already  noticed  that  Washington,  Hamil 
ton,  and  Murray  asked  that  certain  men  be  appointed  and 
the  extant  letters  are  sufficient  to  show  how  the  secretary 
of  war  was  showered  with  requests,  as  he  has  been  at  each 
renewed  enlargement  of  the  army. 

Washington's  caution  is  shown  in  his  letters  of  August 
10,  and  December  14: 

"Mount  Vernon  10th.  Aug.  1798. 
"Dear  Sir 

"The  letter  from  Mr.  Ames  to  Mr.  Best,  containing 
further  evidence  to  his  good  character,  I  send. 


1  The  application   is   filed   by   his  brother   Chas.    Carter,    Jr.,  of   Cul- 
pepper,    July    25. 

Another  of  Washington's  letters  on  the  same  subject  was  sent  from 
Mount  Vernon,  on  July  30,    1798. 
"Dear  Sir,  — 

"The  writer  of  the  enclosed  letter,  in  name  and  character,  is  an  entire 
stranger  to  me,  —  nor  do  I  know  whether,  by  the  Law  establishing  the 
Cavalry,  any  provision  is  made  under  which  such  a  person  could  be  em 
ployed,  tho'  certain  it  is,  if  Mr.  Macharg  understands  what  he  professes 
to  be  master  of,  he  might  be  employed  very  advantageously  in  training 
that  part  of  our  force. 

"I  have  wrote  him  to  this  effect :  —  adding,  that  as  he  is  a  stranger, 
his  application  to  the  War  Office  must  be  accompanied  by  ample  testi 
monies,  not  only  of  his  skill  in  the  business  he  professes,  but  to  his  char 
acter  in  all  other  respects,  with  which,  and  my  letter  to  him,  he  would 
come  properly  before  you,  and  without  which  I  conceived  it  would  be  use 
less  to  apply. 

"I  am,   Dear  Sir,  your  ob't., 
"Go :  WASHINGTON." 

A  number  of  letters  with  reference  to  appointments  to  army  positions 
from  the  McHenry  papers  are  published  in  So.  Hist.  Ass.  Pubs.,  ix,  99 
(March,  1905),  and  x,  (289  (September,  1906),  also  in  Granite  Monthly, 
xxxviii,  123  (April,  1906). 

2  Letters    from    the    McHenry    papers    concerning     politics     in     Vir 
ginia    during    this    period    will    be    found    in    William    and    Mary    College 
Quarterly,  xiii,  102   (October,  1904),  Virginia  Magazine,  xii,  2'57    (January, 
1905),    xii,    407    (April,    1905). 


318  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xin 

"The  other  letter  from  Mr.  Carter  (who  married  a  niece 
of  mine)  though  I  send  also,  but  request  it  may  be  returned; 
what  he  says  of  a  certain  character  may  be  treasured  up,  but 
not  reported  as  coming  from  him. 

"His  brother  is  an  utter  stranger  to  me,  and  therefore 
I  can  add  nothing  to  what  he  has  said  of  him.  The  family 
you  know,  are  among  the  most  wealthy  &  respectable  in  this 
State. 

"My  nephew  Lewis  might  (but  as  he  has  never  applied 
to  me,  I  cannot  say  that  he  would)  be  glad  of  some  appoint 
ment,  He  was  an  aid  to  Genl.  Morgan  in  the  "Western  Expedi 
tion. 

"I  am  Dear  Sir.  Your  Obedt.  Servt. 
"Go.  WASHINGTON." 

"Chester  14th.  Deer.  1798. 
"Private 
"Dear   Sir, 

"Having  requested  that  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Custis 
might  be  with  held  (even  if  it  should  meet  the  Presidents  ap 
probation  under  any  circumstances)  until  I  could  consult 
his  Grandmother  (Mrs.  Washington  — )  and  Mother,  Mrs. 
Stuart ;  I  further  pray  that  no  mention  of  his  name  for  such 
an  Office  may  be  made  until  the  result  is  known ;  —  because, 
if  their  consent,  being  an  only  son,  indeed  the  only  male  of 
his  family,  cannot  be  had,  it  would  be  better  that  the  arrange 
ment  of  him  should  pass  entirely  unnoticed,  to  prevent  the 
uneasy  sensations  which  might  arrise  from  disappointment,  if 
the  knowledge  of  it  should  get  to  him. 

"He  now  stands  as  Cornet,  in  the  Troop  proposed  to  be 
Commanded  by  Lawrence  Lewis  —  who  was  an  Aid  de  Camp 
to  Genl.  Morgan  —  on  the  Insurgent  Expedition  in  1794. 

"Just  as  I  wras  leaving  the  City  to  day,  I  had  an  oppor 
tunity  for  the  first  time  of  seeing  Captn.  Saml.  Henley  —  who 
is  a  Man  of  a  handsome  &  gentlemanly  appearance.  Having 
no  evidence  respecting  him,  except  from  his  own  letter,  while 
we  were  arrangeing  the  Massachusetts  line,  he  was  not  in 
cluded  in  it.  Afterwards,  a  letter  from  Genl.  Shepherd  rec 
ommended  him ;  —  but  at  that  time  we  did  not  conceive  it 
of  sufficient  weight  to  travel  the  ground  over  again.  I  must 
acknowledge  however,  that  his  external  appearance  (for  I  had 
no  conversation  with  him)  made  so  favourable  an  impression 
on  me,  that  (being  an  old  officer  too,  and  brother  to  a  very 


1798-1799]  of  James  McHcnry  319 

worthy  man)  I  should  be  very  glad  if  his  conduct  will  stand 
the  test  of  investigation  —  to  see  him  put  as  a  Captain,  in 
place  of  some  Captain  in  that  line,  who  has  not  served  in  the 
Revolutionary  War.  The  particular  one  I  cannot  now  name, 
but  it  will  not  be  difficult  to  ascertain.  With  very  great 
esteem  &  regard 

"I  am  —  Dear  Sir 

"Your  Most  obedt.  Hble.  Servt. 

"Go.  WASHINGTON. 

"P.  S.  I  know  no  character  in  the  New  England  States 
(since  the  declination  of  Genl.  Knox  and  Brooks)  that  have 
fairer  pretensions  to  be  appointed  a  Brigadier  or  even  Majr. 
General,  than  Genl.  Cobb.  And  if  Genl.  Dayton  does  not 
accept  his  appointment  —  pray  press  Colo.  Howard  strongly 
to  come  forward." 

McHenry  wrote  to  Hamilton,  1  stating  that  he  had  been 
appointed  inspector  general,  with  the  rank  of  major  general 
and  that  the  nominations  for  generals  had  been  sent  to  the 
senate  on  the  same  day  and  in  the  order  of  the  annexed  list, 
in  which  order  they  would  be  registered  in  the  department. 
Adams  considered  that  pay  and  emoluments  of  office  should 
not  begin  until  the  officers  were  called  into  service.  Ham 
ilton  accepted  at  once,  recommended  his  nephew  for  a  cap 
taincy,  2  and  came  to  Philadelphia.  Doubtless,  from  his  pre 
vious  relations  with  McHenry,  he  expected  that  he  would  be 
given  complete  control  of  matters,  and  when  he  found  that 
McHenry  proposed  to  keep  affairs  in  his  own  hands,  he  re 
turned  home  and  wrote  the  following  most  ungenerous  letter  3 
to  Washington  on  July  29.  He  feels  that  he  must  do  violence 
to  friendship  by  stating  that  "my  friend  McHenry  is  wholly 
insufficient  for  his  place,  with  the  additional  misfortune  of 
not  having  the  least  suspicion  of  the  fact.  This  generally 
will  not  surprise  you,  when  you  take  in  view  the  large  scale 
upon  which  he  is  now  to  act.  But  you,  perhaps,  may  not  be 
aware  of  the  whole  extent  of  the  insufficiency.  It  is  so  great, 
as  to  leave  no  probability  that  the  business  of  the  War  De 
partment  can  make  any  tolerable  progress  in  his  hands.  This 

1  July  25      Hamilton,  v,   137. 

2  Hamilton,  v,   138.     On   September  9,    1798,  Hamilton  wrote  a  second 
letter    recommending    this    nephew,    Philip    Church,    September    30,    1798. 
McHenry  said  he  would   take  good  care  of   Philip   Church   as  of   his  own 
son.     Hamilton's  acceptance  dated  July  28  is  printed  in  Ix>dge,  vi,  483. 

3  Hamilton,  vl,  331. 


320  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xin 

has  been  long  observed  and  has  been  more  than  mentioned 
to  the  President  by  members  of  Congress.  He  is  not  insen 
sible,  I  believe,  that  the  execution  of  the  department  does  not 
produce  the  expected  results  but  the  case  is  of  course  delicate 
and  embarrassing." 

"My  real  friendship  for  McHenry,  concurring  with  my 
zeal  for  the  service,  predisposed  me  to  aid  in  all  that  he  could 
properly  throw  upon  me  and  I  thought  that  he  would  have 
been  glad,  in  the  organization  of  the  army  and  in  the  con 
duct  of  the  recruiting  service,  to  make  me  useful  to  him.  With 
this  view,"  Hamilton  came  to  Philadelphia.  ''But  the  idea 
has  thus  far  been  very  partially  embraced"  and  Hamilton, 
returning  to  New  York  with  little  fruit  of  his  journey,  feels 
that  the  censure  due  McHenry  will  fall  on  the  principal  mili 
tary  officers  also.  He  asks  Washington  to  write  McHenry  for 
a  statement  of  supplies.  This  will  give  necessary  information 
and  prompt  the  secretary  to  exertion. 

On  July  30th,  Hamilton,  -l  who  had  returned  to  New  York, 
wrote  McHenry,  asking  that  he  and  Knox  be  called  into  ser 
vice.  In  addition  to  preparing  the  system  of  tactics  and  disci 
pline,  the  inspector  general  may  superintend  recruiting  and 
be  useful  in  other  ways,  while  Knox  would  be  of  "extensive 
service,"  especially  in  matters  relating  to  artillery.  Ham 
ilton  tells  McHenry  that  "scruples  of  delicacy"  cannot  with 
hold  him  from  stating  what  ought  to  be  said,  through  ' '  friend 
ship  to  you  or  regard  to  the  service. "  "I  observe  you  plunged 
in  a  mass  of  details.  I  know,  from  experience,  that  it  is  im 
possible  for  any  man,  whatever  be  his  talents  or  diligence,  to 
wade  through  such  a  mass,  without  neglecting  the  most  ma 
terial  things  and  attaching  to  his  operations  a  feebleness  and 
sloth  of  execution.  It  is  essential  to  the  success  of  the  min 
ister  of  a  great  department  that  he  subdivide  the  objects  of 
his  care,  distribute  them  among  competent  assistants,  and 
content  himself  with  a  general  but  vigilant  superintendence. 
This  course  is  particularly  necessary,  \vhen  an  unforseen 
emergency  has  suddenly  accumulated  a  number  of  new  objects 
to  be  provided  for  and  executed." 

On  the  same  day,  McHenry  sent  Hamilton  a  list  of  appli 
cants  for  commissions  from  New  York  and  the  adjoining 
states  and  asked  him  to  report  on  them  and  to  suggest  other 
names. 

1  Hamilton,  v,  138;  Lodge,  vi,  483.  On  August  8,  Pickering  and  Wol- 
cott  wrote  Adams  on  this  matter.  C.  F.  Adams  mistakenly  says  they  an 
ticipated  McHenry. 


1798-1799]  of  James  McHcnry  321 

McHenry  's  answer  to  Hamilton 's  letter  of  July  30  is  not 
preserved,  but  we  find  him  writing  on  the  5th  of  August, 
asking  for  a  list  of  officers  from  the  southern  states  and  stat 
ing  that  Wolcott  holds  back  the  order  for  clothing.  On  the 
6th,  McHenry  wrote  again,  stating  that  he  is  indisposed  and 
feverish,  and  told  of  the  rejection  of  the  nomination  of  W.  S. 
Smith  as  adjutant  general,  and  of  the  need  that  the  appoint 
ments  should  be  hastened.  Two  days  later,  he  informed 
Washington  that  he  has  a  bilious  complaint  and  that  yellow 
fever  has  broken  out  again  in  Philadelphia.  He  has  written 
Adams  to  allow  Washington  a  secretary  and  asked  that  he 
may  call  Hamilton  and  Knox  into  active  service, l  as  other 
wise  he  will  be  swamped  with  business.  2  On  the  14th,  Adams 
answered  saying  that  Washington  is  in  the  public  service  from 
the  date  of  his  appointment  and  should  have  a  secretary  at 
once.  Adams  answered  the  other  request  thus :  3  "  Calling 
any  other  general  officers  into  service  at  present  will  be 
attended  with  difficulty,  unless  the  rank  were  settled.  In  my 
opinion,  as  the  matter  now  stands,  General  Knox  is  legally 
entitled  to  rank  next  to  General  Washington;  and  no  other 
arrangement  will  give  satisfaction.  If  General  Washington 
is  of  this  opinion  and  will  consent  to  it,  you  may  call  him  into 
active  service  as  soon  as  you  please.  The  consequence  of  this 
will  be  that  Pinckney  must  rank  before  Hamilton.  If  it  shall 
be  consented,  that  the  rank  shall  be  Knox,  Pinckney,  and  Ham 
ilton,  you  may  call  the  latter  two  into  immediate  service  when 
you  please.  Any  other  plan  will  occasion  long  delay  and 
much  confusion.  You  may  depend  upon  it,  the  five  New  Eng 
land  States  will  not  patiently  submit  to  the  humiliation  that 
has  been  meditated  for  them." 

On  August  6,  Hamilton  wrote  Wolcott,  urging  that  the 
generals  be  called  into  service,  and  adding:  "It  is  impos 
sible  for  McHenry  to  get  through  all  that  is  now  upon  his 
hands  in  a  manner  honorable  to  himself,  satisfactory  to  the 
public,  or  proportioned  to  the  energy  of  the  conjuncture." 

McHenry  had  written  Knox  on  the  25th  of  July,  virtually 
repeating  his  letter  of  the  same  date  to  Hamilton.  Knox 
answered 4  from  Boston  on  August  5,  asking  whether  his 

1  On    August    20,    Hamilton    wrote    to    Washington    on    this    matter. 
Hamilton,  vi,   342. 

2  Hamilton,  vi,   334. 

3  J.   Adams,  viii,    580. 

4  J.   Adams,   yili,    579.     On   August   11,   McHcnry   sends   Hamilton    this 
letter  and  asks  hi?  opinion  thereon. 


322  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xin 

revolutionary  rank  should  entitle  him  to  rank  before  the 
others  or  not  and,  if  not,  he  intimated  he  should  not  accept 
the  position.  To  Knox's  letter  of  the  29th  of  July,  Wash 
ington  answered  *  on  August  9,  repelling  insinuations  that  his 
friendship  was  insincere  and  stating  that  he  does  not  think 
the  relative  rank  of  much  importance.  Adams  had  nom 
inated  Washington  without  consulting  him,  induced,  accord 
ing  to  McIIenry,  by  the  urgency  of  his  friends.  As  congress 
expected  to  adjourn  on  the  Monday  following  Washington's 
notification  of  his  appointment  and  as  he  wished  that  body  to 
vest  power  in  the  president  to  make  the  necessary  appoint 
ments,  he  "hastened,  precipitately,  Mr.  McHenry's  return,  in 
hopes  he  might  be  back  in  time  to  accomplish  this  object," 
and,  therefore,  Knox 2  could  not  be  consulted,  before  his 
name  was  sent  to  the  senate.  Washington  apologized  for  his 
advocacy  of  Hamilton,  as  he  had  been  "inundated  with  let 
ters  which  said  that  Col.  Hamilton  was  designated  second  in 
command  (and  first  if  I  should  decline  an  appointment)  by 
the  federal  characters  of  Congress,  whence  alone  anything 
like  a  public  sentiment  relative  thereto  could  be  deduced." 

To  Hamilton,  on  the  same  day,  Washington  wrote,  com 
plaining  that  McHenry  does  not  keep  him  informed  and  an 
swering  Hamilton's  complaint  of  July  28.  He  added3  that 
Hamilton's  opinion  "respecting  the  unfitness  of  a  certain 
gentleman  for  the  office  he  holds,  accords  with  mine  and  it 
is  to  be  regretted  sorely,  at  this  time,  that  these  opinions  are 
so  wrell  founded.  I  early  discovered,  after  he  entered  upon 
the  duties  of  his  office,  that  his  talents  were  unequal  to  great 
exertions,  or  deep  resources.  In  truth,  they  were  not  ex 
pected,  for  the  fact  is,  it  was  a  Hobson's  choice."  But  such 
is  the  case  and  what  is  to  be  done?  Hamilton  must  have 
charge  of  recruiting  and  Washington  will  try  to  impress 
McHenry  with  the  propriety  of  requiring  Hamilton's  assis 
tance.  "Delicacy,  if  matters  become  serious,  must  yield  to 
expediency. ' ' 

Not  hearing  from  McHenry  for  a  while  and  inspired  by 
Hamilton 's  ungenerous  letter,  Washington  wrote  4  McHenry 
the  day  after  he  had  written  to  Hamilton.  The  letter  is  ' '  pri 
vate  and  confidential,  dictated  by  friendship,  and  flowing  from 

1  Sparks,  xi,   280. 

2  On   August    8,    Knox   wrote    Pickering   that  he   cannot   serve  under 
Hamilton.  <- 

3  Hamilton,  vi.   337. 

4  Ford,  xiv,   67;   Sparks,  xi,   286. 


1798-1799]  of  James-  McHenry  323 

the  best  intentions."  If  it  has  "too  much  the  appearance  of 
plain  dealing,"  McHenry  should  "look  to  the  motives  and 
manner  of  the  communication. ' '  Washington  took  the  place 
of  general  with  the  understanding  that  he  was  to  be  kept 
apprised  of  what  occurred,  and  offered  to  go  to  Philadelphia, 
if  necessary,  though  it  was  midsummer,  but  McHenry  has  not 
written,  and,  fearing  there  may  be  delay,  the  general  entreats 
McHenry,  who  has  the  more  responsibility,  because  Adams  is 
not  a  military  man,  to  call  Hamilton  into  service  and  place 
him  in  charge  of  the  recruiting  and  also  to  call  on  Knox  and 
to  give  Washington  full  information  of  what  has  been  done. 
Much  of  the  censure  bestowed  on  McHenry  was  undeserved. 
He  felt  the  danger  of  delay  and  asked  l  Adams  on  August  4, 
that  he,  with  the  assistance  of  Knox  and  Brigadier  General 
Brooks,  take  under  his  immediate  direction  the  Eastern  States, 
that  McHenry  himself  should  look  to  the  Middle  States,  and 
Washington  care  for  Virginia  and  the  South,  all  subject  to 
Adams's  final  determination.  Four  of  the  twelve  regiments 
should  be  raised  in  each  quarter,  and,  in  the  hopes  that  Adams 
would  agree  to  his  plans,  McHenry  wrote  Hamilton  on  August 
10,  asking  him  to  hold  himself  ready  to  come  to  Trenton,  where 
the  government  will  remove  on  account  of  the  epidemic  in 
Philadelphia.  McHenry  himself  was  unable  to  go  to  his  office 
for  several  days  before  the  13th,  on  account  of  his  bilious  com 
plaint  and,  on  th£  14th,  he  and  his  family  removed  to  Trenton. 

On  the  13th,  Washington  wrote  McHenry  from  Mount 
Vernon  as  follows,  showing  how  his  feelings  toward  McHenry 
had  changed  on  news  of  his  activity: 

"The  Messenger  that  carried  my  letters  of  the  10th.  to 
the  Post  Office  brought  me  your  favour  of  the  6th.  —  and 
yesterday  I  received  that  of  the  8th. 

"It  gave  me  sincere  pleasure  to  find  by  the  letter,  that 
you  had  suggested  to  the  President,  prompt  &  decisive  meas 
ures  for  Organizing  and  recruiting  the  twelve  Eegiments  of 
Infantry,  &c ;  —  and  the  propriety  also  of  requiring  the  Ser 
vices  of  the  Inspector  General  and  Major  Genl.  Knox,  to  aid 
you  in  arranging  the  details,  and  superintending  the  Execu 
tion  of  different  parts  of  your  Multiplied  duties  —  occasioned 
by  the  business  coming  upon  you  en  Masse. 

1  Sparks,  xi,  542,  McHenry  wrote  Washington  that  the  absence  of 
Adams  made  it  impossible  to  organize  the  twelve  regiments,  unless  Mc 
Henry  "concentred  information,  digested  it,"  and  submitted  a  plan  such 
as  he  did  in  this  letter. 


324  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xin 

' '  Without  such  aid,  &  subdivision,  it  would  be  impossible, 
in  my  opinion  (in  such  an  emergency)  to  carry  the  Act  for 
Augmenting  the  Army,  into  effect  with  the  precision  and 
promptitude  it  seems  to  have  contemplated. 

"Any  assistance  I  can  give,  consistently,  to  carry  your 
Plans  into  effect,  you  may  command  with  freedom. 

"It  is  extremely  painful  to  hear  that  the  Yellow  fever 
has  again  made  its  appearance  in  the  unfortunate  City  of 
Philadelphia,  and  is  spreading  its  malignancy ;  —  and  it  is 
with  much  concern  I  am  further  informed,  that  you  have  re 
turn  of  your  Billious  complaint.  I  hope  effectual  measures 
will  be  pursued  to  check  the  first;  and  that  you  are,  or  soon 
will  be,  perfectly  recovered  of  the  latter.  With  very  great 
esteem  and  regard  —  I  am  —  Dear  Sir 

"Your  Most  Obedt  &  Hble  Servant. 
"Go.  WASHINGTON." 


A  second  letter  of  the  same  date  l  from  Washington  al 
most  apologizes  for  his  letter  of  the  10th :  ' '  Finding  that  my 
ideas  accorded  so  much  with  the  measures  you  had  suggested 
for  the  consideration  of  the  President,  filled  my  mind  with 
exquisite  pleasure  and  it  would  be  uncandid  not  to  confess 
that  your  silence  and  my  entire  ignorance  of  what  was  doing 
with  respect  to  the  organization  of  the  army  and  recruiting 
the  men,  produced  very  disagreeable  sensations."  He  wishes 
he  could  obtain  an  adjutant  general  from  Maryland,  which 
is  "a  respectable  state  well  affected,"  but  without  a  general 
officer,  and  hopes  for  McHenry  a  restoration  to  health. 

On  August  19,  Hamilton  wrote  2  McHenry  that  he  will 
enter  public  service  at  once,  if  needed,  but  hopes  he  may  not 
have  to  make  "immediate  change  of  residence,"  though  he 
will  "not  object  to  a  frequent  attendance  at  the  seat  of  gov- 

1  Sparks,  xi,   290,  a  paragraph  is  omitted  from  the  printed  letter  as 
follows : 

"(Private)  Mount  Vernon   13th.   Augt.   1798. 

"My  Dear  Sir 

"*  *  *  The  enclosed  letter  from  the  Collector  of  New  York  to  me,  will 
show  what  he  has  done  with  the  tin  box  addressed  to  me.  Some  anxiety 
is  felt  concerning  it ;  for  as  much  as  it  is  supposed  to  contain  a  present 
(prohably  a  valuable  one)  from  an  East  India  acquaintance  of  Mr.  Laws 
to  Mrs.  Law,  and  directed  to  me  in  hopes  of  insuring  its  safety. 
"Always  Your  Affectionate 

"GEO  :   WASHINGTON." 

Lodge,  x,  317,  prints  a  letter  from  Hamilton  to  McHenry  advising  the 
latter  to  communicate  frequently  and  fully  with  Washington  and  on  p.  318 
one  from  Hamilton  to  Sedgwick  stating  that  McHenry  is  "loaded  beyond 
his  strength." 

2  Hamilton,   vi,    338,    340;    Lodge,   x,    307,    309. 


1798-17991  of  James  McHenry  325 

eminent. "  Knox's  letter,  which  McHenry  showed  Hamilton, 
"occasions  me  no  small  regret  and  embarrassment,  my  esteem 
and  friendship  for  that  gentleman  would  lead  me  far,  but 
there  is  a  very  great  difficulty  in  waiving  a  station  to  which, 
I  am  well  convinced,  I  have  been  called,  no  less  by  the  public 
voice  of  the  country,  1  than  by  the  acts  of  the  Commander 
in  Chief  and  of  the  President  and  Senate.  The  intention  as 
to  the  relative  grades  of  the  officers  appointed  is  presumed  to 
be  unequivocal.  It  is  believed  that  the  rule  to  which  General 
Knox  refers  can  have  no  application  to  the  case  of  the  forma 
tion  of  a  new  army  at  a  new  epoch,  embracing  officers  not  pre 
viously  in  actual  service."  He  suggests  that  Knox  may  ac 
cept,  with  a  reservation  of  his  claim  "ad  referendum,"  en 
closes  a  draft  of  a  suggested  letter  for  Knox  and  states  that, 
though  he  concedes  a  high  value  to  Knox's  merit,  he  cannot 
abandon  his  own  pretensions.  Pickering,  meanwhile,  was 
intriguing  -  against  McHenry  and,  on  the  21st,  suggested  to 
Hamilton  that  Knox  be  put  in  charge  of  the  department  of 
war,  to  solve  the  difficulty  as  to  the  generals,  as  Adams  "ha)l 
been  informed  of  a  very  general  dissatisfaction  in  its  present 
direction." 

Two  days  later,  Pickering  wrote  Hamilton  again, 3  stat 
ing  that  McHenry  had  just  handed  him  and  Wolcott  his  letter 
to  Adams,  on  the  subject  of  calling  the  major  generals  into 
service,  and  Knox's  letter  to  him :     "I  am  glad  to  see  you  are 
tenacious."     McHenry  told  the  other  secretaries  that  Wash 
ington  made  Hamilton's  appointment  the  sine  qua  non  of  his  \ 
acceptance  and  that  he  showed  Adams  the  letter  Washington  , 
wrote   to   Hamilton,    notwithstanding    which    Adams   placed  | 
Knox  first.     McHenry  thought  that  the  old  rule  as  to  seniority 
is  not  in  force,  nor  ought  to  be,  but  suggested  writing  to  Knox  I 
and  asking  him  to  accept,  with  reservation  of  his  claim.     Why  j 
should  we  urge  Knox's  acceptance?  Pickering  asks.     McHenry 
is  "utterly  uninformed"  of  Pickering's  correspondence  with 
Washington  and  Hamilton. 

On  August  22,  McHenry  answered  Adams's  letter  of  the 
14th.  stating  that  the  choice  of  the  major  generals  and  their 
relative  military  rank  proceeded,  "originally  and  exclu 
sively,"  from  Washington  and  that  McHenry  "had  no  agency, 
direct  or  indirect,  before  or  while  at  Mt.  Vernon,  in  deciding 

1  Against  this  paragraph,  McHenry  wrote :     "Certainly  true." 
.2  Hamilton,  vl,   343. 
3  Hamilton,  vi,  351. 


326  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xin 

his  mind,  either  as  to  the  choice  or  the  arrangement  of  the 
rank  of  those  he  had  selected,"  but  that  he  said  to  Wash 
ington,  when  he  "showed  me  his  choice,  that  I  concurred,  but 
that  the  nominations  and  relative  rank  of  those  nominated 
must  finally  rest  with  the  President."  Meanwhile,  McHenry 
was  not  to  be  blamed  so  much  as  Adams,  whose  desire  to  put 
Knox  above  Hamilton  and  whose  absence  in  Quincy  caused 
embarrassment  and  delay.  On  the  25th,  McHenry  wrote  l 
Washington  asking  him  to  select  cavalry  officers  and  to  find 
out  all  he  can  concerning  candidates  for  commissions  from 
the  South,  and  telling  him  that  he  is  authorized  to  employ  sec 
retaries  and  draw  pay  for  his  own  services.  2  A  detailed 
statement  of  ordnance,  powder,  &c.,  is  promised.  Tents  and 
field  equipage  will  be  ready  for  next  year's  campaign  and 
McHenry  "can  give  almost  instant  life  and  activity  to  the 
recruiting  service,"  as  soon  as  Adams  will  act,  if  clothes  are 
in  readiness. 

On  the  26th,  Knox  wrote  Washington  3  that  he  will  not 
serve  as  a  major  general,  but,  if  there  be  an  invasion,  he  will 
gladly  act  as  aide  de  camp.  Three  days  later,  Hamilton 
wrote  4  Sedgwick  that  the  generals  should  be  called  into  ser 
vice.  The  decision  on  this  point  rests  with  Adams.  "Mc 
Henry,  as  you  know,  is  loaded  beyond  his  strength."  On  the 
same  day,  Adams  wrote  McHenry,  showing  no  signs  of  yield 
ing  :  5  "  My  opinion  is  and  always  has  been  clear  that,  as 
the  law  now  stands,  the  order  of  nomination,  or  of  record 
ing,  has  no  weight  or  effect,  but  that  officers  appointed  on 
the  same  day,  in  whatever  order,  have  a  right  to  rank  accord 
ing  to  antecedent  services.  I  am  willing  to  settle  all  de 
cisively  at  present  (and  have  no  fear  of  the  consequences) 
by  dating  the  commissions,  Knox  on  the  1st  day,  Pinckney  on 
the  second,  and  Hamilton  on  the  third."  Gen.  Washington  6 
has  acted  with  perfect  honor  and  consistency.  "The  power 
and  authority  is  in  the  President.  I  am  willing  to  exert 
the  authority  at  this  moment  and  to  be  responsible  for  the 

1  Sparks,    xi,    542.      McHenry    to    Washington,    August    18,    1798.     J. 
Adams,  viii,    582,  Adams  wrote   McHenry,   asking  if  the  cession  of  Castle 
Island  had  been  accepted.     Lodge,  vii,   44,  prints  letter  from  Hamilton  to 
McHenry  concerning  the  drafts  of  surveys  of  New  York  Harbor. 

2  On  the  25th,   Hamilton  wrote  McHenry  suggesting  that  it  would  be 
well   to   write   oftener   to   Washington.     Hamilton,    vi,    354. 

3  .Sparks,  xi,   538. 

4  Hamilton,  vi,   534. 

5  J.  Adams,  viii,  587. 

6  The  sentence :     "Nor  Tias  he  ever  intimated  a  desire  of  'the  kind," 
printed  in  Adams's  Works,  is  not  in  the  original  letter. 


1798-1799]  of  James  McHenry  327 

exercise  of  it.  All  difficulties  will,  in  this  way,  be  avoided. 
But  if  it  is  to  be  referred  to  Gen.  Washington,  or  to  mutual 
and  amicable  accommodation  among  the  gentlemen  them 
selves,  I  foresee  it  will  come  to  me  at  last,  after  much 
altercation  and  exasperation  of  passions  and  I  shall  then  de 
termine  it  exactly  as  I  do  now.  Knox,  Pinckney  and  Hamil 
ton. "  Adams  wrote,  "I  will  not  send  either  of  McHenry 's  let 
ters  to  Hamilton,  as  neither  contains  sentiments  that  I  can 
approve."  "There  has  been  too  much  intrigue  in  this  busi 
ness  with  General  Washington  and  me,  l  if  I  shall  ultimately 
be  the  dupe  of  it,  I  am  much  mistaken  in  myself."  Adams 
closed  by  expressing  sympathy  for  McHenry 's  ill  health  and 
that  of  his  family  and  stating  that  Mrs.  Adams  "has  been  at 
the  point  of  death,  but  is  now  a  little  revived." 

On  August  30,  we  find  the  first  of  many  letters  which 
passed  between  Hamilton  and  McHenry  as  to  details  of  man 
agement  of  the  army.  It  shows,  as  nearly  all  the  correspon 
dence  does,  how  much  friction  there  was  between  the  various 
branches  of  the  service: 

"Col.  Stevens  tells  me  he  has  exhausted  the  money  you 
sent  him  in  preliminary  purchase  of  Timber  &c  &  is  in  debt 
with  embarrassment  to  pay  &  likely  to  be  compelled  to  dismiss 
workmen  &c 

"Such  a  state  of  things  is  hurtful  to  the  public  service, 
discredits  the  Administration  &  increases  expense.  It  ought 
to  be  avoided  if  possible. 

"Stevens  says  pains  have  been  taken  to  excite  doubts 
about  him  —  &  he  fears  they  may  have  some  effect.  In  jus 
tice  to  him  I  think  it  proper  to  say  that  I  have  the  most 
entire  confidence  in  his  political  fidelity  to  the  Government 
&  that,  as  far  as  my  opportunity  of  being  acquainted  with  his 
character  as  a  man  of  business  goes,  there  is  good  ground  of 
confidence  in  his  pecuniary  fidelity  also. 

' '  But  the  plain  alternative  is  to  displace  or  to  trust.  The 
necessary  operations  must  not  stagnate  on  account  of  uncer 
tainty  about  the  Agent." 

Adams  felt  that  he  had  settled  the  question  of  prece 
dence  and  did  not  refer  to  it,  while  writing  2  on  September  3, 

1  C.   F.  Adams,  in  a  long  note  to  this  letter,  says  McHenry  was  con 
cerned  in  the  intrigue.     The  only  proof  he  gives  is  that  Hamilton  was  in 
Philadelphia  on  July  7  and  sent  a  letter  to  Washington  on  the  8th,  which. 
C.  F.  Adams  alleges  to  have  been  carried  by  McHenry-     Sparks,  xi,  533. 

2  Adams,  viii,  591. 


328  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xm 

of  certain  nominations  and  calling  attention  to  the  exposed 
condition  of  Georgia.  But  the  cabinet  were  not  satisfied. 
On  the  3d,  McHenry  wrote  his  friend,  Uriah  Tracy,  that  he 
has  been  much  occupied  and  distressed  by  the  humor  (not  a 
very  pleasant  one)  which  the  president  has  discovered  since 
leaving  Philadelphia.  If  Knox  be  appointed  second  in  com 
mand,  a  "serious  rupture,  or  at  least  a  misunderstanding, 
with  Washington  would  follow."  "All  hands  have  been  at 
work  to  prevent  so  many  evils  befalling  us,  at  a  time  when  we 
stand  in  need  of  the  union  of  our  best  talents,  men,  and 
means.  I  hope  and  think  we  shall  be  able  to  subdue  this 
storm,  although  it  has  blown  almost  a  hurricane. ' '  He  asked 
Tracy  whether  he  thinks  W.  S.  Smith,  Adams's  son-in-law, 
should  have  a  regiment,  as  he  sends  a  certificate  that  he  did 
not  interfere  in  the  election  for  governor  of  New  York  and 
thanks  Tracy  for  a  suggested  list  of  officers  for  the  Connecti 
cut  regiment. 

Writing  l  to  Hamilton  on  the  10th,  McHenry  states  he 
does  not  blame  his  friend's  determination,  expressed  in  a  let 
ter  written  two  days  before,  not  to  serve  as  third  major  gen 
eral  and  that  all  the  cabinet  but  the  attorney  general  will 
make  respectful  representation  to  Adams  on  the  matter. 2 

Of  matters  not  military  we  learn  but  little  from  Mc 
Henry 's  correspondence  this  summer.  There  is  extant  a  let 
ter  from  Lafayette: 

"Witmold  — Holstein  August  the  30th  1798 
"My  dear  McHenry 

"When  I  Had  last  the  pleasure  to  write  to  you,  I  was 
far  from  thinking  I  should,  at  this  period  of  the  Year  Be  still 
detained  in  Europe.  The  Health  of  my  wife,  the  primary 
cause  of  those  delays,  Has  Been  continually  so  Bad,  it  Had 
in  the  Spring  taken  a  so  dangerous  turn,  that  untill  now, 
there  Has  not  Been  for  me  a  Moral  possibility  to  embark  — 
even  now  that  she  is  so  far  Recovered  as  to  Have  just  Been 
able  to  Undertake  an  indispensable  journey,  for  a  few 
months,  to  France,  I  find  that  Besides  tender  motives  not  to 
hasten  to  put  Between  us  the  Atlantic,  she  shall  soon  Be  ready 
to  look  with  me.  My  presence  on  this  Continent  is  essential  to 
forward  Arrangements  respecting  Her  property  which  she 
is  about  to  make.  I  need  not  telling  you,  my  dear  friend, 

1  Hamilton,   vi,    355;    Lodge,   x,    320. 

2  Hamilton,  vi,  356. 


1798-1799]  of  James  McHcnry  329 

that  Had  I  the  smallest  Hope  to  be  useful  in  public  Concerns, 
no  personal  Considerations,  nor  even  the  Dearer  ones  to  my 
Heart  could  one  instant  detain  me  —  may  I,  in  my  inactive 
But  not  unconcerned  retirement,  Be  soon  Blessed  with  the 
intelligence,  now  earnestly  expected,  of  a  mutual  disposition 
to  Reestablish  Harmony  Between  two  Nations,  in  the  fate  of 
whom  my  whole  Soul  is  so  deeply  interested. 

"My  principles  and  sentiments  Have  long  Been  known  to 
you  —  the  Appeal  to  liberty  in  the  old  world  Has  Reminded 
you  of  our  Conversations  in  the  New  one  —  in  my  doctrine 
of  opposition  to  long  despotism,  of  obedience  in  a  free  Con 
stitution  to  National  laws,  you  could  Anticipate  the  pain 
which  in  the  several  circumstances  I  Have  Had  to  Act  —  from 
your  knowledge  of  My  Republican  Heart  you  are  sensible  that 
my  objections  to  the  present  state  of  France  are  not  owing  to 
Her  form  of  Government  But  to  Her  want  of  freedom  —  while 
that  Government  who  rescued  me  out  of  prison,  and  with 
whose  Agents  Abroad  I  Have  every  personal  reason  to  be 
satisfied  are  nevertheless  far  from  wishing  to  facilitate  my 
return  or  discouraging  the  nonsense  now  and  then  published 
against  me,  I  am  not  myself  in  Hurry  to  witness  measures 
which  I  disaprouve,  nor  am  I  uncertain  of  the  National  opin 
ion  in  my  Behalf.  But  such  as  I  am  situated,  I  cannot  Be 
prejudiced  By  any  other  influence  than  my  attachement  to  the 
two  Countries,  When  I  now  am  persuaded  that  on  the  part  of 
the  directory  there  are  actual  and  sincere  dispositions  to  make 
up  this  unhappy  Quarell.  Hitherto  I  Have  not,  in  my  ex 
pressed  Hopes,  ventured  so  far.  But  now,  I  repeat  it,  I  Have 
reasons  to  think  that  they  are  in  earnest,  and  to  flatter  my 
self  that  either  directly,  or  through  the  Batavian  Mediation 
which  I  know  is  to  Be  offered  to  you,  matters  may  Be  properly 
and  Amicably  adjusted. 

"Thus  far,  altho'  the  Americans  Have  Been  Materially 
injured,  the  Moral  Advantages  remain  theirs  —  it  appears  to 
me  the  French  Government  Had  caught  the  example  not  long 
Ago  Given  By  that  of  Britain  —  this  system  of  oppression  on 
the  part  of  the  late  plunderers  and  incendiaries  of  the  Country, 
the  late  prison-ship-managers,  the  constant  ennemies  to  Ameri 
can  independance,  unjustifiable  as  it  was,  Had  some  thing 
less  shocking  than  an  imitation  of  such  an  unfair  policy  By 
the  early  defenders,  the  first  and  essential  friends  of  the  Unit 
ed  States  —  no  doubt  their  Rulers  were  led  into  it  on  a  sup 
position  that  it  Had  Been  the  means  to  Bring  about  your 


330  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xm 

English  treaty  —  thank  God,  instead  of  submission  they  Have 
met  with  Noble,  Spirited  Resistance  —  the  dignity  of  America 
Has  Been  asserted  and  a  Reconciliation  on  proper  terms  can 
not  But  leave  Her  with  an  increase  of  national  Respectability 
and  political  consequence — 'that  situation  of  Hers,  in  which 
no  man  can  more  Heartily  exult  than  I  do,  would,  in  my 
opinion,  Be  lost,  if  by  a  Rejection  of  Honourable  Means  to  re 
store  Harmony  Between  two  Republics,  By  a  precipitation  of 
measures  unnecessary  for  self  defence,  or  an  eagerness  to  Be 
too  far  entangled  with  other  European  powers  You  did  Coun 
tenance  the  Accusation  of  Having  seised  on  the  faults  of  the 
Directory  to  engage  elsewhere  that  independance  which  you 
are  now  so  justly  Applauded  to  defend. 

' '  The  British  Court  I  Dislike  and  Mistrust  —  not  for  their 
intrigues  against  me,  nor  for  their  Vindictive  share  in  my 
captivity  —  it  is  a  matter  of  course,  nor  shall  they  ever  forgive 
American  names  formerly  doomed  to  proscription.  But  I 
Have  Heard  the  boasts  and  Hopes  of  those  men  with  respect 
to  America,  I  Have  known  their  Machiavelism  in  Holland,  I 
Have  witnessed  their  wicked  exertions  to  vitiate  the  Revolution 
of  France,  and  while  I  think  England  Has  many  of  the  more 
enlightened  and  virtuous  friends  of  true  liberty  to  Boast  of, 
while  I  glory  in  my  obligations  to  Her  fine  characters,  I  am 
convinced  that  in  Her  present  Government  no  confidence  is  to 
Be  Had  —  on  the  other  Hand,  altho'  my  love  to  My  Native 
Country  is  unalterable,  the  arbitrary  measures  of  Her  Govern 
ment  at  Home  cannot  agree  with  me,  and  notwithstanding  1 
ever  expected  the  doctrine  of  the  rights  of  men  to  Be  extended 
from  France  throughout  the  ancient  world  as  from  the  United 
States  to  the  rest  of  America  I  now  Have  a  due  respect  for  the 
mutual  independance  of  enfranchised  nations  —  nay,  there 
Have  Been  in  certain  Revolutionary  circumstances  compliments, 
from  the  United  States  wrhich  I  would  not  Have  paid  to  the  then 
Governors  of  France  —  and  while  I  don 't  deny  that  the  idea  of 
a  war  Between  those  two  dear  countries  cuts  me  to  the  Heart, 
you,  my  confidential  friend,  Have  known  that  in  every  trans 
action  Great,  or  trifling,  no  man  Has  Been  more  than  me  tena 
cious  of  the  interest  and  Honour  of  the  American  Republics, 
nor  more  attached  to  the  Happy  System  of  Federal  Union. 
May  I  not,  therefore,  However  Averse  I  am  to  the  Actual  Gov 
ernment  of  Britain,  However  Bound  to  My  Native  Country 
By  everlasting  ties  of  duty  and  Affection,  However  anxious  to 
See  the  true  American  principles  of  liberty,  Equality,  and  Re- 


1 798- 1 799]  of  James  McHenry  331 

publicanism  fairly  and  Honestly  spred  throughout  the  world, 
may  I  not,  says  I,  have  my  own  opinion  of  the  Dangers  aris 
ing  from  your  Connection  with  England  against  France,  of 
the  Advantages  to  be  found  in  an  Honourable  Reconciliation, 
and  of  the  dispositions  of  the  French  directory  to  make  for  it 
a  sincere  and  proper  trial. 

' '  Measures,  I  Hear,  Have  Been  taken  with  Respect  to  the 
piracies  which,  I  really  Believe,  Have  far  exceeded  the  inten 
tions  of  Government.  Letters  from  Paris  tell  me  that  the 
Neutral  Navigation  shall  soon  Be  on  Better  footing,  was  I  not 
fearful  to  lose  the  opportunity  to  write  to  you,  I  would  Have 
waited  for  answers  I  daily  expect.  I  just  now  Have  Hinted 
that  Besides  direct  Communications  the  Batavian  Common 
Wealth  is  ready  to  interfere.  Mr.  Murray  Has  acquainted 
you  with  the  changes  operated  in  that  Country  —  to  judge  the 
sentiments  of  Her  actual  Governors,  one  private  circumstance 
may  help  you  —  on  my  emersion  from  the  Olmuce  Bastille  the 
Batavians  intended  to  invite  me  to  their  Country  —  the  Janu 
ary  Revolution,  Long  foreseen  put  an  end  to  their  plan  — 
now  that  the  jacobines  are  out,  the  new  Government  Has  taken 
up  the  same  idea  —  my  going  there,  as  in  their  kindness  for 
me,  I  understand  it  will  be  Agreeable  to  them.  Appears  to  Be 
Advantageous  in  many  respects,  particularly  as  it  is  much 
nearer  to  my  family.  Yet  I  am  not  Hitherto  determined. 

"Notwithstanding  the  efforts  and  threats  of  England  and 
Russia,  the  Kings  of  Danemark  and  Sweden  Have  refused  to 
part  from  their  system  of  neutrality  —  so  Has  the  king  of 
Prussia  who  is  satisfied  with  protecting  the  North  of  Germany 
—  at  Vienna  the  two  Hostile  Courts  are  aided  by  female 
Neapolitan  influence,  and  it  is  probable  an  Austrian  War  may 
Be  Renewed,  the  result  of  which  will  be  the  Ruin  of  the  Royal 
father  in  law  and  Heavy  losses  to  the  imperial  young  man. 
Bonaparte,  after  the  taking  of  Malcha,  Has  arrived  safely  and 
even  uninterrupted  at  Alexandria  —  that  expedition  is  Big 
with  Consequences. 

"The  Name  and  Merits  of  Vaublanc  are  not  unknown  to 
you.  He  was  in  92  a  member  of  the  legislative  assembly, 
where  His  virtues,  eloquence,  and  Courage  Commanded  univer 
sal  admiration,  and  exposed  Him  to  great  dangers.  His  life, 
Highly  valuable  to  His  Country  and  His  friends,  Has  Been 
Happily  preserved  to  make  Him  Again  shine  in  the  Council 
of  the  Cinq-Cent,  and  Among  the  most  undeserving  victims 
of  the  fructidorian  proscription,  there  is  not  a  more  illustrious 


332  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xin 

and  upright  statesman  —  this  excellent  patriot  is  now  wander 
ing  out  of  France  to  which  He  shall  soon  or  late  Be  gloriously 
Restored.  His  wife  and  daughter,  lately  married  to  Gnl  Pink- 
ney's  Nephew,  are  gone  to  America  and  intend  to  land  some 
where  in  Virginia.  I  beg  you,  my  dear  McHenry,  I  who  re 
quire  all  other  friends  to  pay  them  the  Attentions  that  are 
due  to  their  personal  merits,  and  to  the  Husband  and  father 
with  whom  they  are  Blest  —  to  Him  I  am  under  great  obliga 
tions.  He  Has  in  92  stood  my  defender.  He  Has  Risked  His 
life  in  my  Cause.  Gratitude  and  Affection  Bind  me  forever 
to  Him.  I  depend  on  you  to  let  the  two  ladies  experience  that 
my  American  friends  feel  with  me  on  the  interesting  occasion. 

' '  Here  is  an  offer  of  a  quite  different  Nature  —  a  French 
emigrant  of  the  Aristocratic  party  Having  in  a  letter  to  me, 
on  my  Release  from  the  Coalitionary  prisons,  exposed,  the 
state  of  misery  to  which  He  is  Reduced,  and  Reminded  me 
of  His  Services  in  the  American  Army,  I  Regreted  not  to 
Have  it  in  my  power  to  present  Him  with  pecuniary  assist 
ance  —  to  the  expression  of  that  sentiment  it  was  Natural,  to 
add  an  offer  to  Carry  His  petition  to  America  —  the  inclosed 
one  He  sent  to  me.  But  for  fear  of  differing  too  much,  I 
forward  it  to  you  who  Best  know  what  can  be  done  —  the  part 
incombent  on  me,  I  felt  the  readier  to  Act  as  I  Spurn  the  idea 
that  His  Having  in  Europe  Belonged  to  a  party  opposed  to  us 
Could  make  me  forgetful  of  His  services  to  our  Cause  Under 
American  Colours. 

"There  goes  with  this  letter  one  to  Gnl.  "Washington.  I 
Beg  you  to  present  My  Respects  to  the  president,  to  the  Vice 
president,  and  to  Remember  me  to  all  other  friends  about  you. 
I  Can't  know  whether  or  not  the  expressions  of  My  dutiful 
patriotic  Attachement,  of  My  profound  and  lively  Gratitude 
Have  Ever  Reached  the  United  States  —  if  not,  I  Hope  it  will 
not  Be  imputed  to  Any  deficiency  on  My  part.  But  I  beg 
you  to  let  me  know  what  Has  Been  received  from  me.  I  Have 
written  to  You  UnAnswered  letters.  My  Son  George  requests 
me  to  Remember  Him  to  You.  I  join  with  Him  in  affectionate 
Respects  to  Your  Lady  and  family  —  adieu,  My  dear  Mc 
Henry,  You  know  How  friendly  I  am 

"Yours 

"LAFAYETTE 

"Pay  my  Best  Compliments  to  my  Generous  friends  Bol- 
man  and  Hu^er  —  no  answer  from  this  excellent  and  Heroic 


1798-1799]  of  James  McHcnry  333 

Huger  Has  yet  Reached  me.     How  Happy  I  would  Be  to  Hear 
from  Him!'' 

From  Baltimore  James  Ash  wrote  on  August  24,  urging 
that  the  Federalists  be  not  too  extreme  in  proscribing  members 
of  the  opposition: 

"The  judicious  determination  by  Government,  to  put 
ourselves  in  a  defensive  posture,  preparatory  for  any  violence 
which  France  may  offer,  has  been  unanimously  obeyed  by  the 
people.  There  are  however,  some  characters  here,  I  am  as 
sured  intend  well  towards  Government,  who  have  acted  very 
indiscreet  and  unwisely.  They  seemed  to  imagine,  that  noth 
ing  was  left  to  be  done,  but  to  exterminate  every  one  who  had 
been  of  the  Democratic  side.  It  is  true  many  are  to  be  found 
in  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  who  no  longer 
deserve  to  possess  the  confidence  of  the  people ;  and  even  this 
ought  to  be  taken  restrictively.  For  if  any  persons  of  this 
description,  from  weakness  of  understanding,  have  been  only 
tools  to  artful  and  designing  men,  and  a  hope  remains  of  poli 
tical  reformation,  I  can  see  no  reason  why  they  should  be  con 
demned  with  the  guilty.  But  leaving  alone,  those  who  served 
in  political  capacities ;  how  must  the  mind  and  heart  revolt,  at 
the  thought  of  the  public  wickedness,  of  these  characters,  being 
visited  on  all  their  dupes  and  followers;  uninformed  and  mis 
guided  men  amongst  the  people.  The  doctrine  of  extermina 
tion  would  be  a  delightful  way  to  introduce  a  civil  war,  while, 
on  the  other  hand,  changing  the  deluded  people  by  degrees 
from  past  error,  as  different  dispositions  can  bear  it,  will  nerve 
our  union,  Country,  and  Government  stronger  than  at  any 
former  period.  A  remarkable  instance  of  this  kind  happened 
lately.  In  a  publication  written  by  Mr.  Martin,  signed  a 
'Native  American'  one  Mr.  Pechin,  a  printer,  here  was  Com 
pletely  denounced,  not  only  as  a  citizen  but  a  printer.  Now 
if  Mr.  Pechin  had  imprudently  done  wrong,  would  it  not  have 
been  the  Wiser  way  to  produce  gradual  reform  in  preference 
to  extermination1!  It  appeared  to  me  a  miniature  of  the  bar 
barous  cruelties  practised  by  the  French.  It  excited  much 
warmth  amongst  about  a  thousand  who  were  Pechin 's  Sub 
scribers.  The  publication  of  the  inclosed  observation,  address 
ed  to  Mr.  Martin,  I  have  reason  to  believe  had  a  good  effect. 
This  made  Pechin  my  friend,  and  if  he  were  ever  hostile  to 
Government,  he  is  now  as  warmly  a  friend.  If  extermination 


334  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xm 

be  Mr.  Martins  policy,  I  shall  never  agree  with  him,  because 
it  is  much  better  to  reform,  than  to  destroy.  The  one  is  a 
leading  feature  in  genuine  Christianity,  and  good  Government, 
the  other  the  demon  of  anarchy  and  confusion.  Before  this 
newspaper  acquaintance  I  never  exchanged  Six  words  with 
Pechin.  He  now  Consults  me  on  every  movement  of  any  im 
portance.  Yesterday  he  gave  me  a  Manuscript  pamplet  to  read, 
and  requested  my  opinion ;  at  this  time  he  had  not  read  it 
himself.  It  had  a  disorganizing  tendency,  tranquilizing  the 
public  temper  as  it  respects  us  with  France,  and  irritable  in 
every  other  respect.  I  gave  him  an  opinion  in  writing  that 
no  one  but  a  Frenchman  ought  to  publish  such  a  Book,  or  some 
one  regardless  of  his  Country's  good.  He  went  away  well 
satisfied  with  the  impression  and  advice. 

"I  cannot  either  entirely  agree,  with  some  Gentlemen, 
in  their  views  of  our  next  election.  Mr.  Winchester  has  offer 
ed  under  their  support;  he  comes  forward  and  declares  his 
intention  is  to  support  the  administration.  Let  us  compare 
his  professions  with  his  actions,  and  trace  the  corresponding 
analogy.  In  the  Day  of  Democratic  Societies,  Mr.  Winchester 
was  not  only  a  member,  but  a  violent  one;  and  I  have  been 
lately  informed  from  good  authority,  that  he  offered  some 
resolutions  at  a  meeting,  which  went  to  the  subversion  of  all 
government.  And  when  Electors  were  last  chosen  to  elect  a 
President,  he  voted  and  declared  himself  for  Mr.  Jefferson, 
and  now  he  is  to  be  the  Supporter  of  the  administration.  'Let 
no  such  man  be  trusted.'  The  people  want  a  man  of  judg 
ment  to  form  opinion,  and  with  firmness  to  give  that  opinion 
uniform  Support.  The  whimsical  and  capricious  character,  is 
little  to  be  relied  on.  For  these  reasons  I  think  him  an  im 
proper  choice. 

"I  hope  Gallatin  may  be  turned  out.  I  have  written  to 
several  of  my  Correspondents,  in  that  part  of  the  Country,  on 
the  Subject.  His  Seat  as  it  respects  virtue,  will  be  well  sup 
plied  by  Nevill,  who  is  a  man  of  honor,  and  worth. 

"From  an  opinion,  that  every  one  should  be  ready  in 
some  Capacity,  or  other  to  serve  his  Country,  at  a  period  so 
critical,  I  made  a  tender  of  my  services  to  Gen :  Washington, 
with  a  condition  that  I  should  have  it  in  my  power  to  attend 
the  General  Court  twice  a  year,  unless  called  into  service. ' ' 

A  fierce  congressional  campaign  was  made  during  the 
summer  of  1798  on  the  -Eastern  Shore  against  Hindman,  who 
wrote  from  Bellfield  in  Talbot  county,  on  August  29 : 


1798-1799]  of  James  McHenry  335 

"I  was  very  sorry  to  see  by  the  Papers  Some  Time  ago, 
that  You  were  bid  up  with  a  Fever,  I  hope  Yon  are  now  in 
perfect  Health.  Have  You  appointed  the  Officers  to  the 
Army?  Col.  Hindman  perseveres  in  his  military  Zeal,  & 
would  accept  of  a  Regiment  in  the  provisional  Army,  but 
Nothing  inferior.  I  wrote  to  You  Some  Time  ago  in  Favor 
of  Doct:  Wm.  Nicholson,  who  wish'd  a  Captaincy  in  the  P. 
Army,  &  if  not  to  be  had  would  accept  a  Lieutenancy ;  He  is  a 
Sensible  Man  &  of  great  Intrepidity,  &  what  exalts  Him  in  my 
Estimation  is  his  differing  from  his  Relations  in  Politics,  He 
has  always  advocated  my  Elections,  &  is  now  among  my  most 
active  Friends  &  can  do  much;  He  &  his  Brother  Jo:  are  So 
warmly  opposed,  that  I  wish  it  may  not  produce  disagreeable 
Consequence,  his  obtaining  Captain's  Commission  would  aid 
the  Federal  Cause  here  very  much,  &  I  must  confess  I  have 
his  Success  much  at  Heart. 

"The  cunning  Jacobins  discovered,  that  the  People  are 
generally  incensed  against  the  French,  are  now  the  Foremost 
in  abusing  Them,  &  affect  much  Wrath  at  being  thought  at 
tach 'd  to  that  Nation,  I  hope  this  Deception  will  not  avail 
Them.  I  have  been  laid  up  for  some  Time  with  a  sore  Leg. 
it  is  now  nearly  well.  My  friends  are  getting  very  warm  & 
active,  which  was  highly  necessary  to  counteract  the  furious 
Exertions  &  infamous  Lies  on  the  other  Side,  Report  says 
Seney  is  losing  Ground  in  Consequence  of  correct  Informa 
tion  respecting  many  Misrepresentations  against  Me ;  &  a  Cut 
given  by  a  Mr :  Clark  in  which  He  says  that  Mr :  Seney  avow 
ed  the  Sentiment  that  Mr:  Jefferson  &  Mr:  Madison  would 
have  done  better  at  the  Helm  of  Affairs  than  Washington  & 
Adams,  I  hear  Seney  denies  it  &  wants  to  Strike  out  Washing 
ton,  conscious  that  any  Thing  said  against  Washington  would 
damn  Him  with  the  People,  it  has  just  transpired,  &  Puzzles 
Them  much,  I  flatter  Myself  it  will  do  great  Good.  I  hear 
Seney  has  got  a  Cut  from  an  Associate  Justice,  a  poor  Crea 
ture  of  his,  endeavouring  to  prove  a  Negative ;  what  Cheats  & 
Impostors  these  Jacobins  are,  From  Them,  good  Lord,  For 
ever  deliver  us.  Many  Betts  are  laid  on  the  Issue  of  the  Elec 
tion,  a  curious  One  of  3000  Dollars  to  130,  that  I  have  not  a 
Majority  in  every  County ;  Some  of  my  Friends  are  Sanguine 
enough  to  think  I  Shall.  I  \vill  not  venture  to  predict  the 
Issue,  Things  look  more  favourably  than  They  did,  &  prob 
ably  wrill  increase. 

"I  have  just  received  a  Letter  from  Mr:  Campbell  & 


UNIVERSITY 


336  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xm 

Doct:  Harris,  They  both  Speak  doubtfully  of  Mr:  Winches 
ter's  Election,  &  I  collect  They  are  of  Opinion  that  Genl: 
Smith  will  be  rechosen;  if  this  Should  be  the  Case  I  shall 
ascribe  it  to  the  Want  of  Exertion  on  the  Federalists,  whose 
purses  ought  to  be  open  on  the  Occasion. 

"The  Yellow  Fever  must  have  deranged  You  all  very 
much." 

So  bitter  was  the  campaign  against  Hindman  that,  on 
September  16,  1798,  J.  Sitgreaves  1  writes  McIIenry  from 
Easton,  Pa.,  that  Edward  Tilghman  has  written  him  that  great 
efforts  are  made  to  defeat  Hindman.  Consequently  Sitgreaves 
has  written  Richard  Tilghman,  of  Queen  Anne's  and  suggests 
that  McHenry  also  write  as  to  Hindman 's  "Estimation  with 
our  best  public  men,  in  and  out  Congress,  You  can  bear 
honorable  Testimony;  and  you  can  assert  with  equal  Confi 
dence  that  He  has  been  Confidentially  consulted  on  all  the 
Operations  of  the  federal  Interest  in  the  House  of  Representa 
tives." 

When  election  came,  Hindman  2  and  three  other  Feder 
alists  were  chosen  from  Maryland  with  four  Jeffersonian  Re 
publicans. 

McHenry  was  now  in  constant  correspondence  with 
Washington.  On  September  3,  the  latter  wrote, 3  acknowl 
edging  lists  of  applicants,  complaining  of  illness,  and  asking 
for  a  list  of  captains  and  subalterns  in  the  revolutionary  army 
to  help  in  selecting  officers  from  the  "wide  expance"  of  the 
southern  district.  He  wished  for  Pinckney's  presence,  sug 
gested  that  it  may  be  well  to  raise  all  of  the  cavalry  in  the 
southern  states,  and  urged  that  our  magazines  be  ' '  well  furn 
ished  with  all  necessary  articles  of  foreign  dependence ;  the 
procuring  of  which,  if  the  country  should  be  invaded,  will  not 
only  be  rendered  precarious,  but  they  must  come  much  high 
er. "  The  keepers  of  powder  magazines  should  be  directed 
to  be  attentive  to  turning  and  proving  powder,  that  there 
may  not  "appear  to  be  a  store,"  when  there  is  none  "fit  for 
use."  He  urged  rigid  recruiting  rules.  "It  is  much  better 
to  have  a  few  good  soldiers,  than  a  multitude  of  vagrant  and 

1  A   prominent    lawyer   who   was    member   of   congress    from    1794    to 
1798. 

2  Letters    from    the    McHenry    papers    on    Maryland    politics    in    1798 
are  found  in  So.  Hist.  Ass.  Pubs.,  x,  101    (March,  ,1906),  and  on  Maryland 
politics  in  1799  in  -So.  Hist.  Ass.  Pubs.,  x,  150   (May,  1906). 

3  Ford,  xiv,   79;    Sparks,   xi,   292. 


1798-1799]  of  James  McHcnry  337 

indifferent  ones,  who,  besides  other  imperfections,  may  desert 
their  colors  in  critical  moments. ' '  At  the  end,  he  writes : l 
"If  any  change  should  take  place  in  settling  the  relative  rank 
of  the  Major  Generals,  I  shall  hope  and  expect  to  be  informed 
of  it."  On  the  7th,  McHenry  told  him  of  Adams's  deter 
mination  to  put  Knox  first  and,  as  Washington  had  been  ill, 
he  added,  "It  will  be  proper  you  should  intermit,  for  some 
time,  your  attention  to  business  and  avoid  the  early  morning 
air,  as  well  as  much  exposure  to  the  hot  sun."  On  the  same 
day,  Washington  wrote  Pickering  that  possibly  he  might  have 
put  Knox  before  Pinckney,  if  he  could  have  gotten  to  Phila 
delphia  in  July.  The  president  ought  to  ponder  well  before 
he  consents  to  a  change  in  the  arrangement  Washington  sug 
gested.  Washington  answered 3  McHenry 's  letter  on  the 
14th,  regretting  the  delay  in  recruiting  and  appointing  offi 
cers.  For  this  delay,  he  blamed  the  executive,  especially  as 
that  "spirit  and  enthusiasm  which  were  inspired  by  the  Dis 
patches  from  our  Envoys,  that  resentment  which  was  roused 
by  the  treatment  of  our  Commissioners  by  the  Directory,"  are 
"evaporating  fast"  and  it  is  now  much  harder  to  secure  suit 
able  men.  Two  months  have  already  been  wasted.  Wash 
ington  asked  for  longer  letters  from  McHenry  and  fuller  in 
formation  on  certain  points.  His  sacrifices  entitle  him  to  this 
and  "from  McHenry,  as  a  friend  and  coadjutor,  I  certainly, 
shall  look  for  it."  Needed  foreign  articles  should  be  imported 
at  once.  If  war  ensues,  they  will  cost  more  and  "the  obtaining 
them  at  all  will  be  attended  with  hazard  and  delay."  He 
objects  to  certain  appointments,  discusses  the  question  of  small 
arms  and  so  ends  this  "free  and  friendly  letter."  On  the 
10th  and  12th,  McHenry  wrote  him  of  the  proposed  address 
to  the  president  and,  on  the  receipt  of  the  former  letter,  Wash 
ington  said4  that  the  news  "filled  his  mind  with  much  dis 
quietude  and  embarrassment,"  but  he  cannot  make  any  move 
at  this  time,  "without  betraying  your  confidential  communi 
cation."  He  perceived  "pretty  clearly,  however,  that  the 
matter  is  or  very  soon  will  be  brought  to  the  alternative  of 
submitting  to  the  President's  forgetfulness  of  what  /  consid 
ered  a  compact  or  condition  of  acceptance  of  the  appointment, 
with  which  he  was  pleased  to  honor  me,  or  to  return  him  my 
commission."  He,  therefore,  asks  to  be  furnished  with  a  copy 

1  Ford,  xiv,  87. 

2  .Sparks,  xi,  299. 

3  Ford,  xiv,  S7;  Sparks,  xi,  300. 

4  Ford,  xiv,  91  ;  Sparks,  xi,  302. 


338  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xm 

of  McHenry's  letter  to  Adams  written  from  Mount  Vernon 
and  of  the  instructions  from  Adams,  under  which  McHenry 
then  acted. 

On  the  19th,  McHenry  conveyed  to  Washington  an  ac 
count  of  the  change  of  plan  and  the  decision  of  the  cabinet 
to  have  Wolcott,  who,  having  been  absent  in  July,  would  not 
be  charged  with  intrigue,  answer  Adams's  letters  of  August 
14  and  29,  which  Wolcott  did  on  September  17,  urging  1  that 
Hamilton  be  placed  first.  McHenry  continued : 2  "  Con 
ceiving  the  whole  of  this  business  of  a  very  serious  nature  and 
intimately  connected  with  the  public  interest,  I  communicated 
the  letters  from  the  President  to  me  as  they  were  received  to 
Mr.  Wolcott,  Mr.  Pickering  and  Mr.  Stoddert,  as  also  my 
answers  to  him.  The  services  of  Gen.  Hamilton  being  consid 
ered  too  important  and  consequential  to  be  easily  parted  with, 
it  was  proposed  that  they  should  join  in  a  respectful  letter  to 
the  President.  After,  however,  a  good  deal  of  deliberation, 
the  idea  of  a  joint  address  was  relinquished  for  a  representa 
tion  from  Mr.  Wolcott  alone,  who  did  not  appear  to  be  im 
plicated  in  his  suspicions  of  intrigue.  This  has  been  accord 
ingly  drawn  up  and  forwarded.  It  contains  the  grounds  upon 
which  you  were  induced  to  expect  your  arrangement  would  be 
adopted  and  reasons  resulting  from  the  relative  talents  of  the 
generals  and  public  opinion."  On  the  same  day,  McHenry 
gave  Washington  a  detailed  account  of  Adams's  conduct.  3 

Of  Adams's  letter  of  August  29,  McHenry  wrote4  that 
part  of  the  letter,  ''being  personal  and  unmerited,  not  a  little 
wounded  my  feelings."  On  September  6,  he  wrote  Adams, 
asking  why  he  was  accused  of  intrigue  and  said :  5  "It  will 
sir,  be  a  relief  to  me  to  be  assured  of  your  opinion  in  this 
particular,  because  I  natter  myself  I  can  convince  you  that, 
abhorring  indirect  practices,  I  never  even  contemplated  any, 
or  shall  you  not  be  convinced,  I  can  immediately  retire  from 
a  situation  which  demands  perfect  and  mutual  confidence 
between  the  President  and  the  person  filling  it." 

Answer  to  this  letter  was  sent  by  Adams  on  the  13th. 
Adams  still  directed  McHenry  to  issue  the  commissions  on 
successive  days  and  to  call  Hamilton  and  Knox  into  service.  5 

1  Gibbs,  ii,    93. 

2  Gibbs,  ii,  93  ;  Sparks,  xi,  547. 

3  Sparks,  xi,  542. 

4  Sparks,  xi,  542. 

5  Gibbs,    ii,     92.     Brown's    McHenry,     22-34,    defends    him    from    the 
charge  of  intrigue. 

6  J.  Adams,  viii,   593. 


1798-1799]  of  James  McHenry  339 

"Your  conduct  throughout  the  whole  has  been  candid.     I 
have  suspected,  however,  that  extraordinary  pains  were  taken  \ 
with  you  to  impress  upon  your  mind  that  the  public  opinion  j 
and  the  unanimous  wish  of  the  Federalists  was  that  General 
Hamilton  might  be  first  and  even  Commander-in-chief,  that 
you  might  express  this  opinion  to  General  Washington  more 
forcibly  than  I  should  have  done  and  that  this  determined 
him  to  make  the  arrangement  as  he  did.     If  this  suspicion 
was  well  founded  I  doubt  not  you  made  the  representation 
with  integrity. 

"The  question  being  now  settled,  the  responsibility  for 
which  I  take  upon  myself,  I  have  no  hard  thoughts  concerning 
your  conduct  in  this  business  and  I  hope  you  will  make  your 
mind  easy  concerning  it." 

In  his  letter  of  September  19  to  Washington,  McHenry 
defended  himself  against  the  accusation  of  delay.  Adams 
had  as  yet  answered  only  twro  of  the  proposals  McHenry  made 
on  August  4.  Arms  have  already  been  ordered.  Wolcott 
thinks  we  should  fill  our  magazines  first  and  raise  the  army 
last  and  so  objects  to  the  purchase  of  clothes.  McHenry 
thinks  both  should  be  done  at  once.  ' '  I  should  have  no  confi 
dence  in  troops  suddenly  assembled  and  cannot  think  it  good 
policy  to  depend  upon  a  militia  to  meet  the  first  operations 
of  an  enemy  inured  to  war  and  having  no  better  support  than 
such  raw  troops."  If  an  invasion  come  from  the  south,  no 
eastern  militia  could  be  used,  as  eastern  regulars  could  and 
so,  if  we  wait,  we  may  be  left,  as  to  the  south,  to  its  own 
militia  and  half  the  country  may  be  overrun  and  plundered, 
before  anything  like  a  regular  force  can  be  collected.  Wol 
cott  is  alarmed  about  finances  and  prefers  to  trust  to  chances, 
rather  than  to  raise  and  pay  an  army,  which  may  never  be 
needed.  l  "These  things,  my  dear  and  revered  sir,  are  men 
tioned  to  satisfy  your  solemn  and  affecting  inquiries.  You 
will  now  see  (although  I  may  not  have  apprised  you  of  all  my 
proceedings)  the  reasons,  in  the  very  nature  of  the  transac 
tions  just  detailed,  which  have  prevented  me  from  making  to 
you  certain  communications,  until  they  became  unavoidable 
and  necessary,  as  well  for  your  information  as  my  justifica 
tion.  You  will  also  be  sensible  that  I  have  not  been  idle,  nor 
inattentive  to  the  importance  of  the  objects  which  interest 
our  country  and  have  drawn  you  into  your  present  situation." 

On  the  21st,  McHenry  wrote  again  that  he  had  made  new 

1  Washington  in  his  reply  agreed  with  McHenry's  views. 


340  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xin 

representations  to  Adams  about  Hamilton  and  Knox,  on  re 
ceiving  Washington's  letter  of  the  16th.  Adams  had  shown 
great  obstinacy,  but  McHenry  still  counted  on  his  acting  wise 
ly  and  yielding.  He  cannot  resist  the  display  of  facts  which 
have  been  laid  before  him.  Four  days  later,  Washington 
wrote  1  Adams,  that  he  ' '  explicitly  declared  in  July, ' '  he 
accepted,  provided  ' '  That  the  general  officers  and  general  staff 
of  the  army  should  not  be  appointed  without  my  concur 
rence."  Neither  McHenry  nor  Washington  had  any  doubt 
that  this  was  the  object  of  the  former's  mission  and  lest  there 
should  be  doubt,  Washington  asked  McHenry  to  declare  this 
in  his  official  letter  to  Adams,  as  Washington's  letter  might 
be  made  public ;  and,  therefore,  should  not  be  encumbered 
with  stipulations.  Washington  asked  McHenry  to  take  back 
the  commission  till  Adams's  reply.  McHenry  said  that  would 
not  be  necessary,  for  silence  would  be  acquiescence  and,  if 
Adams  did  not  agree,  he  would  say  so.  Believing  this  and 
not  wishing  to  imply  distrust  of  Adams's  intentions,  Wash 
ington  assented.  Now  Adams  changes  the  order  of  the  major 
generals  and  appoints  brigadiers  without  Washington 's  knowl 
edge.  Washington's  arrangement  of  major  generals  was  de 
signed.  He  had  heard  that  the  Federalists  wished  Hamilton 
second  and  this  impression  had  been  confirmed,  in  most  un 
equivocal  manner,  by  some  respectable  members  of  congress. 
If  Adams  did  not  like  the  order,  why  did  he  not  alter  it  before 
submission  to  congress?  Hamilton's  place  would  be  hard  to 
fill.  Why  does  not  Adams  begin  recruiting?  The  rough 
draft  of  the  letter,  covering  the  foregoing  points,  Washington 
sent 2  McHenry,  on  the  next  day,  in  strict  confidence,  as  even 
the  rumor  of  a  breach  between  him  and  the  president  would 
be  attended  with  unpleasant  consequences.  If  Adams  will 
not  yield,  the  people  must  decide  between  him  and  Washing 
ton.  On  the  30th,  Washington  wrote  3  again,  warning  Mc 
Henry  against  giving  commissions  to  the  brawlers  against  gov 
ernment,  ' '  who  would  endeavor  to  divide  and  contaminate  the 
army  by  artful  and  seditious  discourses  and,  perhaps,  at  a 
critical  moment,  bring  on  confusion. ' '  There  are  enough  Fed 
eralists  to  fill  the  places  and  "you  could  as  soon  scrub  the 
blackamoor  white,  as  to  change  the  principles  of  a  profest 
Democrat,"  who  "will  leave  nothing  unattempted  to  over- 


1  Sparks,  xi,  304  ;  Ford,  xiv,  92. 

'1  Sparks  xi,  315. 

3  Ford,  xiv,  104  ;  Sparks,  xi,  317. 


1798-1799]  of  James  McHcnry  341 

throw  the  government  of  this  country."     On  the  same  day, 
Adams  sent  this  curt  note  from  Quincy : 

"Quincy  September  30th.  1798 
"Sir 

"Inclosed  are  the  Commissions  for  the  three  Generals 
Signed  and  all  dated  on  the  Same  Day.     I  am  Sir 
"your  most  obedient  &c 
' '  JOHN  ADAMS.  ' ' 

Before  this  letter  came,  McHenry  wrote  1  Washington 
that,  though  he  has  received  no  word  from  Adams,  he  expects 
the  affair  to  terminate  happily.  He  asked  for  a  list  of  officers 
for  the  southern  regiments,  and  stated  that  he  had  advertised 
for  clothes,  but  that  Wolcott  still  opposed  paying  for  subsis 
tence.  There  is  news  of  a  new  coalition  in  Europe  against 
France.  Our  conduct  seems  to  have  inspired  the  peoples 
with  fresh  hopes  and  courage. 

About  this  time  there  must  have  arrived  in  Philadelphia 
the  letters  Murray  wrote  from  the  Hague  on  August  20  and  30, 
stating  that  his  secretary,  Dandridge,  wished  to  return  to 
America  and  enter  the  army  and  asking  that  McHenry 's 
nephew.  John,  might  be  sent  in  his  place.  In  a  later  letter, 
he  repeats  the  request  thus :  "I  am  at  a  great  loss  for  a  rapid 
French  reader  and  a  writer  of  that  insolent  language,  that  I 
fear  is  to  clothe  every  right  (public)  in  Europe  in  its  own 
idiom,  genius,  and  dress  —  curse  it,  I  wish  no  body  spoke 
French.  It  is  not  half  so  vulgar  not  to  speak  Dutch  —  but  I 
do  come  on."  The  request  was  granted  and,  on  April  28, 
1799,  Murray  wrote  McHenry  that  John  McHenry  arrived 
at  Hamburg  on  13th  instant,  after  a  passage  of  seventy-three 
days.  2  "We  expect  him  with  impatience.  He  has  left  Ham 
burgh  and  is  well." 

In  his  letter  of  August  30,  Murray  said:  "This  letter 
is  on  a  subject  doubly  interesting  to  me,  as  it  relates  to  the 
determination  of  Mr  Dandridge  to  leave  me,  &  to  the  acqui 
sition  of  another  Secretary. 

"Ever  since  we  heard  of  the  martial  movements  at  home, 
Dandridge  has  been  desirous  of  going  to  America.  He  has 

1  On  October  1,  "Washington  wrote  McHenry  complaining  of  Adams's 
delay.     Sparks,  xi,  318. 

2  January   7,    1799,    Pickering  wrote    the   United   States   at   Hamburg 
to  pay  John  McHenry  ?200  travelling  expenses. 


342  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xin 

at  last  asked  my  consent.  I  have  given  it  on  his  repeated 
solicitations  —  for  from  the  manner  in  which  we  have  lived, 
he  would  do  nothing  to  disoblige  me  in  this  way.  He  is  a 
most  excellent  &  estimable  man  &  has  most  fully  equalled  the 
short  but  good  character  which  our  illustrious  Washington 
gave  me  of  him.  I  have  an  affectionate  esteem  for  him  &  a 
brotherly  solicitude  for  his  happiness,  prosperity  &  advance 
ment.  He  looks  to  the  military  career ;  &  though  without  the 
vanity  of  ambition,  he  has  its  better  features  —  a  wish  to  be 
useful  &  an  ardent  desire  to  support  the  Independence  & 
glory  of  his  country.  Dandridge  has  no  pretence  &  no  affec 
tation  of  brilliance  —  but  he  has,  I  undertake  to  say,  a  sound 
&  strong  understanding  cultivated  beyond  what  his  simplicity 
&  modesty  of  manners  would  lead  a  stranger  at  first  to  attri 
bute  to  him  —  of  this  accuracy  of  judgement  I  have  often 
availed  my  self.  He  is  completely  a  man  for  high  &  delicate 
confidence,  in  fact  I  set  a  great  value  indeed  upon  him.  You 
know  him,  but  not  as  well  as  I  have  had  it  in  my  power  to  do. 
I  do  not  mention  him  thus  particularly  to  recommend  him,  as 
in  a  mere  letter  of  introduction,  but  to  do  him  justice  —  &  to 
prove,  as  far  as  I  can,  his  claim  to  a  handsome  &  honourable 
appointment  in  the  army. 

"I  then  present  him  to  you  as  a  candidate  for  a  commis 
sion.  I  hope  &  believe  that  you  will  give  one  suitable  to  him 
as  a  man  of  uncommon  worth  —  as  a  true  American,  well  en 
lightened  on  the  subject  matter  of  our  dispute  with  France 
and  as  the  late  Secretary  of  the  late  President  of  the  United 
States.  I  knowr  that  you  are  acquainted  with  my  friend  Dan 
dridge —  but  I  could  not  let  him  apply  himself,  as  I  feel 
interested  in  his  career  &  future  lot  &  wish  to  give  him  the 
proof  of  my  esteem.  He  has  been  our  inmate  constantly  & 
Mrs.  M.  &  myself  part  from  him  with  sincere  regret.  He  has 
also  been  very  happy  with  us.  So  much  for  my  friend,  whom 
I  part  with  &  whom  I  commit  to  your  kind  protection. 

"Now  for  the  acquisition  of  another  to  fill  his  place.  I 
have  long  thought,  that  should  anything  deprive  me  of  Dan 
dridge,  that  I  would  ask  you  to  give  me  Mr  John  McHenry, 
your  very  promising  nephew  &  my  correspondent!  as  I  men 
tioned  this  to  you  before  I  left  America,  I  hope  that  you  have 
thought  over  my  proposal.  I  sincerely  w*ish  that  nothing  may 
oppose  itself  to  this  object.  I  believe  he  esteems  me  —  &  you 
know  that  he  has  always  stood  high  in  my  regard.  He  shall 
live  with  us  entirely  as  one  of  my  family  &  I  undertake  to  say 


1 798-1 799 j  of  James  McHenry  343 

that,  if  he  can  be  happy  out  of  your  paternal  family,  he  will 
be  so  with  us.  Both  Mrs.  M.  &  I  like  our  young  friend ;  and 
his  relation  to  you  and  Mrs.  McHenry  would  endear  us  all  to 
each  other  &  insure  harmony  &  friendship.  He  will  have  to 
find  his  own  washing  &  mending  and  that  is  all.  That  is  ar 
ranged  here  with  ease  &  perfect  snugness  —  &  the  salary  is 
301.  10  Stirlg  a  year.  He  can  also  pursue  any  course  of  read 
ing  that  your  judgement  may  dictate.  He  may  learn  Italian, 
Spanish,  or  German.  Stay  either  as  long  as  I  do,  or  follow 
your  directions  &  entirely  your  views,  without  being  pledged 
to  any  time.  The  business  is  not  laborious  to  so  young  & 
hearty  a  man  viz.  Copying,  as  to  the  article  of  Dress  and 
clothes  —  it  is  not  serious.  His  Philad.  clothes  are  in  a  better 
style  than  is  common  here.  Linnen  cheaper  &  the  making  of 
it  cheaper.  At  his  time  of  life,  a  tour  of  this  sort  will  be  both 
pleasant  &,  I  should  hope,  advantageous  —  &  may  be  so 
shaped,  by  your  advice,  as  not  to  disturb  any  future  plans  wh. 
you  may  have  in  view  for  him.  In  fact,  I  wish  to  have  him 
with  me  &  see  no  objections  strong  enough  to  oppose  my  plan. 
He  had  best  come  direct  to  Hamburg,  or  Bremen,  or  Holland, 
&  on  his  landing  speak  to  the  American  consul,  giving  his 
name  &  I  will  take  care  to  write  to  those  at  these  points  to 
receive  him  &  put  him  on  the  Avay  to  the  Hague,  where  he 
will  be  kindly  welcomed  as  your  nephew  &  my  friend. 

' '  Should  no  ship  offer  to  these  places  —  He  had  best  come 
through  England.  He  can  easily  get  a  passage  across  to  the 
Tees  or  the  Maas  to  Rotterdam  &  then  he  is  with  me.  I  once, 
in  1784,  left  London  at  4  o'clock  in  the  morning,  dined  at 
Harich,  and  next  day  dined  at  the  Hague.  A  winter  passage, 
say  in  Nov.  or  December  is  not  much  to  —  England.  I 
came  in  those  months  in  1783-4.  He  can  be  with  me  by  Xmas 
or  in  January  easily.  However,  I  shall  wait  for  him. 

"Dandridge  wishes  a  commission  in  the  Infantry  and,  if 
he  had  experience,  I  would  say  that  he  has  character  enough 
to  be  at  the  head  of  a  Regiment.  I  forgot  to  mention  this  in 
the  first  part  of  my  application  for  him. 

"Mrs.  Murray  sends  her  love  to  Mrs.  McHenry,  pray 
make  my  kindest  compliments  to  her  &  give  the  enclosed  (if 
you  please)  to  Mr  John  McHenry. 

"The  Three  ministers  viz  Prince  Repnin  for  Russia,. 
Count  Cobenzl  for  Vienna,  &  Lord  Elgin  for  London,  who 
went  not  long  since  to  Berlin  to  produce  a  new  coalition  have 
left  Berlin  in  utter  disappointment  —  Ld.  E.  gone  home  —  Ct . 


344  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xni 

C.  gone  to  Petersburg  &  P.  Repnin  gone  to  Vienna.  No  coali 
tion,  general.  If  the  war  begins  again,  there  will  be  one  be 
tween  Austria  &  Russia. 

"The  energy  &  great  respectability  of  the  United  States 
have  produced  a  State  of  things  in  the  Directory  at  Paris 
from  which  we  may  see  the  rights  of  Neutral  nations,  in  gen 
eral,  respected.  It  would  dilate  every  artery  in  you  to  see 
the  glory  which  is  spreading  over  the  United  States  at  this 
moment  in  the  eyes  of  Europe.  She  comes  on  the  stage  at  an 
instant  highly  propitious  to  eclat.  When  the  heart  of  the 
continent  had  sunk  —  She  plants  her  foot  with  firmness  — 
France  recoils  —  and  every  body  is  revived  —  &  in  triumph 
—  for  France  does  recoil  —  &  I  believe  reflection  will  but  con 
firm  —  what  astonishment  first  produced,  &  that  she  will  recoil 
further,  if  we  will  preserve  a  steady  aspect  &  a  vigorous  prep 
aration.  God  bless  my  country,  she  indeed  acts  to  a  charm. 
I  will  again  write,  in  June  I  wrote.  I  am  dear  friend  affec- 
tionly 

"&  truly  always  yrs" 

Murray  wrote  thus  two  days  later:  "Be  firm  and  per 
severing,  my  dear  minister,  and  France  will  recoil,  we  shall 
triumph  and  once  more  establish  the  law  of  nations." 

On  October  5,  the  letter  from  Adams,  of  September  30, 
reached  Philadelphia  and  McHenry  copied  and  sent  it  to 
Hamilton,  saying,  "the  sun  begins  to  shine  *  *  *  This  is  a 
regal  letter  and,  at  the  same  time,  a  loyal  proceeding.  Hasten 
the  military  regulations.  I  shall,  I  expect,  soon  call  upon 
you."  To  this  letter  Hamilton  thus  replied: 

"New  York  October  9.  1798 

"I  thank  you,  My  Dear  Sir,  for  the  prompt  communica 
tion  of  the  intelligence  contained  in  your  letter  by  yesterday's 
Post. 

"As  to  the  regulations  (if  as  I  suppose  you  mean)  those 
for  the  tactics  &  discipline  of  the  army  —  I  must  answer  that 
hitherto  I  have  done  nothing  more  towards  it  than  some  pre 
liminary  reading  &  reflection.  The  undetermined  situation  & 
the  necessity  of  a  close  attention  to  rny  law  business  (which 
is  in  such  a  state  I  could  neither  abandon  nor  diminish)  has 
prevented  my  doing  more  in  respect  to  the  matter  in  question. 
It  will,  henceforth,  engage  my  particular  attention ;  but  it 
ought  not  to  be  precipitated.  My  plan  will  suppose  a  differ- 


1798-1799]  of  James  Me  Henry  845 

ent  organization  of  the  troops  &  some  previous  legislative 
measures  to  precede  its  execution.     Besides  the  present  sistem 
must  be  essentially  the  base  of  another  &  there  is  no  urgency 
for  a  change.     The  course  of  the  Winter  will  fulfill  every  use 
ful  idea  —  &  allow  time  to  digest  well  additions  or  innovations. 
To  organize  &  to  raise  the  army  are  the  immediate  desiderata. 
"I  shall  be  ready  to  attend  your  call 
"Yrs  affectly 

"A  HAMILTON 

"PS  Young  Rutledge,  late  Secy  of  General  Pinckney,  is 
himself  desirous  of  going  into  the  army  but  he  cannot,  in  pro 
priety,  decide  upon  an  application  without  the  previous  eon- 
sent  of  his  father  whose  permission  he  has  asked.  In  the 
mean  time,  I  would  suggest  for  your  consideration  the  exped 
iency  of  keeping  open  for  him  a  Captaincy  of  Infantry.  His 
connections  &  qualifications  give  him  pretension  to  look  to 
this.  You  will  understand  that  he  cannot  now  ask  &  may  not 
perhaps  be  allowed  to  accept :  so  that  whatever  is  done,  must 
be  provisory  Ade  AH" 

On  October  10,  Wolcott  wrote  x  Hamilton,  "You  are  first 
Major  General."  "I  supposed  McHenry  had  transmitted 
the  commissions  but  find,  he  still  hesitates.  I  will,  however, 
prevail  on  him  to  do  his  duty,  if  I  can." 

Adams  wrote  to  Washington  2  on  October  9.  informing 
him  what  he  had  done  and  stating  that  the  difficulties  between 
the  major  generals  will  be  submitted  to  the  general,  as  com- 
mander-in-chief,  and  Adams  will  ratify  his  action,  though  he 
has  no  doubt  that  the  president  has  authority  to  determine  the 
rank  of  officers.  Adams  thus  yielded  his  contention.  Before 
the  yielding  was  known,  Washington  wrote  McHenry, 3  on 
October  10,  asking  what  would  be  the  effect  of  his  resignation, 
if  Adams  disregarded  the  order  of  rank  of  the  generals  and 
the  conditions  upon  which  Washington  accepted  his  post. 
Could  Washington  "with  propriety  and  a  due  respect  for  my 
own  character"  help  from  resigning.  Washington  wished  on 
this  point  to  know  Pickering's  opinion  and  those  of  "the 
gentlemen  who  act  with  you."  Does  Pickering  like  Hamilton, 
Washington  inquired,  because  of  the  "utility  of  the  measure," 

1  Hamilton,   vi,   365. 

2  Sparks,   xi,    548.     J.   Adams,   vlii.    600.     If  North   refuses   the   adju 
tant  generalship,  Adams  will  nominate  Dayton,  unless  Washington  prefer 
another. 

3  Ford,   xiv,    105. 


346  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xin 

or  because  he  dislikes  Knox  ?  "Would  the  New  England  states 
be  disgusted,  if  Hamilton  precede  Knox  in  rank? 

On  October  15,  Washington  wrote  l  again,  with  refer 
ence  to  the  appointment  of  officers  in  the  engineers  and  in  the 
southern  regiments,  and  stated  that,  in  his  view,  officers  should 
be  appointed:  First,  from  officers  in  the  revolutionary  army, 
who  are  in  the  prime  of  life ;  and  then  from  "young  gentlemen 
of  good  families,  liberal  educations,  and  high  sense  of  honor, ' ' 
but,  that  care  should  be  taken  not  to  appoint  "any,  who  are 
known  enemies  to  their  own  government,  for  they  will,  as 
certainly  attempt  to  create  disturbances  in  the  military,  as 
they  have  done  in  the  civil  administration  of  their  country. ' ' 
McHenry  submitted  his  correspondence  with  Knox  to  the 
cabinet 2  on  October  13  and  asked  whether  they  considered 
that  Adams  be  held  to  acquiesce  in  the  settlement  of  relative 
rank,  on  the  principle  of  and  agreeably  to  the  order  of  nomin 
ation  and  confirmation ;  whether  he  should  consult  Adams  fur 
ther,  or  send  the  generals  their  commissions  directly;  and 
whether  he  should  send  Adams  a  copy  of  their  reply  to  his 
questions. 

Pickering,  "Wolcott,  and  Stoddert,  on  the  same  day, 3 
signed  a  reply  stating  that  the  only  inference  they  can  draw 
is  that  Adams  consents  to  the  arrangement  proposed  by  Wash 
ington  and  followed  in  nomination  and  confirmation,  and 
therefore  McHenry  should  send  the  commissions,  directly,  and 
it  would  not  be  "respectful  to  the  President  to  address  him 
again  on  a  subject,  which  appears  to  have  been  attended  with 
difficulties  in  his  mind  and  the  discussion  of  which  can  pro- 

1  Sparks,    xi,    322.     -Sparks,    xi,    549,    is    a    postscript    to    this    loiter. 
The  beginning  of  the  letter  and  another  imprinted  postscript  follow : 

"Mount  Vernon    15th   Oct.    1798. 
"Dear  Sir, 

"Your  letter  of  the  2d.  and  those  of  the  '5th.  instant  came  duly  to  hand. 

"Those  of  the  latter  date  were  received  late  in  the  evening  preceding 
my  visit  to  the  Federal  City,  when  I  was  detained  several  days  on  busi 
ness  ;  and  is  the  cause  of  their  remaining  unacknowledged  so  long.  *  *  * 
"P.   S. 

"In  treating  on  the  subjects  of  Regimental  officers  for  the  augmenta 
tions,  Colo.  William  Smith  of  New  York  again  occurs.  I  know  not  on 
what  precise  ground  the  nomination  of  him  was  rejected  by  the  Senate, 
and  therefore  to  advise  bringing  him  forward  again  might  be  improper,  — 
nor  should  I  incline  to  do  it,  if  there  was  just  cause  to  impeach  either  his 
integrity  or  his  attachment  to  the  measures  of  Government.  But  I  have 
always  viewed  Colo.  Smith  in  the  light  of  an  Officer  possessing  military 
talents,  and  conceive,  if  he  would  accept  of  it  that  the  Command  of  our 
Regiments  about  to  be  raised  in  the  Middle  District  of  the  United  States 
could  not  be  better  bestowed. 

"G.   W. n." 

On  Col.  W.  S.  Smith  see  an  article  by  M.  D.  Raymond  in  Mag.  Am, 
Hist.,  xxii,  74. 

2  Gibbs,   ii,  101. 
?  Gibbs,    ii,    1C2. 


1798-1799]  of  James  McHenry  347 

duce  no  public  advantage.  We  also  think  that  no  communica 
tion  of  our  sentiments  will  be  necessary,  unless  the  Secretary 
of  War  shall  discover,  hereafter,  that  we  have  mistaken  the 
President's  intentions,  in  which  case  it  will  be  proper  that 
we  should  share  in  the  censure."  Guided  by  this  opinion, 
McHenry  sent  the  commissions  and  wrote  this  information  on 
the  16th  to  Washington,  1  telling  him  of  the  course  of  events 
and  that  he  had  written  Hamilton  and  Knox,  calling  them 
into  service.  Washington  is  requested  to  come  to  Philadel 
phia,  as  soon  as  possible  and  at  any  rate,  before  November 
10,  at  which  time  McHenry  hoped  both  Adams  and  Washing 
ton  may  be  together  at  Trenton,  where  the  government  is  still 
carried  on.  This  official  letter  was  enclosed  in  a  personal  one, 
which  is  as  follows: 

"You  wrill  see  by  the  enclosed  the  step  I  have  taken,  and 
the  information  and  aid  which  I  expect  to  derive  from  the 
Major  Generals,  in  case  it  is  approved,  and  also  the  desire  I 
have  to  draw  you  for  a  short  time  to  Philadelphia.  I  know 
not  how  all  this  is  to  end,  and  feel  perfectly  tired  of  the  un 
certainty  in  which  so  many  important  measures  are  kept  fet 
tered  and  involved. 

"I  hope  you  will  approve  of  the  exposition  I  have  given 
of  my  views,  and  the  propriety  of  my  fortifying  or  correcting 
my  own  opinions  by  those  of  the  Generals.  I  have  informed 
Hamilton  of  the  points  upon  which  I  shall  look  for  his  assist 
ance  that  he  may  come  prepared. 

"I  am  extremely  anxious  to  know  the  result  of  your  let 
ter  to  the  President. 

"Yours  ever  &  affectionately" 

Hamilton  answered  McHenry  in  two  letters  written  from 
New  York  on  the  19th.  In  one  he  expressed  his  satisfaction 
at  the  relative  rank  given  him  and  promised  to  come,  2  but 
did  not  expect  to  arrive  at  Trenton  before  November  10, 3  as 


1  Ford,  xiv,  115. 

2  Hamilton,  v,   141;  Lodge,  vi,  485. 

3  Lodge's    Hamilton,    vi,    486.     "It    is    my    Intention,"    wrote    Hamil 
ton   to  Washington  from  New   York  on   October  29,   1798,    "to  proceed  on 
the   first  of  November  to  Trenton.     My  aid  to   the   Secretary,   to  the   full 
extent  of  what  he  shall  permit  me  to  afford,  will  not  be  withheld.  But  every 
day   brings   fresh    room    to    apprehend    that,   whatever   may   be    the    props, 
the  administration  of  the  War  Department  cannot  prosper  in  the  present 
very  well  disposed  but  very  unqualified  hands." 


348  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xm 

Knox  cannot  arrive  before  that  date.     In  the  other  letter,  he 
said: 

"My  Dear  Sir 

' '  I  received  yesterday  your  private  letter  of  the  1 6th  with 
its  inclosures,  now  returned. 

"It  was  essential  for  you  to  take  a  decisive  course  &  to 
leave  the  blame  of  further  delay  at  some  other  door.  There 
can  be  no  doubt  of  the  propriety  of  combining  the  aid  of 
General  Officers.  But  Pinckney  being  now  arrived,  it  seems 
to  me  very  proper  &  necessary  that  he  also  should  be  called 
upon.  You  will  learn  with  pleasure  that  he  sent  me  a  mes 
sage  by  young  Rutledge  purporting  his  entire  satisfaction 
with  the  military  arrangement  &  readiness  to  serve  under  my 
command.  Communicate  this  to  our  friends  Pickering  &  Wol- 
cott,  as  I  am  not  well  enough  to  write  them  by  this  post. 

"Yrs  Affecty 

"A  HAMILTON" 

Though  Washington  wrote  l  Knox  on  October  21,  urging 
him  to  accept  the  commission,  the  latter  wrote  Adams,  on  Oc 
tober  23,  before  he  could  have  received  this  letter, 2  that  it 
would  be  impossible  for  him  to  serve  under  officers  so  much 
his  juniors.  "No  officer  can  consent  to  his  own  degradation." 
Pinckney  accepted  at  once  and,  on  October  26,  thanked 3 
McHenry  for  the  commission  and  hoped  to  see  him  in  Trenton 
on  Monday.  On  the  31st,  he  wrote  again,  promising  to  be  at 
Trenton  on  November  10,  regretting  Knox's  declination,  and 
expressing  a  willingness  to  rank  below  Knox,  if  that  will 
induce  him  to  reconsider.  He  is  glad  to  serve  under  Hamil 
ton,  though  he  outranked  him  in  the  last  war.  On  October  21, 
Washington  wrote  McHenry, 4  enclosing  a  copy  of  Adams's 
letter  of  the  9th  and  asking  him  to  burn  the  note,  that  its 
existence  might  not  be  discovered  and  confirm  Adams  in  his 
ideas  of  intrigue.  He  also  asked  for  information,  as  to  the 
captains  and  subalterns  from  the  south,  who  served  in  the 
revolution,  which  information  he  had  already  requested  some 
time  before. 

In  another  letter, 5  dated  the  same  day,  Washington  ac- 

1  Sparks,  xi,  326. 
'2  Sparks,  xi,  550. 

3  Hamilton,  vi,   373.      See  Sparks,  xi,   551. 

4  Ford,  xiv,  114. 

5  Ford,  xiv,  115;  Sparks,  xi,  331. 


1798-1799]  of  James  McHenry  349 

knowledges  McHenry 's  letter  of  the  16th  and  approves  of  all 
he  has  done,  except  the  plan  to  officer  the  new  corps  in  the 
southern  and  western  states,  which  relies  too  much  on  the 
opinions  of  members  of  congress,  who  press  applications  often 
times  to  get  rid  of  them  or  ' '  for  local  and  electioneering  pur 
poses. "  Washington  fears  Knox's  declination  and  asks  for 
information  as  to  Pinckney,  who,  he  hopes,  will  accept  and  be 
of  service  in  picking  out  southern  officers.  Washington  had 
been  ill,  but  wrote  that  he  would  try  to  be  at  Trenton  on 
November  10,  or  about  that  time.  On  the  23d,  he  wrote  again 
from  Mount  Vernon : 

"Dear  Sir, 

"It  gave  me  very  sincere  pleasure  to  find  by  your  letter 
of  the  17th  reed,  last  night  —  that  Genl.  Pinckney  accepts  his 
appointment  in  the  Army  of  the  United  States. 

"If  it  would  not  be  too  inconvenient  for  him  to  remain 
at  the  Seat  of  Government  until  the  10th.  of  next  month  (the 
ulterior  day,  allotted  for  the  Assembling  of  the  Majors  Gen 
eral  at  Trenton  or  Philadelphia)  and  you  would  advise  me 
thereof,  immediately,  I  would  make  every  exertion  in  my 
power  to  meet  them  at  that  time. 

"For  a  variety  of  reasons,  which  will  readily  occur,  the 
sooner  such  a  meeting  could  take  place  the  better ;  —  and 
perhaps  no  time,  —  season  —  or  circumstances,  would  be  more 
convenient  than  the  one  proposed :  —  nor  more  eligable  for  the 
purpose  of  concerting  a  Plan,  upon  general  hypothesis ;  —  and 
rectifying,  as  far  as  possible,  the  evils,  which  have  preceded 
from  delay  in  Recruitg. 

"With  great  esteem  and  regard 

"I  am  Dr.  Sir.     Your  Most  Obedt  Serv. 
"Go.  WASHINGTON." 

Adams  wrote  McHenry,  on  the  22nd,  that  he  will  confirm 
any  appointments  which  the  generals  and  McHenry  recom 
mend.  He  cannot  come  on  soon,  on  account  of  Mrs.  Adams's 
illness.  He  had  dated  the  commissions  on  the  same  day  and 
agreed  to  confirm  Washington's  decision  in  the  matter.  * 
He  rather  sneers  at  the  recruiting  service  and  says  regiments 
are  costly  and  no  national  plan  has  been  formed  for  the  main 
tenance  of  an  army,  so  far  as  he  has  seen.  Adams  was  already 

»  1  J.  Adams,  viii,  612.  On  October  26,  McHenry  wrote  Washington 
that  Adams  had  not  answered  Wolcott  and  is  extremely  guarded  in  his 
expressions,  but  will  not  refuse  your  request. 


350  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xm 

preparing  for  congress,  as  is  shown  by  his  letter  to  McHenry 
written  on  October  10  from  Quincy: 

''Dear  Sir. 

' '  The  Meeting  of  Congress  approaches,  and  it  is  necessary 
to  consider  whether  Philadelphia  is  a  safe  Residence  for  Con 
gress  :  and  also  the  Particulars  that  will  be  proper  to  com 
municate  and  recommend  to  both  Houses  at  the  opening  of  the 
Session.  I  ask  the  favour  of  you  to  revolve  these  sujects  in 
your  Mind  and  write  me  the  Result  as  soon  as  you  can.  I 
have  the  Honor 

"to  be,  Sir  your  most  obedient 
"JOHN  ADAMS" 

On  October  30,  McHenry  wrote  to  Washington  that  Knox 
declines,  Pinckney  will  assist,  Adams  can  not  come,  but  "we 
wish  you  about  Nov.  10." 

Amid  the  unpleasant  affairs  of  the  season,  there  were 
pleasant  ones  and  McHenry  had  loyal  friends  like  Tracy,  who 
wrote  from  Litchfield  on  the  8th  of  October,  1798: 

"My  Dear  Sir- 

"Your  favour  of  the  3d  inst.  is  duly  reed.  I  thank  you 
for  it  —  and  will  endeavor  to  lay  before  you,  names  for  an 
other  Corps.  I  conclude  we  shall  in  Connecticut  be  allowed 
as  many  Officers  as  will  organize  one  more  Regt.  —  including 
the  provisional  Army.  If  I  am  mistaken  in  this,  please  to  let 
me  know  by  an  early  opportunity.  In  the  mean  time,  Govr. 
Turnbull,  Col.  Wadsworth,  &  I  will  be  selecting  the  proper 
characters  who  shall  be  forwarded  to  you,  as  soon  as  may  be. 
I  thank  you  for  the  foreign  news  —  &  should  be  more  thankful 
for  the  Domestic,  if  it  were  more  grateful  in  its  Nature. 
Storms  we  must  have,  &  each  must  have  his  share  —  but  it  is 
a  consummation  devoutly  to  be  wished,  that  they  may  cease 
from  within  our  own  household,  as  they  increase  from  without. 

"I  am  aware  that  we  must  undergo  some  difficulty,  by  a 
hint  I  had  from  Knox  in  a  letter,  but  I  said  nothing,  hoping 
it  would  blow  over  without  much  mischief.  As  to  Wm.  S. 
Smith  commandg.  a  Regt.,  you  know  the  appointment  is  in 
the  hands  of  the  Executive,  by  law;  and  it  must  take  its 
course ;  but  if  all  I  hear  of  him  is  true,  he  ought,  by  no  means, 
to  have  a  Regt.  Let  It  be  remarked,  that  I  may  be  misin 
formed.  I  only  give  my  opinion  under  present  impressions. 


1798-1799]  of  James  McHenry  351 

Altho  I  am  of  opinion  almost  any  compromise  must  be  made, 
rather  than  have  on  our  hands  so  much  Executive  blocking 
to  our  movements.  The  Officers  of  the  12  Regt.  &  of  the  pro 
visional  Army,  it  seems  to  me  should  now  be  appointed  as  soon 
as  convenience  will  possibly  permit.  The  ardor  of  our  Coun 
try  will  I  fear  cool  —  and  recruiting  will  drag  heavily.  For 
God 's  sake  let  nothing  retard  this  matter  much  longer  —  we 
must  have  our  Army  in  forwardness. 

"As  soon  as  possible,  we  will  forward  you  another  Regt. 
of  Officers,  you  can  use  them  as  Provisional  or  not,  as  you 
please.  Could  the  Commissns.  soon  be  sent  to  me,  the  success 
of  recruiting  is  infallible.  Every  thing  moves  at  present  per 
fectly  right  in  Connecticut,  but  too  long  delay  will  at  any  rate 
do  no  good.  '  There  is  a  tide  in  the  affairs  of  men. ' 

"I  am  unwilling  to  tax  a  busy  useful  man  to  write  me, 
but  must  ask  you  to  give  me  a  line,  if  any  thing  particular, 
either  foreign  or  Domestic,  Should  occur.     I  am  Sir 
"with  esteem  &  affection  yrs. 
"URIAH  TRACY." 

McHenry  wrote  Washington  on  November  9,  that  he  had 
lodgings  for  him  and  that  he  proposed  to  bring  out  a  few 
volunteers  to  give  him  a  military  reception.  Pinckney  was 
delayed,  for  a  short  time,  owing  to  an  accident  to  his  carriage, 
but,  on  the  10th,  McHenry  submitted  to  Washington,  Pinck 
ney,  and  Hamilton  lists  of  officers  and  proposals  as  to  the 
number  of  officers  and  men  to  be  taken  from  each  State,  ac 
cording  to  the  census.  l  Discussion  was  also  had,  concerning 
allowances  to  officers  detached  on  such  services  as  to  incur 
expenses  on  the  road  and  at  places,  where  there  are  no  mili 
tary  posts. 

Washington  answered  McHenry 's  proposals  -  in  letters 
written  at  Philadelphia  on  November  13  and  14.  The  earlier 
of  these  letters  reads  thus: 


1  Hamilton,  v,    152  ;   Sparks,  xi,   552. 

2  Certain   other   questions   were   submitted   by    McHenry    to    the   other 
secretaries  about  this   time. 

"(Private) 
"Dr.  Sir 

"I  have  signed  the  paper  upon  which  you  requested  the  opinion  of  the 
Heads  of  Departments.  —  I  take  the  liberty  to  suggest  however,  that  writ 
ten  official  Opinions  ought  not  in  my  judgement  to  be  called  for,  without 
the  direction  of  the  President  — 

"I  am  sir  yrs.  truly 

"OLIV   WOLCOTT 

"Dec.    7,    1798. 

James   McHenry   Esq." 


352  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xin 

"Sir, 

"I  observe  by  the  concluding  paragraph  of  your  letter  of 
the  10th.  instant,  that  you  contemplate  conferences  between 
the  Secretaries  of  State  and  of  the  Treasury,  and  myself,  for 
the  purpose  of  obtaining  auxiliary  information  from  their 
departments.  Several  of  the  questions  which  you  state,  seem 
indeed,  to  require  such  information.  But,  on  reflection,  it 
has  occurred  to  me,  as  most  regular,  that  you  should  settle 
with  these  Officers  what  it  may  be  reciprocally  deemed  neces 
sary  and  proper  for  them  to  communicate ;  —  to  the  end,  that 
they  may  themselves,  bring  forward,  either  through  you,  or 
directly  to  me,  as  may  be  agreed  upon,  but  without  any  prev 
ious  application  from  me,  such  communications  as  the  case 
shall  be  supposed  to  require.  Whenever,  too,  I  am  to  report 
a  formal  opinion,  you  will,  I  dare  say,  think  with  me.  that  the 
data  upon  which  it  shall  be  given  ought,  substantially,  to  be 
deposited  with  me  in  writing.  Personal  conferences  besides, 
for  more  full  explanation,  may  be  useful,  and  will  be  very 
agreeable  to  me.  Allow  me  to  request  your  speedy  attention 
to  this  Matter. 

' '  I  find  also,  that  the  Documents  ref ered  to  in  your  letter 
of  the  10th.  instant,  did  not  accompany  it.  As  these  will  be 
necessary  in  forming  an  Opinion  on  several  points  submitted 
to  me  in  your  aforesaid  letter,  and  which  I  have  communicated 
to  Major  Generals  Hamilton  and  Pinckney,  I  must  beg  you 
to  furnish  me  with  them  without  delay.  The  documents  re 
ferred  to  are  as  follows  —  viz. 

"  'List  of  persons  who  have  been  recommended  for  Com 
missions  in  the  Army,  with  their  letters  of  pretensions. ' 

"  (N.  B.  A  list  of  applicants  South  of  the  Potomac,  and 
their  letters,  are  in  my  hands.  The  lists  and  letters  from  the 
other  parts  will  be  wanting.) 

"  'Returns  and  Letters  from  Brigadr.  Genl.  Wilkinson, 
showing  the  Stations  and  number  of  the  Troops  on  the  North 
Western  and  Southern  Frontiers.' 

"  'Return  showing  the  description,  places  of  Rendezvous, 
Stations  and  number  of  Troops  now  on  our  Sea-board  frontier. 

"  'Return  from  the  Superintendant  of  Military  Stores, 
showing  the  quantity  and  kinds  of  Cannon,  Field  Artillery, 
Military  Stores,  and  other  Articles  now  on  hand,  belonging  to 
the  United  States.' 

"  (N.  B.  This  return  should  also  exhibit  the  places  at 
which  these  are  deposited,  and  the  quantity  at  each  place). 


1798-1799]  of  James  McHenry  353 

"To  these  must  be  added  the  estimate  which  you  had 
made  out  of  the  monies  which  you  conceived  would  be  required 
for  Military  service,  and  the  times  at  which  the  same  might 
be  wanted. 

"I  have  in  my  hands  a  list  of  the  General  and  Field 
Officers  who  served  in  the  Revolutionary  war,  and  of  the  Cap. 
tains  and  Subalterns  from  the  States  South  of  the  Potomac. 
You  will,  therefore,  be  pleased  to  add  to  the  documents,  a  list 
of  the  Captains  and  Subalterns  from  the  other  States,  that  the 
whole  may  be  before  me. 

"lam,  Sir 

"With  very  great  esteem  &  regard, 
"Your  most  Obedt.  Servt. 
"Go.  WASHINGTON." 

The  second  letter,  written  on  the  following  day,  is  as 
follows : 
"Sir, 

"In  order  to  form  an  opinion  on  the  query  contained  in 
your  letter  of  the  10th.  instant,  whether  it  will  be  best  to 
furnish  Rations  for  the  Troops  by  Contracts,  or  by  purchasing 
and  issuing  Commissaries,  it  will  be  necessary  that  I  should 
know  the  prices  of  Rations,  now  by  Contract,  at  the  several 
places  where  Troops  are  Stationed. 

"You  will  therefore  be  pleased  to  add  this  to  the  docu 
ments  which  I  Yesterday  requested  you  to  furnish. 
"With  great  esteem  &  regard. 
"I  am,  Sir 

"Your  most  Obedt  Servt. 
"GEO.  WASHINGTON." 

These  letters  he  followed,  after  a  month's  stay  in  Phila 
delphia,  with  three  long  official  ones  dated  1  December  13  and 
16,  and  drafted  for  him  by  Hamilton.  Washington  forwarded 
with  the  letters  of  the  13th  a  brief  personal  note : 

"Private 
"Dear  Sir, 

"I  am  really  ashamed  to  offer  the  letters  &c  herewith 
sent,  with  so  many  erazures  &c,  but  it  was  not  to  be  avoided, 
unless  I  had  remained  so  much  longer  here,  as  to  have  allowed 
my  Secretary  time  to  copy  the  whole  over  again ;  —  and  my 

1  Sparks,  xi,   346-376. 


£54  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xm 

impatience  to  be  on  my  return  homewards,  on  Account  of  the 
Season  —  the  Roads  —  and  more  especially  the  passage  of 
the  Susquehanna  —  would  not  admit  of  this.  With  consid 
eration  &  respect  I  am  Dear  Sir 

"Your  most  obedt.  Servt. 
"GEO.  WASHINGTON. 

''P.  S.  Mr.  Lear,  you  are  sensible,  was  engaged  with  myself 
&  the  Genl.  Officers ;  —  of  course  could  not  be  employed  in 
Transcribing  what  you  will  now  receive,  as  the  result  of  our 
deliberation  at  the  mom 't.  we  wTere  engaged  in  other  matters. ' ' 

The  difficulties  connected  with  the  appointment  of  Wil 
liam  S.  Smith  continued  to  exist  and  are  the  subject  of  a 
letter  Washington  wrote  l  on  December  13. 

4 'Sir, 

"You  will  observe  that  in  the  Arrangement  of  the  Of 
ficers  allotted  to  New  York,  there  is  an  alternative  of  William 
S.  Smith,  or  Abijah  Hammond  for  Lieut.  Colonel  Comman 
dant. 

"Various  considerations  demand  that  the  motive  of  this 
hesitation  should  be  explained. 

"Had  military  qualifications  alone  been  consulted,  the 
name  of  Colo.  Smith  would  have  stood  singly,  and  he  would 
have  been  deemed  a  valuable  acquisition  to  the  service.  Had 
there  been  no  other  source  of  objection,  than  the  erroneous 
political  opinions  lately  attributed  to  him,  his  honor  and  at 
tachment  to  his  Country  would  have  been  relied  upon.  But 
as  well  myself  as  the  two  Generals,  whose  aid  I  have  had  in 
the  nominations,  have  been  afflicted  with  the  information, 
well  or  ill  founded,  that  he  stands  charged  in  the  opinion  of 
his  fellow  Citizens  with  very  serious  instances  of  private  mis 
conduct  ;  —  instances  which  affect  directly  his  integrity  as  a 
Man.  The  instances  alleged  are  various;  but  there  is  one 
which  has  come  forward  in  a  shape  which  did  not  permit  us 
to  refuse  it  our  attention.  It  respects  an  attempt  knowingly 
to  pledge  property  to  Major  Burrows,  by  way  of  security, 
which  was  before  conveyed  or  mortgaged,  for  its  full  value, 
to  Mr.  William  Constable,  without  giving  notice  of  the  cir 
cumstance,  and  with  the  aggrevation  that  Major  Burrows  had 
become  the  Creditor  of  Colo.  Smith  through  friendship,  to  an 
amount  which  has  proved  entirely  ruinous  to  him.  While 

1  A  letter  of  Hamilton  dated  December  17,  treats  of  the  matters  in 
cluded  in  Washington's  letters. 


1798-1799]  of  James  McHenry  355 

the  impossibility  of  disregarding  this  information  forbade  the 
selection  of  Colo.  Smith  absolutely;  Yet  the  possibility  that 
it  might  admit  of  some  fair  explanation,  dissuaded  from  a 
conclusion  against  him. 

"As  it  will  be  in  your  power  to  obtain  further  lights  on 
the  subject ;  it  has  appeared  adviseable  to  leave  the  matter  in 
the  undetermined  form  in  which  it  is  presented,  and  to  assign 
the  reason  for  it. 

"You  are  at  perfect  liberty  to  communicate  this  letter 
to  the  President.  Candour  is  particularly  due  to  him  in 
such  a  case.  It  is  my  wish  to  give  him  every  proof  of  frank 
ness,  respect  and  esteem. 

"Lest  it  should  be  supposed  that  Major  Burrows  has 
officiously  interfered  to  the  prejudice  of  Colo.  Smith,  it  is  but 
justice  to  him  to  declare  that  such  a  suspicion  would  be  en 
tirely  without  foundation. 

"With  great  consideration  &  regard 
' '  I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

"Sir, 
"Your  most  Obedt.  Servt. 

"Go.  WASHINGTON." 


A  week  later,  McHenry  received  Smith's  defense.  l  He 
had  been  speculating  in  western  lands  and  his  detailed  ac 
count  of  his  conduct  proved  satisfactory,  so  that  he  was  placed 
in  command  of  a  regiment. 

The  great  questions  of  the  army  were  not  the  only  ones 
to  occupy  McHenry 's  time  during  the  summer  and  autumn. 
On  July  27,  Washington  wrote  him  to  procure  colors  for  the 
"Gray-heads  of  Alexandria,"2  who  had  formed  a  company 
for  the  defence  of  the  town  and  its  vicinity,  and  about  the 


1  See  Pickering's  Examination  of  the  Adams  and  Cunningham  letters 
p.  144.     Adams  in  his  letters  to  Cunningham,  123,  said  that  Pickering,  "at 
the   instigation   of   Hamilton,   I   suppose,  who   was   jealous   of   Smith   as   a 
favorite  of  Washington  and  a  better  officer  than  himself,  excited  a  faction 
in  the  Senate  against  him  and,   to  my  knowledge,  propagated  many  scan 
dalous   falsehoods   concerning  him   and   got  him  negatived,    though   Wash 
ington  had  recommended  him   to  me.     But  no  personal  or  family  consid 
erations  would  have  induced  me  to  dismiss  Pickering.     My  motives  were 
public    altogether."     Pickering    fin    "Interesting    Correspondence    between 
his    Excellency   Gov.    Sullivan    and    Col.    Pickering,"    in    which    the    latter 
vindicates  himself  against   the  groundless   charges  and   insinuations  made 
by   the   Governour  and  others,    1808,   p.   32)    says   Adams   never   told   him 
cause  of  removal.     Smith's  defense  is  published  in  So.  Hist.  Assoc.   Pubs, 
for  1907. 

2  Ford,    xiv,    55.     On    August    13,    McHenry    wrote    Washington    that 
Miss  Custis's  colors  advance.     See  also  note  19. 


356  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xm 

same  time  he  received  a  charming  letter  from  the  fascinat 
ing  Eleanor  Parke  Custis: 

"Mount  Vernon  July  26th  1798. 
"Sir 

"You  will  perhaps  be  a  little  surprised  when  you  see 
from  whom  this  letter  comes,  as  it  is  not  very  common  for 
Ladies  to  begin  a  correspondence,  however,  as  I  have  had  the 
pleasure  of  your  acquaintance  some  years,  and  I  consider  you 
as  one  of  my  old  Friends;  I  wave  all  general  rules,  &  Avill 
proceed  accordingly  in  this  my  Epistle  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
War  Department.  I  hope  you  arrived  in  Philadelphia  with 
out  accident,  &  found  your  family  wrell ;  I  assure  you  we  re 
gretted  your  departure  but  indulge  the  hope  you  will  again 
favor  us  with  a  visit,  &  bring  with  you,  Mrs.  McHenry  and 
your  young  family.  I  shall  now  take  the  liberty  of  troubling 
you  in  regard  to  the  Commission  for  a  Standard,  which  you 
were  kind  enough  to  undertake  for  me.  One  of  the  Volunteer 
Dragoons  dined  with  us  today,  he  mentioned  that  the  Com 
pany  had  a  colour  Staff  which  from  its  antiquity  &  being 
used  by  the  first  Company  in  which  Grandpapa  was,  in  either 
the  late  War,  or  the  French  War  (I  forget  which)  they  prized 
highly,  and  intended  to  honour  my  gift,  by  placing  it  on  that 
Staff.  If  they  send  you  the  Staff  for  that  purpose,  will  you 
be  so  obliging  as  to  have  placed  on  the  tops  of  it  —  The  Amer 
ican  Eagle,  hansomely  carved,  and  gilt  in  the  best  manner  in 
one  talon  an  Olive  Branch,  in  the  other,  implements  of  War. 
And  also  to  have  my  favorite  Motto  —  Conquer  or  Die  —  in 
letters  of  Gold  on  the  Standard,  which  America  is  represented 
as  presenting  to  the  Dragoon.  The  uniform,  I  suppose  you 
have  been  informed  of  My  Company  will,  I  think,  be  very 
respectable,  therefore,  I  wish  My  Standard  to  be  the  han- 
somest  ever  seen  in  America.  If  the  Antique  Staff  is  not 
sent,  will  you  have  one,  very  hansomely  made,  with  the  orna 
ment  above  mentioned. 

"I  hope  you  will  excuse  me  for  adding  to  your  weight 
of  business,  which  must  already  be  allmost  too  much  to  bear. 

"I  must  trust  your  good  nature,  which  is  I  believe,  all- 
ways  gratified  by  an  opportunity  of  confering  favors. 

' '  I  amuse  myself  sometimes  with  the  recollection  of  your 
walks  up  Chesnut  Street  to  your  Office.  &  think  you  must 
find  them  disagreeably  warm,  particularly,  writh  your  regi 
mental  Coat  and  Large  Hat. 


1 798- 1 799]  of  James  McHenry  357 

"Be  pleased  to  present  my  affectionate  regards  to  Mrs. 
McHenry,  &  your  Children;  &  to  divide  with  them 

"The  best  wishes  for  your  Health  &  Happiness 
"from 

"ELEANOR  PARKE  CUSTIS. 
"P.  S.     My  regards  to  all 
the    Ladies,    with    whom    I 
have    the    pleasure    to    be 
acquainted. ' ' 

Miss  Custis's  desire  for  the  standard  led  her  to  write 
a  second  interesting  letter  on  September  6 : 

"My  good  friend's  entertaining  letter,  and  wise  admoni 
tions  I  received  in  due  time,  why  I  have  not  answered  and 
acknowledged  them  before  this  time,  perhaps  I  might  find 
some  difficulty  in  accounting  for,  but  no  doubt  (as  Ladies, 
all  ways  you  know  are  guided  by  good  reasons)  I  had  some 
very  cogent  and  sufficient  reason  for  not  doing  that  which  I 
now  acknowledge  ought  to  have  been  performed  long  since; 
however  I  hope  you  will  excuse  me.  I  know  that  you  have 
so  much  good  nature,  and  kind  consideration,  that  I  make  no 
ceremony  of  imposing  upon  it,  allwaijs  anticipating  forgive 
ness.  I  beg  you  will  accept  my  sincere  thanks  for  your  very 
polite  and  friendly  expressions,  I  assure  you,  your  letter  gave 
me  infinite  pleasure,  and  I  often  entertain  myself  with  reading 
it  over. 

"I  was  very  sorry  sometime  since  to  learn  that  you  were 
very  ill,  but  the  clouds  of  regret  have  been  chased  away  by  the 
bright  sunshine  of  pleasure  on  your  recovery;  I  sincerely 
hope  y»u  will  have  no  return  of  your  indisposition,  and  that 
yourself  and  family  may  enjoy  uninterrupted  Health  &  hap 
piness.  That  cruel  Malady,  the  Yellow  Fever,  has  driven 
you  from  Philadelphia  I  hear,  it  is  a  most  unfortunate  cir 
cumstance  for  the  poor  Philadelphians,  many  who  are  now 
obliged  to  fly  from  that  distressed  City,  will  probably  be  pre 
vented  from  returning,  by  the  fear  of  the  Yellow  Fever  be 
coming  a  constant  Summer  visitor. 

"I  am  afraid  the  poor  Painter  who  was  executing  the 
Standard  for  me  has  gone  to  The  land  of  his  Fathers  —  and 
left  America,  the  Dragoon,  and  the  Motto,  to  the  mercy  of 
the  Yellow  Fever :  I  assure  you,  I  begin  to  be  a  little  anxious 
for  their  fate,  as  I  fear  they  will  come  to  an  untimely  end. 


358  JLife  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xin 

How  lamentable  would  such  a  dire  event  be,  My  Troop  are 
all  uniformed  and  waiting  for  the  Standard,  which  they  are 
determined  to  defend  with  a  bravery  never  excelled;  even 
in  the  annals  of  Chivalry,  and  in  the  earliest  ages  of  romance. 
I  am  afraid  their  patience  (which  is  already  threadbare]  will 
be  entirely  worn  out,  if  it  is  much  longer  delayed,  and  not 
having  ' Conquer  or  Die'  before  their  eyes,  their  patriotic 
and  Heroic  ardor  may  be  exchanged  for  calculations  of  Loss 
and  Gain  and  a  resolution,  —  that  it  is  better  to  stay  at  Home, 
and  make  money  in  Peace,  which  depends  upon  the  caprice  of 
a  Foreign  Nation,  than  to  fight  for  their  insulted  Country, 
and  a  continuation  of  Our  Independence,  gain  Honor  and 
Glory,  but  spend  their  cash  and  love  —  their  Heads.  I  will 
here  take  the  liberty  of  informing  you,  that  the  Motto  by  you 
called  sanguinary,  has  no  enigmatical  meaning  whatever  af 
fixed  to  it,  it  is  simply  this  in  the  literal  translation,  'Never 
give  up,  whilst  life  remains,  or  Die  rather  than  be  conquered.' 
I  never  intend,  be  assured,  to  die  of  mortification  on  any 
account,  and  more  particularly,  for  the  cause  you  apprehend 
/  mean.  The  Ten  thousand  Knights  whom  I  carry  along  so 
triumphantly  in  chains,  exist  only  in  your  Brain,  I  am  per 
suaded.  I  beg  you  to  believe,  that  my  intentions  are  peace 
ful  &  charitable  and  not  murderous  and  monopolizing;  if  any 
Chrysostom's  wear  chains,  as  they  are  forged  by  themselves, 
and  worn  voluntarily,  so  the  peril  be  upon  their  own  Heads, 
and  the  consequences,  however  disagreeable  they  may  prove 
to  them. 

"The  beautiful  and  inexorable  Marcella  was  unjustly 
accused,  I  think  her  answer  to  the  charges  brought  against 
her  on  Chrysostom's  account,  is  excellent.  Heaven,  you  say, 
has  given  me  beauty,  nay  such  a  share  of  it,  as  compels  you 
to  love  me,  in  spite  of  your  resolutions  to  the  contrary ;  from 
whence  you  draw  this  inference,  and  insist  upon  it,  that  it  is 
my  duty  to  return  your  passion.  By  the  help  of  the  small 
capacity  which  Nature  has  bestowed  upon  me,  I  know  that 
which  is  beautiful  is  lovely;  but  I  can  by  no  means  conceive, 
why  the  object  which  is  beloved  for  being  beautiful,  is  bound 
to  be  enamoured  of  its  admirer.  Besides,  you  are  to  consider, 
that  I  did  not  chuse  the  beauty  I  possess ;  such  as  it  is,  God 
was  pleased,  of  his  own  free  will  and  favour,  to  bestow  it 
upon  me,  without  any  solicitation  on  my  part.  The  scrip  of 
paper  I  received  in  due  time,  I  am  indebted  to  you  for  your 
polite  attention  to  my  commission,  and  for  employing  a 


1798-1799]  of  James  Me  Henry  358 

Deputy,  when  business  prevented  you  from  attending  to  it 
yourself;  I  have  no  doubt  I  shall  be  pleased  with  the  execu 
tion  of  the  Standard,  which  I  am  very  anxious  to  see  unfurled 
by  My  Troops,  and  I  flatter  myself,  that  should  invasion  im 
pend,  this  company  will  be  one  of  the  first  who  march  to 
repel  the  daring  invaders ;  that  they  will  be  endued  with  real 
spirit,  and  do  justice  to  the  favorite  Motto.  I  acknowledge, 
my  mortification  would  be  very  great  indeed,  was  I  to  hear 
that  the  Troops  had  suffered  this  Banner  to  fall  into  the 
hands  of  an  enemy.  If  you  can  spare  a  few  moments  from 
the  multiplicity  of  disagreeable  business  with  which  you  are 
encompassed,  you  will  oblige  me  infinitely  by  a  hint  on  the 
subject,  with  information  relative  to  its  progression,  and 
when  I  may  expect  to  recieve  it. 

"My  Beloved  Grandparents  unite  in  kindest  regards  to 
Mrs.  McHenry,  yourself  and  Children,  My  Brother  and  self 
unite  in  respects  and  affectionate  wishes  to  the  same. 

"Be  assured  my  respected  Friend 
"of  the  esteem  and  Friendship  of 

"ELEANOR  PARKE  CUSTIS. " 

A  rather  amusing  letter  sent  from  Mount  Vernon  on  Feb 
ruary  16,  1799,  shows  that  Miss  Custis's  martial  ardor  did 
not  cause  her  to  send  those  she  loved  into  the  field : 
"Dear  Sir, 

"The  enclosed  letter  from  Major  Lawrence  Lewis  re 
quires  explanation,  and  it  is  the  purpose  of  this  letter  to 
give  it. 

"He  had,  it  seems,  been  making  overtures  of  Marriage 
to  Miss  Custis  some  time  previous  to  the  formation  of  the 
Augmented  Corps  in  November  last,  at  Philadelphia;  with 
out  any  apparent  impression,  until  she  found  he  was  arranged 
as  a  Captain  in  the  Regiment  of  Light  Dragoons,  and  was 
about  to  try  his  fortune  in  the  Camp  of  Mars.  This  brought 
into  activity  those  affections  for  him,  which  before  she  con 
ceived  were  the  result  of  friendship  only.  And  I  believe  the 
condition  of  the  Marriage  is,  that  he  is  to  relinquish  the  field 
of  Mars  for  the  sports  of  Venus.  His  own  letter  must  speak 
the  result.  This  explanation,  after  what  has  happened,  I 
thought  was  due  from 

"Dear  Sir-      Yr.  Most  Obedt  &  Hble 
"Go.  WASHINGTON." 

Delays  still  continued,  so  that  Hamilton  grew  impatient. 


360  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xin 

and  wrote  on  December  16,  1798,  1  If  he  is  to  have  recruit 
ing  service,  please  let  him  know  at  once  and  send  him  instruc 
tions,  that  he  may  gain  for  McHenry's  "final  decision,  new 
lights  from  officers,  who  have  had  experience  in  this  branch 
of  the  service."  His  own  experience  is  very  limited  "in  this 
and,  to  form  a  right  plan",  is  of  "great  importance." 

He  has  been  investigating  tactics  and  will  put  more  time 
thereon  but  must  be  paid  and  have  travelling  expenses,  for 
his  practice  is  falling  off  and  he  has  a  large  family. 

McHenry  answered  at  once  2  and  said  that  recruiting 
will  be  wholly  confided  to  him,  but  he  must  await  supplies 
of  clothing.  "It  is  certain  you  must  have  been  a  loser  in  the 
way  you  mention,  by  accepting  the  office  you  now  hold,  and 
as  certain  that  justice  requires  that  none  of  the  pay  or  emolu 
ments  annexed  to  it  should  be  refused. ' '  3 

Indefatigable  in  work,  Hamilton  wrote  almost  daily  to 
McHenry  on  all  sorts  of  military  matters  and  forwarded  let 
ters  he  had  written  to  others  on  these  subjects,  as  for  example 
his  letter  of  December  22  to  General  Gunn,  a  senator  from 
Georgia : 

"As  to  further  military  arrangement  my  ideas  are  these 
—  Considering  how  little  has  been  done  towards  raising  the 
force  already  voted;  that  an  important  tax  is  yet  in  the  first 
stage  of  an  Essay  —  that  a  prospect  of  peace  is  again  pre 
sented  by  the  temporizing  conduct  of  Fraoice  —  that  serious 
discontents  exist  in  parts  of  the  country  with  regard  to  par 
ticular  laws  —  it  appears  to  me  advisable  to  postpone  any 
actual  augmentation  of  the  army  beyond  the  provisions  of  the 
existing  laws,  except  as  to  the  Regiment  of  Cavalry,  which 
I  should  be  glad  to  see  increased,  by  the  addition  of  two 
troops,  and  by  allowing  it  to  be  recruited  to  the  complement 
which  has  been  proposed  by  the  commander  in  Chief  as  that 
of  the  war-establishment.  What  this  is  will  probably  be  com 
municated  by  the  Secretary  at  War 

"But  a  considerable  addition  ought  certainly  to  be  made 
to  our  military  supplies.  The  communications  of  the  Com 
mander  in  Chief  will  also  afford  a  standard  for  the  increase 
in  this  respect,  as  far  as  concerns  the  force  to  be  employed 

1  Hamilton,  v,  180;  Lodge,  vii,  42  vide  p.  3. 

2  Hamilton,  vi,  374. 

3  On   the    19th,    Hamilton   wrote   that   he  is   preparing  a  plan   for   the 
fortification  of  New  York   harbor  and  wishes  certain   plans   to   be  bought 
by  the  United  States  and  loaned  to  him.     Hamilton,  v,   182. 


1798-1799]  of  James  McHenry  361 

in  the  field.  There  are,  however,  some  other  objects  of  sup 
ply  equally  essential,  which  were  not  within  the  view  of  those 
communications.  Heavy  Cannon  for  our  fortifications  and 
mortars  for  the  case  of  a  siege.  Of  the  former,  including 
those  already  procured  and  procuring,  there  ought  not  to  be 
fewer  than  one  thousand  from  eighteen  to  thirty  two  pound 
ers,  chiefly  of  twenty  four  —  of  the  latter  including  those 
on  hand,  there  ought  to  be  fifty  of  ten  inch  Calibers.  This 
you  perceive  looks  to  offensive  operations.  If  we  are  to  en 
gage  in  war,  our  game  will  be  to  attack  where  we  can.  France 
is  to  be  considered  as  separate  from  her  ally.  Tempting  ob 
jects  will  be  within  our  Grasp. 

"Will  it  not  likewise  be  proper  to  renew  and  extend  the 
idea  of  a  Provisional  Army?  The  force  which  has  been  con 
templated  as  sufficient  in  every  event  is  40,000  Infantry  of 
the  line,  2,000  Riflemen,  4,000*  Cavalry,  and  4,000  Artillery, 
making  in  the  whole  an  army  of  fifty  thousand.  Why  should 
not  the  provisional  army  go  to  the  extent  of  the  difference 
between  that  number  and  the  actual  army?  I  think  this 
ought  to  be  the  case,  and  that  the  President  ought  to  be  au 
thorised  immediately  to  nominate  the  officers  —  to  remain 
without  pay  till  called  into  service.  The  arrangement  can 
then  be  made  with  sufficient  leisure  for  the  best  possible  selec 
tion  :  and  the  persons  designated  will  be  employed  in  acquir 
ing  instructions. 

"It  will  likewise  well  deserve  consideration  whether  pro 
vision  ought  to  be  made  for  classing  all  persons  from  eighteen 
to  forty  five  inclusively,  and  for  drafting  out  of  them,  by 
lot  in  case  of  Invasion,  the  number  necessary  to  complete  the 
entire  army  of  fifty  thousand.  In  the  case  of  Invasion,  the 
expedient  of  drafting  must  be  resorted  to,  and  it  will  greatly 
expedite  it,  if  there  be  a  previous  classing  with  a  view  to  such 
an  event.  The  measure  too  will  place  the  Country  in  a  very 
imposing  attitude  and  will  add  to  the  motives  of  caution  on 
the  part  of  our  enemies. 

"These  measures  are  all  that  appear  to  be  adviseable  with 
regard  to  our  military  establishment  under  present  appear 
ances.  A  loan  as  an  auxiliary  will  of  course  be  annexed." 

On  the  copy  of  this  letter  sent  to  McHenry,  Hamilton 
wrote : 

"This  is  communicated  in  confidence.  I  send  as  well  be 
cause  I  think  it  proper  to  do  so,  as  because  I  wish  you  to  see 
the  train  of  my  ideas." 


362  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xm 

Two  days  later  McHenry's  report  on  the  reorganization 
of  the  army  was  sent  to  Adams  and  was  transmitted  by  the 
president  to  congress  on  the  31st.  McHenry's  report  is  quite 
elaborate  and  states  that  ' '  A  very  obvious  policy  l  dictates  to 
us  a  strenuous  endeavor,  as  far  as  may  be  practicable,  to  place 
our  safety  out  of  the  reach  of  casualties  which  may  befall  the 
contending  parties  and  the  powers  more  immediately  within 
their  vortices."  He  proposes  to  have  each  infantry  regiment 
to  consist  of  ten  companies,  formed  into  two  battalions ;  each 
cavalry  regiment  to  consist  of  ten  troops  formed  into  five 
squadrons ;  each  artillery  regiment  to  consist  of  four  battal 
ions,  each  battalion  divided  into  four  companies.  The  title 
ensign  should  be  given  up  and  that  of  lieutenant  substituted 
therefor.  There  should  be  fewer  officers.  Aides  should  have 
their  place  filled  by  others  in  the  regiment.  There  should  be 
a  quartermaster  general  and  an  hospital  establishment.  2  We 
should  bring  in  from  the  Austrian  or  Prussian  armies  one  or 
two  engineers  and  artillerists  as  colonels  and  have  an  inspec 
tor  of  fortifications  and  of  artillerists.  Fit  clothing  for  the 
soldiers  can  be  made  by  tailors  in  the  ranks.  Regulations  as 
to  rations  should  be  revised.  ' '  With  regard  to  liquor,  it  may 
be  best  to  exclude  it  from  being  a  component  part  of  the  ra 
tion,"  while  allowing  a  discretion  to  commanding  officers  to 
cause  it  to  be  issued.  Congress  should  make  allowance  for  dis 
banded  soldiers  to  return  home.  The  provisional  army  act 
and  the  militia  law  should  be  revised.  An  especial  allowance 
should  be  made  to  the  inspector  general.  There  should  be  a 
purveyor  of  public  supplies,  exclusively  for  the  war  depart 
ment,  that  the  secretary  need  not  be  occupied  with  details  of 
lesser  concerns.  Hamilton,  when  secretary  of  the  treasury, 
thought  that  the  purchase  of  military  stores  and  supplies 
should  be  made  through  that  department  and  so  congress  de 
creed  by  the  statute  of  1792.  The  law  was  a  mistaken  one 
and  partly  responsible  for  St.  Glair's  defeat.  Yet  Hamilton 
advocated  the  policy  thereafter,  suggesting  that  a  special  pur- 


1  State    Papers,    Military    Affairs,    i,     124.     Other    minor    reports    of 
McHenry  about  this  time  are  the  following: 

Letter  from  Sec'y  of  War,  inclosing  Statement  of  the  Number  of 
Cannon  purchased  for  the  use  of  the  Frigates,  Revenue  Cutters  and  Forti 
fications,  since  January,  1794;  etc.  pp.  7.  Phila.  [1798]. 

Letter  from  Sec'y  of  War,  accompanying  his  Rep.  relative  to  Running 
of  a  Line  of  Experiment  from  Clinch  River  to  Chilhowee  Mountain,  by 
Order  of  Gov'r  of  the  Terr'y  of  me  U.  S.  South  of  the  Ohio.  pp.  18. 
Phila.  [1798]. 

2  Ingersoll's  War  Department,   212,  quotes  IT.   B.   Brown's  Med.   Dept. 
of  U.    S.   Army,   73,   that  the  Medical  Department  was  organized   in   1798,. 
Stat.  at  Large,  i,   721,  and  enlarged  in   1799,  but  disbanded  in   1800. 


1798-1799]  of  James  McHenry  363 

veyor  of  supplies  be  appointed  under  the  secretary  of  the 
treasury.  This  was  done  in  1794  and  the  conditions  so  con 
tinued  until  July  16,  1798,  when  the  new  law  provided  that 
the  supplies  should  be  purchased  under  the  direction  of  the 
secretary  of  war.  After  McHenry 's  report,  referred  to  above, 
the  act  of  March  3,  1799,  authorized  the  secretary  of  war 
directly  to  make  such  purchases.  As  a  result  of  the  report 
the  establishment  of  the  staff  departments  may  also  be  placed 
to  McHenry 's  credit. 

From  New  York  on  December  26,  1798,  Hamilton  wrote 
to  inform  McHenry  that  General  Huntingdon  has  been  dis 
pleased  at  not  having  received  official  notice  of  his  appoint 
ment  with  his  commission.  "I  hear  nothing  of  nominations, 
what  malignant  influence  hangs  upon  our  military  affairs  l 

*  I  left  with  General  Pinckney  a  project  of  a  Military 
School  which  he  was  to  have  sent  me  ?  Has  he  quitted  Phila 
delphia  ?  If  so  have  you  heard  any  thing  of  this  paper  ?  I 
want  it." 

Two  days  later  McHenry  answered  that  the  nominations 
"will  probably  be  made  to-day  and  Smith's  will  stand." 
Pinckney  has  gone  without  leaving  a  project  of  a  military 
school.  A  foreigner  cannot  be  put  at  the  head  of  the  second 
regiment  of  artillery.  McHenry  asked  Hamilton  to  throw  the 
conclusions  of  the  report  into  a  bill  and  hoped  to  begin  re 
cruiting  soon.  At  the  same  time  he  wrote  Washington  con 
cerning  his  report  -  and  the  nominations,  stating  that  he  ad 
vised  Smith's  appointment. 

"Washington  had  written  to  McHenry 3  from  the  east 
bank  of  the  Susquehanna  on  December  16,  where  he  was  de 
tained  by  wind  and  tide,  proposing  that  military  affairs  in 
the  Carolinas  and  Georgia  be  placed  under  Pinckney,  or  that 
Virginia  be  added  to  the  department,  and  General  William 
Washington  be  given  South  Carolina  and  Georgia,  subject  to 
Pinckney.  All  the  other  troops,  including  Wilkinson's  army 
in  the  West,  should  be  placed  under  Hamilton.  The  new 
recruits  from  Tennessee  and  Kentucky  should  be  under  Pinck 
ney.  The  present  force  there  should  be  under  Hamilton,  as 
part  of  Wilkinson's  command.  Washington  himself  will  not 
act  until  the  army  is  in  the  field.  Meantime  it  will  be  well 


1  Lodge,  vii,   47. 

2  The  report  was  sent  Washington  on  January  5. 

3  Sparks,  xi,   374. 


364  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xm 

to  concentrate  responsibility  and  have  all  orders  reach  Mc- 
Henry  through  the  two  heads. 

On  January  6,  1799,  Washington  wrote  again  from  Mount 
Vernon : 

"Dear  Sir, 

"Your  favour  of  the  28th  Ulto.  I  have  duly  received. 

"I  have  no  wish  that  any  sentiments  of  mine,  handed 
to  you  officially,  should  be  with  held  from  Congress,  or  the 
Public.  All  I  should  have  desired,  would  have  been,  that 
such  parts  of  my  Report  of  the  proceedings  which  occupied 
the  attention  of  the  two  Major  Generals  and  myself  in  Phila 
delphia,  and  fit  for  Legislative  consideration,  might  have  been 
communicated  entire ;  —  with  the  reasons  in  support  of  the 
measures 

"Extracts,  without  these,  does  not  always  convey  the 
sense,  or  the  intention  of  the  Reporter. 

"It  is  unnecessary  I  presume,  to  add,  that  such  other 
parts  of  the  Report  as  depend  upon  Executive  decision,  ought 
not  to  be  delayed.  Many  valuable  Officers  &  Men  have  al 
ready  been  lost  by  it ;  —  and  if  the  arrangement  is  not  an 
nounced  soon,  more  will  be  so.  The  regulations  with  respect 
to  the  Uniforms,  and  Army  distinctions,  should  be  announced 
at  the  same  time  (if  approved)  in  clear  and  peremptory  terms ; 
to  guard,  in  the  first  place,  Officers  against  unnecessary  ex- 
pence  —  and  in  the  second  place  to  prevent  fantastic  decora 
tions  at  the  whim  of  Corps.  I  do  not  recollect  whether  it  is 
so  expressed,  but  it  was  the  meaning,  that  all  Officers  who 
are  not  directed  to  be  distinguished  by  feathers,  are  not  to 
wear  any ;  but  if  it  is  not  forbidden  at  the  time  of  the  annun 
ciation,  to  those  who  shall,  the  practice  will  still  prevail  in 
the  lower  grades ;  —  such  is  the  propensity  in  favor  of  it. 

"That  those  who  applied  for  higher  grades  than  they 
have  been  appointed  to  Shd.  decline  accepting  them,  was  in 
many  instances,  apprehended  —  but  to  find  among  others, 
who  were  appointed,  unworthy  characters,  is  more  surprising ; 
although  it  is  an  evidence  of  the  truth  of  the  doctrine  I  ad 
vanced,  that  there  was  no  dependence  (except  in  a  few  in 
stances)  on  the  mode  of  obtaining  information  —  for  reasons 
wch.  I  detailed  at  the  time. 

"The  Papers  you  have  asked  for  went  off  before  your 
letter  was  received — -"and  safe  with  you,  I  hope  ere  this. 

"I  ought  to  have  taken  your  advice  with  respect  to  draw- 


1 798- 1 799]  of  James  McHen ry  365 

ing  three,  in  place  of  two  months  pay ;  —  Not  keeping  the 
ace.  of  my  expenditures  to,  from,  and  at  Philadelphia  my 
self  —  Mr  Lear  paying  them  out  of  the  money  he  received 
there,  on  his  own  account.  —  and  not  coming  to  the  knowl 
edge  of  their  amount  until  I  got  home,  I  presumed  two  months 
Pay  &C.  would  have  covered  all  my  expences  —  but  with  the 
purchase  of  a  few  articles  incidental  to  my  journey,  I  find 
that  the  aggregate,  amounts  to  $1115.55-100  and  the  pay 
drawn,  to  1039.  50-100  without  including  in  the  first  sum  the 
preparatory  expence  of  equipment,  for  the  jour- 
*0ne  item  ney,* 

alone  of  ' '  This  communication  is  incidental ;  not  by 

which  any  application  for  a  further  allowance ;  —  for 

a  horse,  cost   I  had  rather  sustain  the  loss,  and  the  fatigues 

me  $300          of  the  journey,  than  it  should  be  thought  I  was 

aiming  to  draw  an  Iota  more  from  the  Public, 

than  my  declaration  at  the  acceptance  of  my 

Commission  would  authorise 

"With  very  great  esteem  &  regard 
"I  am  —  Dear  Sir 

"Your  Most  Obedt.   and 
"Affectionate  Servt. 
"Go.  WASHINGTON." 

McHenry  answered  on  January  10th,  writing  concerning 
Washington's  salary  and  stated  that  Kite's  name  was  left  out 
of  the  nominations  because  he  and  his  connections,  "who  live 
in  a  very  federal  part  of  the  country,  are  stated  to  be  anti 
governmented  and  Jacobins"  so  that  his  appointment  would 
excite  disgust. 

Hamilton  was  naturally  worried  and  complained 1  on 
January  7,  1799,  of  the  unascertained  situation  he  held.  He 
has  lost  half  his  emoluments  and  he  is  uncertain  as  to  whether 
he  is  "to  derive  from  the  scanty  compensation  of  the  office 
even  a  partial  retribution  for  so  serious  a  loss." 

McHenry  answered  -  at  once  on  January  9:  "Dear  Ham 
ilton,  An  official  letter  of  this  date  fixes  the  commencement  of 
your  pay  and  emoluments.  I  shall,  soon  as  possible,  define 
your  duties  and  command.  In  the  meanwhile,  I  should  be 
glad  to  have  your  own  ideas  on  the  subject.  You  will  proceed 
in  your  report  for  a  system  of  tactics  and  discipline.  You 

1  Hamilton,  v,  186;  Lodge,  vii,  50. 

2  Hamilton,  v,   188. 


366  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xin 

will  also  endeavor  to  ascertain  the  best  positions  for  your  re 
cruiting  parties  and  general  rendezvous  &c." 

On  the  next  day  McHenry  wrote  that  General  Gunn  of  the 
senate  committee  has  asked  l  for  a  draft  of  two  bills ;  one 
based  on  McHenry 's  report  as  to  a  regular  peace  and  war 
establishment,  and  one  on  all  new  matters  pertaining  to  the 
provisional  army.  Gunn  also  asked  that  existing  provisions 
might  be  incorporated  in  these  bills.  This  seemed  a  judicious 
idea  and  Hamilton  was  requested  by  McHenry  to  incorporate 
in  the  two  bills  all  that  ought  to  be  retained  of  existing  laws. 
The  matter  was  urgent  and  on  the  llth,  McHenry  wrote  - 
once  more,  asking  Hamilton  to  lay  aside  other  business  and 
occupy  himself  on  the  two  military  bills  only,  as  the  session 
is  short.  3  McHenry  cannot  tell  what  will  be  done  as  to  appro 
priations.  Hamilton  knows  the  "causes  and  obstructions 
which  have  prevented  me  doing  anything"  to  carry  the  law 
for  raising  the  army  into  effect  during  the  past  year.  "If 
you  want  money  let  me  know,  that  I  may  send  you  your  pay. ' ' 
Hamilton  answered  McHenry 's  letters  on  the  14th  from  New 
York : 
"Dr  Sir 

"I  received  on  Saturday  two  letters  from  you,  desiring 
that  your  different  propositions  might  be  thrown  into  two  Bills 
&  suggesting  the  idea  of  an  Incorporation  of  the  several  exist 
ing  laws  into  one  system.  This  idea  is  a  good  one,  but  to  ac 
complish  it  with  sufficient  correctness  would  require  several 
days  to  examine  carefully  and  prepare  with  accuracy.  Be 
sides  this,  I  incline  to  the  opinion  that  it  will  be  best  in  the 
first  instance  to  present  the  alterations  and  additions  pro 
posed  independently  —  that  the  progress  of  them  may  not  be 
embarrassed  by  the  consideration  of  an  entire  System;  and 
I  had  even  thought  of  a  distribution  into  more  than  two  divi 
sions  to  secure  at  all  events  the  passage  of  some  things.  The 
organisation  on  my  plan  would  form  one  bill  comprehending 
the  Sections  in  the  inclosed  draft  No.  1  to  —  —  inclusively 
—  The  Hospital  department  would  form  another  Bill.  The 
provisional  army  &  volunteers  a  third.  The  miscellaneous 
points  a  fourth.  The  plan  however  of  two  Bills  is  now  pur 
sued,  except  that  I  shall  preserve  the  sections  for  the  Hos- 


1  Hamilton,  v,  188. 

2  Hamilton,  v,   189.    " 

3  See  Ingersoll's  War  Dept..  25. 


1798-1799]  of  James  McHenry  367 

pital  establishment  separately;   which   with  the   provisional 
army  Bill  will  go  by  tomorrow's  Post. 

"I  do  not  exactly  seize  your  idea  about  the  Inspector  of 
Fortifications  and,  therefore,  have  prepared  nothing  on  that 
point.  Is  it  essential  to  have  a  distinct  officer  of  this  charac 
ter?  Or  may  not  the  objects  of  it  be  fulfilled  by  some  one 
of  the  Engineers  of  the  establishment?  I  will  endeavour  to 
embrace  your  plan  on  this  head  and,  if  I  do,  I  will  throw  it 
into  the  form  of  a  Section  of  a  Bill. 

"I  do  not  lose  sight  of  the  idea  of  an  Incorporation  of 
the  whole  Military  system  into  one  law ;  but  I  believe  you  will, 
on  more  reflection,  judge  it  advisable  to  make  this  a  subse 
quent  operation  of  greater  leisure  and  care. 

"I  remain  with  great  esteem  & 
regard     Dr.  Sir 
"Yrs.  Obed 

"A  HAMILTON" 

On  the  15th,  he  forwarded  l  a  provision  to  be  incorpor 
ated  in  the  bill  sent  the  day  before  and  regretted  that  he  could 
not  yet  send  the  provisional  army  bill.  He  sent  the  medical 
establishment  bill  2  on  the  21st. 

McHenry  asked 3  Hamilton  on  the  22nd  for  a  proper 
arrangement  of  the  forces,  since  Washington  declines  to  take 
an  active  part.  Hamilton  replied  on  the  24th  that  this  is  a 
delicate  subject  for  him  and  suggests  that  he  and  Pinckney 
be  given  authority,  as  Washington  outlined,  and  that  all  com 
munications  from  the  West  be  sent  open  under  cover  of  the 
secretary  of  war,  who,  in  urgent  cases  and  in  the  absence  of 
Hamilton,  will  himself  give  orders  and,  otherwise,  will  leave 
Hamilton  to  control  matters  under  the  department's  instruc 
tions.  "You  will  take  and  reject  as  shall  appear  to  you 
proper,  assured  always  that,  personally,  I  shall  be  content  with 
any  arrangement  you  may  think  advisable." 

On  February  4,  McHenry  answered, 4  giving  Hamilton 
instructions  according  to  the  ideas  of  Washington,  and  adding: 
"Finally  I  cannot  conclude  these  instructions,  without  express- 

1  Hamilton,   v,    190,    McHenry   wrote   Tousard  on    the    16th   to   inspect 
the  fortifications  of  Newport,  Boston,  Marblehead,  and  Portland. 

2  Hamilton,    v,    195;    Lodge,   vii,    3,    54,    28,   Gunn,   who   knew   nothing 
of  Hamilton's  hand  in   the  matter  sends  Hamilton  on  the  23d  a   bill   Mc 
Henry  had  given   him  and  asks   him  to  prepare  one   for  the   provisional 
establishment. 

3  Hamilton,  v,  197;  Lodge,  vii,  59. 

4  Hamilton,  v,  199;  Sparks,  xi,  563. 


368  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xin 

ing  my  most  unlimited  confidence  in  your  talents  to  execute  the 
high  trusts  which  the  President  reposes  in  you  and  my  own 
most  perfect  reliance  upon  your  cooperation  and  assistance, 
in  everything  that  concerns  the  army  establishment,  and  the 
means  to  remedy  whatever  defects  may  be  found  to  exist  there 
in  ;  and  that  I  shall  at  all  times  recognize,  in  the  execution  of 
the  orders  which  you  may  receive,  the  most  perfect  evidences 
of  your  candor  and  friendship. ' ' 

Hamilton  answered  on  the  6th,  discussing  the  recruiting 
districts  and  regretting  that  the  objection  that  several  "char 
acters  proposed"  were  anti-federalists  prevented  their  appoint 
ment.  l  "We  were  very  attentive  to  the  importance  of  ap 
pointing  friends  of  the  government  to  military  stations,  but 
wre  thought  it  well  to  relax  the  rule  in  favor  of  particular 
merit,  in  a  few  instances,  and,  especially,  in  reference  to  the 
inferior  grades.  It  does  not  seem  advisable  to  exclude  all 
hope  and  to  give  to  appointments  too  absolute  a  party  feature. 
Military  situations,  on  young  minds  particularly,  are  of  all 
others  best  calculated  to  inspire  a  zeal  for  the  service  and 
the  cause  in  which  the  incumbents  are  employed." 

On  the  7th,  Sedgwick  wrote 2  Hamilton  that  he  had 
been  to  see  McHenry  about  hastening  supply  of  clothing  and 
enlistments  and  found  that  Adams  was  opposed  to  an  army 
and  objected  to  the  title  of  general.  The  next  day  McHenry 
wrote  3  Hamilton  that  Adams  has  the  recruiting  instructions 
and  seems  in  no  hurry.  They  will  be  sent,  as  soon  as  he 
decides  on  them.  Washington  had  been  frequently  writing 
to  McHenry:  on  January  27,  on  the  details  of  uniforms,4 
on  January  28,  on  the  arrangement  of  the  relative  rank  of 
certain  regimental  officers;5  on  February  10,  again  on  his 
own  uniform.  The  last  letter  is  as  follows: 
"My  dear  Sir, 

"Your  letter  of  the  1st.  instant  is  received.  Whatever 
appearance  or  shape,  the  Uniform  intended  for  me,  may  take, 
by  your  direction,  will  be  entirely  agreeable  to  my  taste.  It 
being  the  commencement  of  a  distinguishing  dress  for  the 
Commander  in  Chief  of  the  Armies  of  the  United  States 


1  Hamilton,  v,  209;  Lodge,  vii,  62. 

2  Hamilton,   vi,    393  ;    Lodge,   llvii,    54,    prints   a   letter   from    Hamilton 
to  McHenry  dated  January  16,   1799,  and  accompanying  a  draft  of  a  bill 
for  a  provisional  army. 

3  Hamilton,    v,    211.     On   February    16,    Hamilton    (Hamilton,    v.    215) 
asks  to  have  the  additional  regiments  distributed  among  the  states  with 
out   delay. 

4  Ford,  xiv,   148;  Sparks,  xi,  394. 

5  Sparks,  xi,   396. 


1798-1799]  of  James  McHenry  369 

(whom  so  ever  he  may  be)  and  probably  will  be  a  permanent 
one  My  wish  (although  as  it  respects  myself  personally  I 
have  no  choice)  is,  that  it  may  be  correctly  executed;  —  for 
which  reason  I  thought  it  more  eligable,  in  the  first  instance, 
that  the  direction  concerning  it  should  preceed  from  the  De 
partment  of  War,  than  from  myself. 

"I  hope  it  will  be  made  &  sent  to  me  by  the  time  men 
tioned  in  my  last ;  —  accompanied  with  the  Cockades,  and 
Stars  for  the  Epaulets ;  without  the  whole  of  which  the  Dress 
will  not  comport  with  the  order;  of  course  must  be  incom 
plete. 

"If  my  Nephew,  Mr.  Bushrod  Washington,  should  not 
have  left  Philadelphia  before  the  above  articles  are  ready, 
and  is  certain  of  being  here  by  the  22d.  instant,  it  would 
afford  a  good  and  safe  opportunity  for  the  conveyance  of 
them  to  me ;  —  but  if  he  has  doubts  on  this  head,  I  would  not 
hazard  the  receipt  of  them  by  him,  by  that  time ;  as  you  will 
perceive  by  the  enclosed  letter  to  Mr.  McAlpin  left  open 
for  your  perusal  and  with  an  excuse  for  troubling  you  with 
these  small  matters,  at  a  time  when  I  presume  you  are  pressed 
by  important  ones.  I  am  with  esteem  &  regard,  and  much 
truth 

"My  dear  Sir 

"Your  Affect  Hble  Servant. 
"Go.  WASHINGTON." 

While  matters  were  thus  progressing  slowly,  Adams,  who 
had  never  thoroughly  favored  war,  startled  the  United  States 
on  February  18  by  sending  the  senate  the  nomination  of  Mur 
ray  as  envoy  to  France. 


CHAPTER  XIV 

EVENTS  AFTER  THE  NOMINATION  OF  THE  FRENCH  ENVOYS 

ADAMS,  on  June  21,  1798,  had  stood  with  the  extreme 
Anti-Gallican  federalists  l  and  had  announced  that 
"I  will  never  send  another  minister  to  France,  with 
out  assurance  that  he  will  be  received,  respected  and  honored 
as  the  representative  of  a  great,  free,  powerful  and  independ 
ent  nation."  He  had  signed  the  naturalization,  alien,  and 
sedition  bills.  But  he  was  not  anxious  for  war.  Twelve 
years  later,  McHenry  wrote:  "I  shall  not  pretend  to  pene 
trate  into  all  the  motives  that  weighed  with  Mr.  Adams  to 
retire  from  the  ground  of  this  declaration  and  send  a  third 
mission  to  France. " 2  In  his  letters  to  the  Boston  Patriot 
defending  his  administration,  Adams  acknowledged  that  he 
concealed  this  intention  from  the  heads  of  departments  and 
stated  that  he  was  equally  careful  not  to  inform  any  member 
of  either  branch  of  congress.  ' '  I  knew, "  3  he  wrote,  "  if  I 
called  the  heads  of  departments  together  and  asked  their 
advice,  three  of  them  4  would  very  laconically  protest  against 
the  measure  and  the  other  two5  would  more  modestly  and 
mildly  concur  with  them."  The  consequence  would  be  that 
the  thing  would  be  instantly  communicated  to  members  of  the 
congress  and  a  clamor  raised  against  it  in  the  newspapers,  all 
of  which  would  probably  excite  the  senate  to  put  their  nega 
tive  on  the  measure.  It  may  be  briefly  said,  in  answer  to  this, 

1  In  July,  1798,  Col.  John  E.  Howard  wrote  a  letter  to  Dr.  Thomas  of 
Frederick,    who   printed   it,    stating  that   Gen.    Samuel    Smith    said,    at   the 
president's  table,  that  he  would  have  given  the  douceur  demanded  by  Tal 
leyrand  as   the  price   of   hearing   our   commissioners,    that   it   would   have 
been  cheaper  than  war,  that  he  was  severely  reprimanded  by  the  president 
for  his   sentiments,    that  no   person   except   Mr.    Bayard   present   supposed 
him  not  to  be  in  earnest,  that  at  another  time  he  said  he  would  give  double 
the  sum,  or  £100,000  sterling.     Adams  said  he  would  not  give  the  duty  on  a 
pound  of  tea,  was  surprised  to  hear  such  sentiments  and  had  hoped  that 
no  virtuous  American   entertained  them.      (Broadside   issued   by  Federal 
ists). 

2  Lodge's  Cabot,  204. 

3  Letter  XI. 

4  i.  e.  Pickering,  Wolcott,  and  McHenry. 

5  Stoddert  and  Lee. 


1799-1800]  of  James  McHenry  371 

that  the  obvious  course  of  obtaining  new  advisers  whom  he 
believed  trustworthy  should  have  been  followed,  if  Adams 
distrusted  his  secretaries. 

The  sending  to  the  senate  of  Murray 's  name  1  as  envoy 
to  France  aroused  surprise  and  many  objections.  2  To  the 
objectors  to  Murray's  appointment  to  the  French  mission, 
Adams  said  that  he  thought  Mr.  Murray  "a  gentleman  of 
talents,  address,  and  literature,  as  well  as  of  great  worth  and 
honor,  everyway  well  qualified  for  the  service  and  fully  ade 
quate  to  all  that  I  should  require  of  him,  which  would  be  a 
strict  compliance  with  his  instructions,  which  I  should  take 
care  to  provide  for  him,  on  all  points,  in  terms  that  he  could 
not  misunderstand.  That  my  motives  for  nominating  him, 
in  preference  to  others,  were  simply  because  the  invitation 
from  the  French  government  had  been  transmitted  through 
him  and  because  he  was  so  near  to  Paris  that  he  might  be 
there  in  three  or  four  days,  and  because  his  appointment 
would  cause  a  very  trifling  additional  expense."  He  nomin 
ated  an  envoy  because  a  letter  written  by  Talleyrand  to  Pichon 
on  September  28,  and  sent  from  the  Hague  by  Murray  to 
Adams,  approved  the  preliminary  overtures  Pichon  had  made 
and  gave  continued  assurances  that  an  American  minister 
would  be  treated  with  proper  respect.  Murray  was  rejected 
by  the  senate,  and  Adams  then  nominated  3  on  February  25, 
Murray,  Oliver  Ellsworth  of  Connecticut,  and  Patrick  Henry 
of  Virginia.  When  Henry  declined,  he  was  succeeded  by 
William  R.  Davie  of  North  Carolina.  Murray's  nomination 
was  not  altogether  a  surprise  to  him,  as  is  evident  from  his 
letter  to  McHenry  of  January  30. 

"You  say  nothing  of  my  letters  in  Augt.  respecting  my 
friend  John  whom  I  begged  of  you  as  my  Secretary,  Dand- 
ridge  having  gone  by  my  consent  in  Sept.  to  Mr  King  —  &  I 
having  taken  a  temporary  Secretary  for  Three  months  unless 
Mr.  J  McHenry  arrived  sooner.  This  temporary  Secretary  I 
took  (Mosr.  Montflorence)  from  Genl.  Pinckney's  introduction 
&  because  he  had  been  very  faithful  to  Govt  at  Paris  in  the 
worst  of  times.  I  continued  hin  till  the  20.  Deer.  Mr.  McH 
not  coming.  I  continued  him  the  20.  Jany.  —  &  then  till  the 


1  February    18.     J.    Adams,    ix,    249.     On   Murray   see   Clement    Sulli- 
vane's   article    in    Southern    Historical    Society    Publications,    v,    151,    and 
Carey's  Am.  Museum,  ii,   220. 

2  J.  Adams,  ix,  249.     In  his  letter  to  the  Boston  Patriot. 

3  McMaster,  ii,  429. 


372  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xiv 

20  next  month  —  always  under  the  terms  express  &  '  unless 
Mr.  McH.  should  arrive  sooner.'  After  the  20th  Feb.  I  will 
not  have  any  Secretary,  unless  John  come,  as  I  sincerely  hope 
he  will.  I  wish  he  had  written  five  lines,  by  five  ships,  some 
one  would  have  got  to  me  —  but  I  every  day  expect  to  see 
him  enter  &  announced  by  old  Will.  He  will  be  quite  at 
home  with  us  —  &  I  recall  more  identically  our  pleasant  even 
ings  at  your  house  —  at  Philada.  —  that  charming  city  so  dear 
to  my  memory  what  dreadful  affliction  it  has  suffered!  Mr 
Hill  I  hear  is  dead  —  Miss  Breck  —  Miss  Westcot  —  good  old 
Mr  Anthony  and  poor  Fenno  —  Bache  too  has  still  kept  him 
company  vis  a  vis !  But  doubtless  many  others  have  gone  whom 
I  knew  —  here  I  know  nothing  of  what  passes  except  by  your 
letters  &  one  I  had  at  the  same  time  from  Mr  Bingham — I  reed. 
a  letter  yesterday  from  My  brother  of  20.  May  1798 !  &  I  hear 
from  a  Dutch  gentleman  not  long  from  St  Thomas's  that  the 
Delaware  &  a  44  gun  frigate  were  there  as  envoys.  He  seemed 
almost  as  much  delighted  as  I  was  —  &  from  Mr  Smith  at 
Lisbon  I  hear  to  day  that  a  new  28  was  launched  &  coppered 
at  Newbury  Port  in  74  days !  —  from  Hamburg  I  learn  also 
to  day  that  on  the  7th.  Dec  the  President  was  too  much 
indisposed  to  meet  the  Houses  &  of  course  no  speech  then. 
I  sincerely  hope  that  he  has  recovered  &  been  strong  enough 
to  look  them  full  in  the  eye  &  give  them  a  firm  determination. 
"My  dear  Sir  one  half  of  the  miseries  which  is  brought 
u'pon  the  Sevl.  nations  whom  french  power  has  swallow 'd  up 
has  been  owing  to  the  timidity  of  the  Executive  power.  It  is 
true  that  generally  that  was  the  centre  of  all  power  on  this 
continent  —  this  however  only  serves  to  illustrate  more  strong 
ly  the  folly  of  timidity  at  all,  in  govt.  The  treasons  wh.  have 
latterly  disgraced  the  very  species  of  Man  were  in  a  great 
degree  the  consequences  of  this  timidity  in  the  Head  of  the 
Govt.  That  timidity,  temporising,  shuffling  &  rank  cowardise 
could  but  be  seen  by  those  in  places  of  high  trust  &  in  the 
army  —  when  discovered  a  new  principle  of  calculation  was 
gradually  formed  in  minds  long  weakened  by  a  philosophy 
that  refines  away  the  coarse  but  more  valuable  properties  of 
our  nature,  and  each  man  becoming  a  politician,  in  the  low  & 
selfish  sense,  balanced,  doubled,  feared  the  success  of  french 
enterprise,  &  gradually  was  prepared  so  to  act  before  hand  as 
to  be  in  a  sort  of  character,  by  wh.  he  might  avail  himself  of 
unlucky  contingencies,  if  they  came  on.  Thus  Treason  is 


1799-1800]  of  James  McHenry  373 

really  more  a  moral  than  a  political  disease  in  many  of  the 
public  functionaries  all  over  this  continent!  The  People,  on 
the  contrary,  true  to  nature,  are  willing  &  anxious  for  that 
energy  in  the  protecting  Govt.  wh.  would  save  them  from 
foreign  domination.  The  gentry,  call  them  nobles,  in  general, 
destitute  of  energy,  seem  to  me  incapable  of  high  spirited 
action  —  of  course  when  a  moment  comes,  like  that  the  other 
day  at  Turin  &  all  over  Piedmont,  in  the  Roman  &  Neapolitan 
Territory  all  was  policy  without  energy  —  &  submission  wt. 
out  salvation ! 

"We  have  nothing  official  of  the  Neapolitan  army  since 
3  Jany  inst.  Then  Mack  well  fortify'd  in  Capua  had  offered 
an  armistice  to  Championnet  wh.  was  haughtily  refused.  It 
is  believed  that  there  has  been  immense  Treason  in  the  N. 
army!  That  the  French  shd.  have  retired  from  the  Tuscan 
Territories,  wh.  it  is  believed  they  have  done,  is  a  singular 
thing  if  true  —  &  leads  some  to  believe  that  the  Emperor  & 
France  will  yet  agree- —  a  thing  wh.  seems  to  me  almost  im 
possible!  We  have  as  yet  nothing  official  on  these  things. 

' '  The  insurrection  in  Belgium  still  rages  —  sometimes  in 
battles  of  3  —  &  4000  well  fought  —  often  in  skirmishes  from 
woods,  &  harrassing  better  managed.  The  dear  silky  gentry 
are  out  of  the  struggle  —  but  they  will  not  escape,  many  rich 
men  have  been  taken  up  &  sent  to  Paris  on  suspicion  of  secret 
ly  aiding  with  money  the  insurgents,  who  are  literally  poor  & 
hardy  peasants,  fighting  with  the  cross  marked  on  their 
clothes.  The  french  suffer  exceedingly  in  this  kind  of  desul 
tory  war  &  the  soldiers  prefer  any  sort  of  battle  to  that  with 
which  they  are  regaled  if  they  show  themselves  in  smaller  par 
ties  —  of  this  sort  we  could  give  them  a  plenty. 

"I  had  written  thus  far  when  Colonel  Hitchborn  1  (431. 
1512.  1238.  1246.  1451.  710.)  was  announced.  He  is  just 
from  Paris.  He  seems  much  altered  in  his  opinions  as  he  now 
most  heartily  curses  them.  My  particular  reason  for  men 
tioning  him  here  is  this  —  a  circumstance  that  has  made  me 
think  with  rapidity  &  pain!  He  says  that  after  he  &  those 
with  whom  he  associates  of  our  country  knew  ivhat  the  pro 
posals  were  wh.  Woodward  &  Mr  Gerry  carry 'd  out  last  sum 
mer,  he  &  they  recommended  me  (1050)  as  the  person  to  whom 
government  shd.  send  a  commission  if  any  minister  were  named ! 

1  The  numerals  are  written  In  the  text  of  the  letter  and  the  mean 
ing  of  the  cipher  was  written  over  them  after  the  letter  was  received 
by  McHenry. 


374  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xiv 

I  regret  this  whole  affair  &  so  told  him.  I  know  the  state  of 
parties.  I  know  their  ways  of  thinking  on  hearing  of  such  an 
unsought  unthought  of  thing.  I  feel  that  it  is  due  to  you  & 
myself  (920.  1463)  to  declare  solemnly  that  I  (1308) 
never  hinted  even  such  a  thing  —  never  expected  it  — 
&  NEVER  WISHED  IT!  and  that  it  is  teetotally  with 
out  a  hint  from  or  to  (me)  1050!  In  fact  I  have  but 
one  character  on  this  great  question  particularly.  Those 
of  both  parties  who  know  me,  know  what  it  is  —  to  make 
proselites  to  the  great  cause  of  our  Govt.  &  our  country's 
Independence,  I  do  certainly  vary  my  small  means  occasion 
ally  &  adapt  them,  as  far  as  I  can  penetrate,  to  the  characters 
of  those  whom  I  would  save  if  possible  &  bring  over  —  but  not 
a  moment  do  I  disguise  my  opinions.  This  gentleman  passed 
a  week  here  in  Sept.  on  his  way.  I  had  heard  of  his  violence 
agt.  our  Govt.  &c  &c  &c  —  he  paid  me  a  visit.  I  treated  him 
with  politeness  —  &  after  that  often  canvassed  things  with 
him.  I  found  we  differed  —  but  whether  his  politeness  short 
ened  the  difference  or  whether  a  knowledge  of  what  he  saw 
here  had  worked,  he  spoke  rationally  &  apparently  writh  sound 
views.  I  there  pointed  out  what  I  believed  to  be  the  intention 
of  France  as  to  general  Dominion,  at  least  in  Europe.  He  did 
not  think  with  me.  Since,  to  day  —  He  has  declared  to  me  that 
he  is  now  convinced  of  that  truth.  That  plunder  &  repine  & 
Dominion  are  their  objects.  That  they  shd.  so  treat  us  had 
they  the  power  &c  &c  &c. 

"His  son  in  law  (612.  489.  948.  1457.  1005.)  has  been  late 
ly  put  in  the  Temple  at  Paris,  &  he  (954)  ordered  to  quit 
Paris  —  he  stay  'd  at  Passy  a  few  days.  As  those  letters  from 
that  party  at  Paris  may  reach  your  ears  I  thought  it  due  to 
you  my  dear  Sir  &  to  myself  &  the  Govt.  to  make  this  explan 
ation  —  &  Col.  Pickering,  who  will  have  the  goodness  to 
decypher  for  you,  will  also  do  me  justice  in  reading  this  letter 
Happy  here  —  dreading  storms  &  quicksands,  my  ambition 
goes  not  higher.  You  wd.  never  hear  such  remarks  from  me, 
indelicate  but  in  such  circumstances,  had  I  not  got  at  the  in 
telligence  wh.  I  have  troubled  you  with.  I  am  always 

' '  My  dear  Sir  most  truly  &  affecty  yrs. ' ' 

"Written  on  cover  of  letter  by  Murray  was : 

"Observe  my  seal.  Tis  the  old  one.  The 
cock  for  a  crest.  The  Goose  —  that  vigilant 
guardian  of  the  Capitol,  I  see  with  pleasure, 


1799-1800]  of  James  McHenry  375 

is  yours.     But  why  a  wild  one  —  for  I  see 
it  is  chained!     It  is  however  a  good  device, 
"on  reflection  —  I  wish  that  nothing  may  be  said  to  Col.  P. 
or  anyone  on  the  particular  intelligence  which  I  have  mention 
ed.     Unless  circumstance  render  it  proper  —  because  protes 
tations,  even  agt.  such  an  idea  are  indelicate  to  be  first  men 
tioned.     If  you  copy  the  cypher  on  a  bit  of  paper  it  can  be 
decyphered  without  showg  the  whole. 

"Since  writing  the  inclosed,  there  is  reason  to  suspect  that 
french  affairs  in  the  Neapolitan  Domn.  are  not  so  flourishing 
—  and  it  is  said  &  believed  that  the  French  retired  from  Tus 
cany  in  consequence  of  a  threat  from  the  imperial  Genl.  — 
doubtful  I  think.  A  report  circulates  this  evening  that  Eh- 
renbritstein  has  surrendered.  Peace  appears  to  me  impossi 
ble,  wrhile  power  remains  in  such  hands  as  wield  it  at  Paris. 
Personal  safety  &  views  impel  them  to  exterior  war.  They 
would  tear  out  the  very  vitals  of  F.  had  they  exterior  peace ! 
Feb.  1799." 

Congress  meanwhile  considered  1  and  passed  the  medical 
establishment  act  on  February  25  and  the  act  for  better  organ 
izing  the  troops  on  March  2.  By  the  latter  act  the  army  was 
directed  to  consist  of  four  regiments  of  dragoons,  one  regiment 
and  a  battalion  of  riflemen  and  forty  regiments  of  infantry. 
This  act,  of  course,  caused  a  great  increase  in  efforts  to  recruit 
troops,  of  which  subject  the  following  letters  of  Hamilton 
treat. 

"private  New  York  March  10.  1799 

"Dr  Sir 

"Ought  it  not  to  be  a  rule  to  forward  from  your  depart 
ment  to  the  Major  Generals,  as  they  are  passed,  copies  of  all 
laws  respecting  the  military  establishment?  At  any  rate  you 
will  oblige  me  by  sending  those  of  the  session  just  finished. 

' '  I  believe  in  the  5  §  of  the  Recruiting  Instructions,  filled 
up  in  Manuscript,  the  term  of  enlistment  is  five  years.  The 
Jaw  for  augmenting  the  army  §  2  directs  the  enlistment  to  be 
'for  and  during  the  continuance  of  the  existing  differences 
between  the  U  States  &  the  French  Republic.'  If  there  be 
any  thing  varying  this,  it  has  escaped  me.  Will  you  inform 
me?  This  inquiry  is  suggested  by  a  new  revision  of  the  re 
cruiting  instructions. 

As  it  may  yet  take  time  to  prepare  for  me  a  complete  list 

1  Hamilton,  v,  218-233. 


376  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xiv 

of  the  officers  of  the  army,  I  should  be  glad  to  have  one  of  the 
field  officers  only,  with  a  note  of  the  stations  or  destinations 
to  which  they  have  been  assigned.  I  want  much  to  place  them 
over  the  detached  posts  &  to  concenter  the  direction. 

"I  observe  the  XIII  §  of  the  Recruiting  Instructions  au 
thorises  the  appointment  of  certain  Courts  Martial.  Where 
is  the  power  for  this  Regulation  ? 

"Sometime  since  I  requested  you  to  send  me  the  organ 
ization  of  the  officers,  as  reported  by  the  Commander  in  Chief. 
You  replied  that  no  such  document  had  come  to  you.  I 
imagine  that  I  must  not  have  expressed  myself  clearly,  for  I 
well  remember  that  the  document,  which  I  mean,  was  made 
out  in  Mr  Lear's  hand  writing  for  the  purpose  of  being  sent 
by  you.  It  was  an  arrangement  or  distribution  of  the  Officers 
who  were  nominated  into  Regiments,  batalions,  and  Compan 
ies,  assigning  to  each  company,  by  their  names,  its  proper 
complement  of  Officers. 

"It  appears  to  me  very  important  that  the  Regimental 
Pay  Masters  &  Quarter  Masters  should  be  designated  without 
delay.  They  are  the  proper  organs  through  which  all  issues 
of  monies  &  supplies  ought  to  pass.  If  I  remember  rightly,  in 
the  late  war,  the  Q.  Master  &  Adjutant  were  appointed  by  the 
commander  of  the  Regiment.  The  Paymaster  was  designated 
by  the  Officers  of  each  Regiment.  What  has  been  the  practice 
lately?  Whatever  be  the  mode,  I  wish  very  much  to  be  in 
structed  to  have  the  thing  done. 

"Will  it  not  be  advisable  speedily  to  direct  the  field  Offi 
cers  of  each  Regiment  to  report  for  the  consideration  of  the 
President  an  arrangement  of  the  relative  rank  of  their  officers 
in  the  Regiment.     This  will  not  work  any  inconvenience  as  to 
the  corps,  of  which  the  Officers  have  not  yet  been  appointed. 
And  it  being  done  will  facilitate  future  operations. 
"Yrs  very  truly 
"A  HAMILTON" 

"Private  New  York  March  14.  1799 

"Dear  Sir 

"It  is  a  construction  of  the  law  warranted  by  usage  that 
the  President  shall  appoint  the  requisite  number  of  Lieuten 
ants  &  leave  three  of  them  to  be  designated  for  Quarter  Mas 
ter  &  Pay  Master  in  fhe  manner  practiced  in  the  late  army. 
But  if  this  is  supposed  not  to  be  a  good  construction,  the  end 


1799-1800]  of  James  McHenry  377 

may  be  produced  by  making  it  a  rule  that  recommendations 
shall  come  through  the  described  Channels  to  the  President  & 
that,  unless  for  some  extraordinary  reason,  he  will,  as  of 
course,  nominate  or  appoint. 

"But  whatever  be  the  mode,  pray  let  it  be  adopted  at 
once  &  put  in  a  train  of  execution  that  these  essential  officers 
may  be  appointed.  Yrs.  truly 

"AH 
"P.  S. 

' '  Since  writing  the  above,  it  has  occurred  to  me  as  worthy 
of  consideration  whether  it  will  not  be  expedient  to  enlist 
indiscriminately  for  all  the  corps  and  to  insert  an  alternative 
in  the  call  as  to  the  term  of  service  thus  — '  for  and  during  the 
continuance  &c  or  for  the  term  of  five  years,  at  the  option  of 
the  U  States. '  As  there  are  soldiers  of  both  descriptions  to  be 
enlisted,  I  incline  to  think  the  laws  will  bear  out  the  alterna 
tive  in  point  of  executive  propriety  —  &  the  option  would  be 
evidently  valuable.  The  principal  question  is  whether  sol 
diers  would  not  more  readily  enlist  for  the  casual  duration  of 
existing  differences  than  for  the  known  time  of  five  years." 

The  indefatigable  Hamilton  wrote  daily,  sometimes  even 
twice  a  day.  He  sent  acceptable  amendments  l  to  the  recruit 
ing  regulations,  and  submitted  arrangements  of  districts  -  for 
recruiting  from  Connecticut  and  the  Middle  States,  offering 
to  do  so  also  for  all  New  England,  Maryland,  and  Virginia.  3 
He  did  not  understand  that  he  might  begin  recruiting  at  once  4 


1  McHenry  on  the  18th  accepted  Hamilton's  work.     Hamilton,  v,   23o. 

2  March   15.     Hamilton,  v,   234. 

3  Pinckney  may  do  it  for   the  Carolinas  and  Georgia,   and   residents 
of  Kentucky  and  Tennessee  for  those  states.     March  16,  Hamilton,  v,  234. 

4  March   17,   1799 
Dr  Sir 

I  send  you  the  draft  of  a  third  Bill.  I  shall  quickly  send  you  that  of 
a  fourth  which  will  comprise  whatever  more  remain. 

Yrs  truly 
A.  H. 

Private  New  York  March   18.   1799 

Dr  Sir 

If  my  memoranda  be  right  I  sent  Wilkinson's  letter,  by  'duplicates 
through  you.  If  so  I  presume  it  is  not  necessary  for  the  certainty  of 
conveyance  to  send  a  triplicate.  If  I  am  mistaken  in  the  first  idea,  or  if 
any  thing  more  is  requisite,  be  good  enough  to  say.  If  otherwise,  no  reply. 

It  is  very  extraordinary  that  I  receive  no  acknowledgement  of  my 
letters  from  the  commandant  at  Fort  Mifflin  (Elliot  I  believe)  Duplicates 
went  through  you.  Can  you  inform  me?  Has  not  this  officer  too  strong 
a  love  of  independence? 

Mr.  Tracy  seems  to  have  understood  you  that  it  was  left  to  my  discre 
tion  to  begin  the  business  of  recruiting  whenever  I  thought  proper.  I 
have  so  understood  the  matter.  If  this  be  your  idea  be  so  good  as  to 
express  it 

Yrs  Affecly  A  HAMILTON 


378  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xiv 

and  urged  that  there  be  an  agent  for  the  commissariat  at 
Philadelphia.  l 

McHenry's  position  was  a  hard  one  and  he  had  not  enough 
sternness  to  surmount  all  the  difficulties  of  a  procrastinating 
president  and  a  cautious  secretary  of  the  treasury.  Wash 
ington  again  admonished  him, 2  in  a  long  letter,  which  was  not 
only  private  but  "a  friendly  one  from  George  Washington 
to  James  McHenry. "  The  general  added,  most  generously: 
"If  the  sentiments  which  you  will  find  in  it,  are  delivered  with 
more  freedom  and  candour  than  are  agreeable,  say  so,  not  by 
implication  only  but  by  explicit  language ;  and  I  will  promise 
to  offend  no  more  by  such  conduct,  but  confine  myself,  if  oc 
casion  should  require  it,  to  an  official  correspondence."  He 
complains  that  commissions  are  kept  back,  the  recruiting  ser 
vice  arrested,  and  himself  left  uninformed.  Washington  is 
not  a  "mercenary  officer,"  but,  came  forth  through  a  "high 
sense  of  the  Amor  Patriae"  and  should  be  told  all  that  occurs, 
"though  detached  from  the  army"  at  present.  The  "golden 
opportunity"  for  recruiting  and  the  idle  winter  months  have 
nearly  passed.  In  the  busy  summer,  recruiting  will  be  ex 
tremely  difficult  and  the  "rif  raf  of  the  populous  cities,  con 
victs  and  foreigners"  must  be  taken.  Such  regiments  are  no 
better  than  militia.  Washington  first  intended  to  stop  with 
these  remonstrances;  but,  reflecting  that  he  may  not  again 
write  with  such  freedom,  continues  with  the  further  complaint 
that  the  five  weeks'  work  of  the  two  major  generals  and  himself 
at  Trenton  and  Philadelphia  has  been  set  at  nought,  for  "any 
member  of  Congress  who  had  a  friend  to  serve,  or  a  prejudice 
to  indulge."  Special  instances  are  referred  to  and  the  better 
course  is  emphasized  of  following  absolutely  the  arrangement 
made  by  the  board  of  general  officers.  The  president  had 
power  to  make  any  promotion  he  pleased,  but  must  observe 
rules  and  attend  to  the  feelings  of  the  officers,  if  "he  wishes 
to  preserve  the  peace  and  harmony"  of  the  army. 

' '  There  is  one  matter  more,  which  I  was  in  doubt,  whether 
to  mention  to  you  or  not,  because  it  is  of  a  more  delicate  na 
ture  than  any  I  have  touched  upon ;  but  finally  friendship  has 
got  the  better  of  my  scruples.  It  respects  yourself  person 
ally.  3 

*  Whilst  I  was  in  Philadelphia,  and  after  the  Mem- 

1  Hamilton,  v,  236.   --March   19.     "Please  send  list  of  Connecticut  offi 
cers.     Is  not  the  Adjutant  General  exofficio  the  deputy  inspector  general?" 

2  Ford,   xiv,    158;    Sparks,   xi,    406.     March   25. 

3  This  paragraph  has  never  before  been  printed. 


1799-1800]  of  James  Me  Henry  379 

bers  of  Congress  had  begun  to  assemble  it  was  hinted  to  me  in 
pretty  strong  terms  by  more  than  one  of  them,  that  the  De 
partment  of  War  would  not,  nay  could  not,  be  conducted  to 
advantage  (if  War  should  ensue)  under  your  auspices;  for 
instead  of  attending  to  the  great  outlines,  and  principles  of 
your  office,  and  keeping  the  Subordinate  officers  of  the  Depart 
ments  rigidly  to  their  respective  duties,  they  were  inattentive, 
while  you  were  bewildered  with  Trifles." 

Washington  calls  to  MeHenry's  attention  the  fact  that 
he  had  already  advised  McHenry  to  leave  details  to  others  and 
"bestow  your  thoughts  and  attention  to  the  more  important 
duties. ' '  These  ' '  were  alone  sufficient  to  occupy  the  time  and 
all  the  consideration  of  the  Secretary."  The  delay  in  issuing 
commissions  and  beginning  recruiting,  which  "excited  general 
reprobation  and  blame,"  causes  Washington  to  recur  to  the 
subject  and  to  say  that  most  people  attributed  the  delay  to 
' '  the  want  of  system  and  exertion  in  the  Department  of  War. ' ' 
Washington  writes  this,  "as  a  private  man  to  his  friend,"  and 
knows  such  a  letter  would  be  improper  from  the  commander 
in  chief  to  the  secretary  of  war.  If  McHenry  does  not  receive 
it  in  good  part,  the  purity  of  his  intentions  is  the  best  apology 
Washington  can  offer.  In  any  case,  he  is  MeHenry's  "most 
obedient  and  affectionate  humble  servant. ' ' 1  McHenry  soon 
answered,  defending  himself  from  the  blame  of  the  delay.  He 
was  not  offended  at  the  rebuke,  but  wrote:  "Accept  my  sin 
cere  thanks  for  your  letter  and  let  me  intreat  you  to  continue 
to  give  me  such  proofs  of  your  friendship,  as  often  as  you 
think  they  will  be  useful  to  apprise  me  of  the  public  expecta 
tions,  or  any  omissions  or  faults  into  which  I  may  fall. ' '  The 
delay  in  issuing  commissions  is  due  to  the  fact  that  ninety-five 
men,  to  whom  they  have  been  offered,  have  not  answered  Me 
Henry's  letters  and  the  relative  rank  can  not  be  settled,  until 
all  are  heard  from.  To  issue  a  partial  list  of  commissions 
would  be  a  questionable  proceeding.  The  delay  in  recruiting 
was  due,  first,  to  the  pestilence  in  Philadelphia;  next,  to  the 
troubles  concerning  Hamilton  and  Knox ;  thirdly,  to  the  condi 
tion  of  the  federal  treasury.  The  United  States  cannot  furn 
ish  sufficient  white  cloth  for  vests  and  overalls.  The  pur 
veyor  has  as  many  men  as  he  can  get  making  clothes.  Lastly, 
the  president's  procrastination  and  opposition  to  the  expense 
of  the  army  have  delayed  recruiting.  Adams  has  said,  "Why 


1  Ford,  xiv,   166;   Sparks,  xi,   413,  420.     March  31. 


380 Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  xiv 

should  any  one  enlist  for  $5  per  month,  when  he  can  get  $15 
at  common  work"  and  that  "there  was  no  more  prospect  of 
seeing  a  French  army  here  than  in  heaven. "  "  The  situation 
into  which  I  have  been  thrown,  during  the  past  year,  by  others, 
who  prevented  all  those  measures  from  being  carried  into  ef 
fect,  which  the  public  expected  would  necessarily  take  place 
in  conformity  to  the  laws,  could  not  fail  to  attach  to  me  much 
censure  and  excite  in  the  minds  of  persons,  who  could  not  be 
informed  of  the  facts,  that  I  wanted  capacity  for  the  proper 
conducting  of  my  department." 

Washington  was  satisfied  by  McHenry's  defense  of  his 
official  conduct  and  answered,  "While  I  was  at  Philadelphia 
and  since,  when  I  heard  your  conduct  arraigned,  for  not  hav 
ing  the  augmented  force  organized  sooner,  and  for  the  conse 
quent  delay  in  recruiting ;  I  did  then,  and  on  all  other  proper 
occasions,  declare  that  circumstances  over  which  you  had  no 
control  were  the  causes  thereof  and  that  no  blame  ought  to  be 
attached  to  you."  About  the  delay  of  the  commissions,  how 
ever,  Washington  felt  something  must  be  done.  If  the  depart 
ment  of  war  waits  to  receive  answers  to  its  letters,  "months, 
nay  even  a  year,"  may  be  consumed. 

"Those  who  live  in  Post  Towns  —  near  Post  Offices  —  or 
who  are  in  the  habit  of  enquiring  at  these  places  for  letters, 
would  have  been  enabled  to  answer  your  address  to  them  in 
time ;  but  a  number  of  others  may  be  uninformed  of  your  letter 
to  them  at  this  hour  —  especially  as  many  of  them  have  been 
sent  to  wrong  offices,  &  will  only  be  heard  of  by  the  adver 
tisement  of  them." 

To  avoid  this  delay,  he  suggests  the  insertion  in  the  news 
papers,  which  nearly  every  one  sees,  the  names  and  grades  of 
the  men  from  whom  no  answers  come,  with  the  request  that 
such  persons  reply  without  further  delay. 

On  April  23,  Washington  sent  McHenry  word  that  he  ap 
proved  of  his  plans,  but  regretted  greatly  that  the  favorable 
moments  for  recruiting  had  passed.  He  spoke  of  certain  offi 
cers  and  assured  McHenry  that  his  own  purpose  was  merely 
to  have  the  general  good  advanced.  l  Adams  left  Philadel 
phia  early  in  the  season.  On  March  29,  he  wrote  -  McHenry 
asking  that  a  record  of  vacancies  and  recommendations  be  sent 
him,  before  any  army  appointments  be  made,  and,  on  April 

1  Ford,  xiv,   174;   Sparks,  xi,  420. 

2  Adams,  viii,   629. 


1799-1800]  of  James  McHenry  381 

1,  "Wolcott 1  wrote  Hamilton,  "We  have  no  President  here 
and  the  appearances  of  languor  and  indecision  are  discourag 
ing  to  the  friends  of  the  government."  He  complained  of 
McHenry  who  "does  the  best  in  his  power,  yet  his  operations 
are  such  as  to  confirm  more  and  more  a  belief  of  utter  unfitness 
for  the  situation." 

The  tireless  Hamilton  transmitted,  on  April  8,  a  plan  2 
for  improving  methods  of  procuring  and  issuing  military 
stores,  which  plan  McHenry  approved,  thinking  it  like  that  of 
the  Revolutionary  army  and  thus  supported  by  experience.  3 
Courts  martial  caused  some  concern,  as  the  United  States  were 
not  now  in  a  state  of  general  hostility,  nor  at  war ;  Hamilton 
transmitted 4  a  sentence  against  a  deserter  without  acting 
upon  it,  though  he  thought  an  example  should  be  made,  and 
asked  5  that  sentences  be  not  referred  to  him,  where  the  courts 
were  instituted  by  the  department  and  not  by  him.  Adams 
was  inclined  to  show  clemency  towards  deserters  sentenced  to 
death  and  the  proceedings  of  courts  martial,  at  times,  showed 
' '  culpable  ignorance  of  the  rules  of  war. ' '  On  May  27,  Hamil 
ton  wrote  McHenry  6  that  desertion  prevailed  to  a  ruinous 
extent.  The  remedies  for  it  are  a  greater  attention  to  disci 
pline,  7  to  which  Hamilton  will  look ;  better  care  in  furnishing 
supplies,  to  which  McHenry  will  doubtless  see;  forbearance 
to  enlist  foreigners,  and  energy  in  punishment  of  offenders. 
As  to  the  last,  Adams  should  be  urged  that  severity  is  indis 
pensable  to  uphold  discipline.  8  McHenry  answered  at  once  9 
agreeing  to  Hamilton's  arguments,  stating  that  one  of  the  de 
serters  should  be  executed  and  that  apprentices  should  not  be 
enlisted.  To  this  last  point,  Hamilton  agreed.  10  On  the 
question  of  executing  the  deserter,  considerable  correspondence 
passed.  Adams  wrote  n  McHenry,  that  he  did  not  object  to 
sentencing  such  persons  to  death,  but  wished  to  be  sure  that 
the  officers  of  the  court  martial  were  regularly  commissioned 
and  objected  to  the  fact  that  it  accepted  a  plea  of  guilty. 

1  Hamilton,  vi,    406. 

2  Hamilton,  v,  247  ;  Lodge,  vii,  69. 

3  Hamilton,  v, '252  ;   Hamilton,  v,  248.     On  the  17th,  Hamilton  notified 
McHenry  that  he  was  coming  to  Philadelphia  for  a  personal  conference. 

4  Hamilton,  v,   249.     April   20.     Lodge,  vii,    76. 

5  Hamilton,  v,   250.     April  23.     Lodge,  vii,   77. 

6  Hamilton,  v,   263;   Lodge,  vii,   88. 

7  McHenry  had   suggested  this  step  on  May  9   and  Hamilton  adopted 
it  in  his  letter  of  the  25th.     Hamilton,  v,  261;  Lodge,  vii,  87. 

8  Hamilton,  v,  264. 

9  May  28.     Richard  Hunt. 

10  May   29. 

11  June   5.     Adams,   viii,   654. 


382  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xiv 

McHenry  was  doubtful  as  to  the  regularity  of  the  commissions 
and  Adams  replied  that  he  will  approve  the  death  sentence, 
if  the  court  be  considered  regular  by  the  unanimous  vote  of  the 
heads  of  departments.  l  A  month  later,  Adams  wrote  that 
another  deserter  should  be  hung  and,  probably,  also  the  one 
first  spoken  of,  but  that  the  question  should  be  submitted  to 
McHenry 's  colleagues. 2 

The  cabinet  thought  the  judgment  of  the  court  martial 
probably  legal  and  Adams  finally  left  the  question  of  clem 
ency  in  McHenry 's  and  Hamilton 's  hands.  3  Unless  they  ad 
vised  mercy,  the  man  should  be  hung.  McHenry  consulted 
Hamilton  as  to  this  and  found  the  latter  to  incline  towards  len 
iency.  4  "The  temper  of  our  country  is  not  a  little  opposed 
to  the  frequency  of  capital  punishment.  Public  opinion  in 
this  respect,  though  it  must  not  have  too  much  influence,  is 
not  wholly  to  be  disregarded.  There  must  be  some  caution, 
not  to  render  our  military  system  odious,  by  giving  it  the 
appearance  of  being  sanguinary.  Considering  the  extreme 
lenity  in  time  past,  there  may  be  danger  of  shocking  even  the 
opinion  of  the  army  by  too  violent  a  change.  The  idea  of 
cruelty  inspires  disgust  and,  ultimately,  is  not  much  more 
favorable  to  authority  than  the  excess  of  lenity. ' '  So  Hamil 
ton  proposed  merely  to  degrade  the  deserter,  unless  McHenry 
sent  word  to  the  contrary.  In  the  early  autumn,  Adams  au 
thorized.  5  McHenry,  if  he  desire  to  do  so,  to  pardon,  at  the 
foot  of  the  gallows,  a  soldier  who  was  not  only  a  deserter,  but 
aided  two  prisoners  to  escape  from  confinement,  when  he  was 
sentinel  in  charge  of  them,  and  lost  his  own  arms  and  aecoun- 
trements.  A  noteworthy  question  as  to  duelling  led  to  a  letter 
from  Lee  to  McHenry. 

' '  Office  of  the  Attorney  General 
"Philadelphia  26  april  1799 
"Sir 

' '  I  had  the  honor  to  receive  your  letter  of  the  9th.  instant 
which,  enclosing  a  statement  of  the  case  of  Captain  Vance, 
propounded  several  questions  to  which  my  answer  is  requested. 

"The  challenge  contained  in  Capt  Vance's  letter  of  the  2d. 

1  Adams,    vi,    659.     In   another    irregular   court    martial    case,    which 
occurred   about   this   time,   Adams   instructed   McHenry    to   approve   of   the 
dismissal  from  the  service  of  the  men  court  martialled.     Adams,  viii,  656. 

2  July  13.     Adams,  viii,  665. 

3  Adams,  viii,  667.    ,. 

4  July  29.     Hamilton,  v,  289;  L»odge,  vii,  100. 

5  Adams,  ix,  30. 


1799-1800]  of  James  Me  Henry  383 

of  april  to  Mr.  Simmons  is  expressly  predicated  by  Capt. 
Vance  on  the  expressions  of  Mr.  Simmons  threatning  to 
punish  him  personally  as  soon  as  the  trial  before  a  court  mar 
tial  should  be  concluded.  If  these  expressions  were  used  by 
Mr.  Simmons,  I  do  not  know  how  it  is  possible  they  can  have 
been  either  necessary  or  proper  in  the  exercise  of  his  official 
duties  as  accountant  in  the  war  department,  and  especially  if 
uttered  in  the  absence  of  Capt  Vance.  Though  the  latter  part 
of  the  letter  alludes  to  the  motives  which  he  ascribes  to  Mr. 
Simmons  for  the  part  he  took  in  prosecuting  him  before  a 
court  martial  on  another  charge,  yet  the  challenge  appears  to 
me  to  have  proceeded  from  the  threats  of  personal  punish 
ment  declared  by  Mr.  Simmons  in  the  presence  of  Capt  Butler. 
If  these  threats  had  not  been  expressed,  there  is  no  probable 
cause  to  oelieve  the  challenge  would  have  taken  place.  The 
affair  is  therefore  to  be  considered  as  a  private  one,  to  which 
the  principle  of  protecting  civil  officers  in  the  discharge  of 
their  official  duties,  from  the  resentment  or  violence  of  military 
officers  ought  not  to  be  extended.  Consequently  the  president, 
in  my  humble  opinion,  ought  not  to  be  advised  to  dismiss 
Capt.  Vance  from  the  service  of  the  United  States  before  a 
trial,  nor  ought  a  trial  before  a  court  martial  to  be  ordered  of 
his  transaction. 

"The  letter  undoubtedly  amounts  to  a  challenge,  which 
is  by  the  laws  of  Pennsylvania  deemed  an  offence,  that  is 
cognizable  and  punishable  in  the  ordinary  courts  of  common 
law  jurisdiction. 

"There  certainly  are  cases  where  an  officer  of  the  army 
should  be  made  to  answer  before  a  court  martial,  for  his  mis 
conduct  or  crime  in  relation  to  other  citizens ;  as  for  instance 
if  he  should,  with  the  aid  of  the  soldiery  seize,  and  punish 
with  stripes  of  his  own  motion  a  citizen  of  the  United  States, 
or  if  he  should  steal  the  property  of  a  citizen,  or  commit  any 
other  enormity  manifestly  degrading  to  the  station  of  a  Mili 
tary  officer :  the  present  case  is  not  in  my  opinion  to  be  consid 
ered  of  this  kind. 

"The  sentence  of  a  military  court  in  the  case  of  Capt. 
Vance  and  Mr.  Simmons,  would  not  be  a  legal  bar,  to  a  prose 
cution  in  a  court  of  civil  jurisdiction. 

' '  I  have  the  honor  to  be  sir  your  most 
"obedient  servant 
"CHARLES  LEE" 


384  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xiv 

Adams  felt1  that  McHenry's  doubts  as  to  whether  the 
president  could  appoint  to  newly  created  offices  in  the  recess 
of  the  senate  were  ill-founded  and  said  such  appointments  were 
his  right  and  duty.  Hamilton  differed  from  this  and  wrote  2 
McHenry  that  the  president  had  no  power  to  appoint  the 
new  officers  in  the  recess,  as  no  vacancy  existed.  A  vacancy 
is  a  power  to  fill  a  place,  after  a  casualty,  not  to  make  an 
original  appointment.  Lee,  the  attorney  general,  agreed  with 
Hamilton,  although  the  title  of  the  act  authorized  the  presi 
dent  to  "fill  certain  vacancies  in  the  army  and  navy,"  and 
Adams  decided  3  that,  as  there  was  a  difference  of  opinion 
and  no  need  of  haste,  he  would  defer  appointments  until  the 
senate  should  meet. 

McHenry,  therefore,  asked 4  Hamilton 's  opinion  as  to 
the  best  rule  to  be  adopted,  with  reference  to  promotion  of 
officers  in  the  twelve  additional  regiments,  and  received  the 
following  replies: 

"Philadelphia  April  26th 

"1799 
"Dr.  Sir 

' '  I  have  reflected,  as  you  have  desired,  on  the  most  proper 
principles  for  regulating  the  relative  rank  of  the  field  officers 
of  the  Twelve  additional  Regiments. 

"It  is  always  prudent,  when  no  special  reasons  dictate  a 
deviation,  to  adopt  for  cases  of  this  kind  a  rule  which  steers 
clear  of  comparison  of  personal  merit  and  avoids  the  danger 
of  wounding  the  pride  of  any  of  the  parties  concerned.  With 
this  view  (since  I  am  not  aware  of  any  special  reasons  that 
recommend  a  different  course)  I  am  of  opinion  that  as  to  all 
such  of  the  Field  officers,  who  have  served  in  the  army  of  the 
U.  States,  it  will  be  advisable,  among  those  now  of  equal  grade, 
to  let  their  relative  rank  at  the  close  of  the  war  govern.  This, 
according  with  military  prepossessions,  will  be  most  likely  to 
be  satisfactory  to  all. 

"As  to  those  who  may  not  have  served  in  the  army,  con 
siderations  of  personal  merit  and  weight  of  character  can 
alone  decide,  except  that  where  they  may  have  served  in  the 
service  or  Militia,  other  things  being  equal,  their  relative  rank 
there  may  guide. 

1  Adams,  viii,  632.     April  16. 

2  Hamilton,  v,   255.     May  3.     Lodge,  vii,   80. 

3  Adams,  viii,  647.     Letter  of  May  16. 

4  Hamilton,  v,   250.     Letter  of  April  23. 


1799-1800]  of  James  McHenry  385 

"As  between  those  who  have  served  in  the  army  and 
those  who  have  not,  it  appears  to  me  expedient  to  prefer  the 
men  who  have  served  in  the  army,  except  where  very  superior 
qualifications  may  manifestly  claim  a  superiority 

"With  great  esteem  &  regard 
"Yrs  Obedly 

"A  HAMILTON" 

"Philadelphia  April 

26.  1799 
"Dr  Sir 

"I  have  a  second  time  maturely  reflected  on  the  proper 
rule  for  promotions  in  the  army,  and  I  continue  to  adhere  to 
that  Avhich  was  adopted  by  the  General  Officers  last  winter,  & 
which  is  recapitulated  in  your  letter.  I  am  persuaded  that, 
in  the  general  course  of  things,  it  will  work  well  and  satis 
factorily 

"A  moment's  hesitation  as  to  its  uni 
versal  application  arose  from  the  situa 
tion  of  the  four  Regiments  of  the  old 
establishment.  The  understood  rights  of 

The  promotions  the  older   Captains,   as   resulting   from 

to  field  offi-  past  usage  may  appear  to  be  enf ringed — 

cers  should  be  But  this  inconvenience  must  be  encoun- 

complete  before  tered  —  perhaps  mitigated  by  a  distribu- 

the  rule  is  tion  of  the  oldest  Captains  among  the 

applied  four  Regiments.    There  cannot  with  pro 

priety  or  order  be  two  Rules—  That 
which  is  proposed  will  after  a  little  time 
operate  favourably  every  where  &  give 
equal  chances. 

"With  great  esteem  &  regard 
"I  am   Dr  Sir 

"Yr  obed  servt. 

"A  HAMILTON" 

Hamilton  was  urgent, l  before  he  left  Philadelphia,  that 
the  artillery  regiments  be  organized  into  companies  and  dis 
posed  of  and  submitted  McHenry  a  plan  for  this,  asking 
that  McHenry  settle  the  arrangement  and  communicate  it  to 
the  major  generals.  McHenry  wrote  Washington,  on  April 
29,  of  the  promotion  plans  and  that  he  will  now  push  the 

1  Hamilton,  v,  251.     Letter  of  April  26. 


386  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xiv 

recruiting  and  the  supply  of  clothes.  As  to  the  speed  of  the 
preparation  of  clothing,  Hamilton  was  very  sceptical  and 
wrote  on  his  return  to  New  York: 

"New  York  April  30.  1799 
""My  Dear  friend  — 

"I  hear  of  no  cloathing  arrived.  The  recruiting  service 
is  now  actually  begun  here  and  elsewhere.  I  trust  that  the 
cloathing  and  other  articles  will  certainly  reach  the  Regi 
mental  rendezvouses  before  any  of  the  men  are  there.  It  will 
be  a  discouraging  omen,  if  it  proves  otherwise.  I  beg  you  to 
appreciate  the  importance  of  having  the  articles  forwarded 
as  soon  as  they  can  be,  even  to  those  places  where  the  busi 
ness  is  not  yet  completely  organised,  in  the  reliance  that  what 
remains  to  be  done  must  be  quicklv  completed. 

"Yrs.  truly 
"A  H" 
"P.  S. 

"I  find  by  a  return  of  Cloathing  just  received  from,  Mr. 
Hodgsdon  that  the  process  in  preparing  the  Cloathing  con 
tinues  to  be  very  slow  —  proving  more  &  more  the  expediency 
of  changing  the  button  No.  1  on  the  six  hundred  and  odd 
suits  —  I  pray  you  to  let  such  articles  as  are  ready  be  for 
warded  to  the  several  destinations,  for  it  will  damp  extremely 
the  recruiting  service  which  is  now  begun,  if  the  supplies  for 
the  recruits  are  not  ready  to  be  delivered  to  them  —  fast  as 
they  may  be  raised." 

McHenry  suggested,  on  April  29,  that  Hamilton  corre 
spond  with  Washington.  He  did  not  know  that  his  friend 
was  so  doing  and  that  the  correspondence  was  not  always 
friendly  to  him.  Thus,  on  May  3,  Hamilton  wrote:  "It  is 
understood  that  the  President  has  resolved  to  appoint  the 
officers  to  the  provisional  army  and  that  the  Secretary  has 
thought  fit  to  charge  the  Senators  *  of  each  State  with  the  des 
ignation  of  characters."  The  clothes  are  still  delayed  and 
report  states  that  Adams  and  Wolcott  do  not  wish  to  accelerate 
the  raising  of  the  army.  Yet,  if  McHenry 's  "energies  for 
execution  were  equal  to  his  good  Dispositions,  the  public 
service  under  his  care  would  prosper  as  much  as  could  be 
desired.  It  is  only  to  be  regretted  that  good  dispositions  will 

1  This  reference  to  senators  produced  trouble  in  New  Hampshire. 
Lodge's  Hamilton,  vii,  79;  Granite  Monthly,  xxxviii,  123. 


1799-1800]  of  James  McHenry  387 

not  alone  suffice  and  that,  in  the  nature  of  things,  there  can 
be  no  reliance  that  the  future  progress  will  be  more  satis 
factory  than  the  past." 

On  May  5,  Washington  wrote 1  McHenry  that,  while 
the  officers  who  lived  near  the  capital  should  draw  pay  from 
the  time  of  their  acceptance,  they  should  not  hold  relative 
rank  from  that  date,  for  such  a  course  would  be  most  unjust 
to  officers  appointed  from  a  distance. 

Two  days  later,  Adams  wrote  concerning  appointments. 
il  Merit  I  consider,  however,  as  the  only  true  scale  of  grada 
tion  in  the  army.  Services  and  rank,  in  the  last  war  or  in 
any  other  war,  are  only  to  be  taken  into  consideration,  as 
presumptive  evidence  of  merit,  and  may  at  any  time  be  set 
aside  by  contrary  proofs. ' ' 2 

Hamilton  wrote  constantly.  What  shall  be  the  disposi 
tion  of  troops  for  the  summer,  why  does  not  the  accountant 
pay  money  more  promptly,  why  should  not  the  colonels  rec 
ommend  officers  for  promotion,  why  not  annex  Maryland  to 
Pinckney's  command  and  give  Hamilton  command  of  all  the 
forces  in  the  West?  3  Such  'are  some  of  the  queries  which 
are  sent  during  the  early  days  of  May.  McHenry  answers 
and  gives  various  directions  that  Maryland  had  better  not  be 
taken  away  from  Hamilton's  command  at  present,  that  en 
listments  are  for  five  years,  that  the  colonels  are  to  recom 
mend,  but  that  even  they  are  not  exempt  from  partialities, 
that  no  foreigners  are  to  be  enlisted,  if  it  can  be  avoided.  4 
He  is  also  busy  making  contracts  for  the  supply  of  rations 
to  the  forces.  About  this  time,  5  Washington  wrote,  con 
cerning  the  officers  to  be  appointed  from  Virginia,  whom  he 
had  been  asked  to  select.  He  feels  not  sufficiently  acquainted 

1  Sparks,  xi,   426;   Ford,  xiv,   174.     He  approves  of  McHenry's   plans 
for  promotion.     May  2,  McHenry  wrote,  asking  who  should  suggest  officers 
from  North   Carolina,   where   the   governor  was   not  sufficiently   impressed 
with  the  need  of  real  federal  men. 

2  Adams,  viii,   640. 

3  May   30,   McHenry  informed    Hamilton    that    Tennessee    would    be 
under  Pinckney. 

4  May  23,   McHenry  asks  Hamilton  to  recommend  officers  from  New 
York. 

5  May  13,   Sparks,  xi,  429.     Sparks  leaves  these  sentences  unprinted: 
"Sir, 

"Your  favour  of  the  2d.  inst.  concerning  dispatches  of  the  10th  ulto. 
was  brought  to  me  by  the  messenger  who  carried  my  letters  to  you  (of  the 
5th  &  6th.)  to  the  Post  Office  in  Alexandria.  *  *  *  There  are  many  matters 
necessary  for  me  to  settle  before  I  could  leave  home  with  any  tolerable 
conveniences,  and  many  things,  the  providing  of  which  would  run  me  to  an 
unnecessary  expence,  if  I  am  not  called  to  the  Field.  *  *  *  " 

Sparks,  xi,  447.  August  12,  Washington  wrote  that  there  was  no  im 
mediate  prospect  of  officering  the  Virginia  quota  unless  some  other  method 
of  finding  officers  be  provided. 


388  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xiv 

with  the  people  to  do  this  alone,  but  has  summoned  the  aid 
of  Generals  Morgan,  Lee  and  Marshall,  and  Colonels  Heath 
and  Carrington.  The  task  is  delicate,  for  he  must  find 
whether  men  will  accept  positions,  which  may  not  be  offered 
them.  He  suggests,  therefore,  that  the  war  office  give  public 
notice  that  it  may  have  to  raise  the  twenty-four  additional 
regiments  and  that  it  requests  that  "all  those,  who  are  de 
sirous  of  serving  their  country  on  the  terms  specified  in  that 
act,  would  signify  the  same"  to  "Washington,  or  to  whomever 
the  department  should  appoint  in  any  state  to  receive  the 
applications.  These  applications  should  be  in  writing  and 
accompanied  by  testimonials  and  would  be  of  great  use  in 
selecting  persons  to  receive  appointments.  Washington 
thinks,  from  Adams's  acts,  that  "stronger  indications  of  hos 
tility  have  been  received"  and  asks  to  be  told  at  once,  if  this 
be  so,  that  he  may  prepare  for  active  service.  He  also  urges 
that  the  "most  prompt  and  pointed  attention  be  given  to  the 
procuring  and  instructing"  men  in  artillery  and  engineering; 
in  which  the  "great  advantage  of  the  armies  of  France"  lies. 
McHenry  answered,  six  days  later,  that  he  feared  to  adver 
tise  for  officers,  lest  people  should  say  the  service  was  unpop 
ular.  To  this  subject,  Washington  recurred  in  a  letter  of 
June  6,  enclosing  letters  from  Marshall  and  Lee,  which  show 
they  can  be  of  little  assistance.  He  promises  to  pursue  the 
search  for  officers  from  Virginia  to  the  best  of  his  ability. 
Washington  transmits l  a  number  of  applications  for  ap 
pointment  as  officers  and  discusses  them,  reverting  especially 
to  the  position  of  chief  of  engineers,  for  which  he  thinks  no 
Frenchman  ought  to  be  employed  at  this  time. 

We  also  learn  of  Virginia  matters  from  a  letter  sent  from 
Charlottesville  on  May  3  by  John  Nicholas. 

"Your  inclosures  of  the  Commissions  to  the  Officers  of 
Capt.  Hay's  company  of  volunteer  rifleman,  together  with  a 
letter  to  myself,  &  another  to  Cap  Hays,  have  been  duly  re 
ceived  ;  the  delay  of  which  I  can  readily  believe  imputable  to 
no  other  cause  than  those  you  have  assigned.  The  propriety 
of  the  govt's  giving  incouragement  to  federalism  in  this  quar 
ter  of  the  Union,  where  its'  sparks,  I  am  sorry  to  say,  are 
too  rare,  can  not  be  unknown  to  those  in  the  President's  and 
your  situation.  It  w_as  my  great  zeal  for  those  principles  & 
that  conduct  which  I  have  ever  approved  of  in  the  administra- 

1  Sparks,  xi,  432. 


1799-1800]  of  James  McHenry  389 

tion  of  our  govt.,  I  undertook  to  recommend  the  volunteer 
corps  of  riflemen  of  Albemarle ;  &  am  not  a  little  gratified,  I 
can  assure  you,  to  find  that  recommendation  has  met  the 
approbation  of  the  President  &  yourself,  altho'  all  "the  requi 
sites  of  the  law  have  not  been  complyed  with."  Those  re 
quests  shall  be  attended  to,  &  the  necessity  of  a  eomplyance 
with  them  fully  impressed  on  that  little  band,  which  I  will 
also  endeavour  to  have  encreased.  But  I  have  to  inform  you, 
which  is  the  principal  object  of  troubling  you  at  present,  that 
the  'printers  copy  of  general  regulations,'  mentioned  in  your 
letter  to  me,  was  not  inclosed :  owing,  no  doubt,  to  the  variety 
&  multiplicity  of  other  and  more  important  business  of  your 
department.  You  will,  therefore,  oblige  me  by  inclosing  a 
copy  of  those  regulations  as  soon  as  the  business  of  your  office 
will  admit. 

"You  will,  before  you  receive  this,  have  learnt  the  state 
of  our  elections.  As  far  as  they  are  yet  known,  there  is 
great  reason  to  hope  we  shall  obtain  a  federal  majority  from 
this  state.  At  any  rate  we  have  secured  Marshall  (&  Goode 
in  the  room  of  T.  Claiborne)  two  important  changes.  I  have 
lost  my  own  election  by  a  very  great  majority,  owing  to  the 
powerful  influence,  the  well  known  opinions  and  great  exer 
tions  of  my  good  friends  &  much  admired  patriotic  Country 
men  T.  Jefferson  &  James  Monroe;  but  if  I  mistake  not,  the 
first  of  those  gentlemen  will  feel  the  influence  of  a  majority  of 
the  citizens  of  his  own  state  against  him  at  the  next  election 
for  a  vice  president.  I  flatter  myself  the  northern  states 
will  join  us  in  the  election  of  Marshall  or  Pinckney  to  that 
office ;  &  in  case  of  our  present  good  old  president 's  declining 
(which  God  forbid)  either  those  two,  or  Hamilton  &  one  of 
them  to  the  two  offices. 

"With  due  consideration,  I  am  Dr.  Sir 
"Your  most  obedient  huble  servant" 

Washington  wrote  again  about  his  uniform  :  on  June  7. 


1  Mount  Vernon  7th.  June  1799. 

Private) 

When  I  began  the  enclosed  letter  (left  open  for  your  perusal)  I  In 
tended  to  addres  it  to  Colo.  Biddle  ;  who  transacts  all  matters  of  that  sort 
for  me  in  Philadelphia ;  but  as  I  wrote  on,  it  occurred  that,  possibly. 
the  Quarter  Master  might  be  a  more  appropriate  character  to  accomplish 
my  order :  —  for  this  reason,  I  have  left  the  letter  without  a  Superscrip 
tion,  in  order  that  you  might  direct  it  to  the  one,  or  the  other  as  you  shall 
deem  best.  —  and  I  give  you  this  trouble  for  the  reason  which  is  assigned 
on  It ;  and  for  which,  &  troubling  you  with  such  trifles,  I  pray  your  excuse. 

I  had  thoughts  once,  of  asking  Genl.  McPherson  to  execute  this 
Commission  for  me;  (believing,  thereby,  that  it  would  be  well  done)  but 
never  having  been  in'  the  habit  of  corresponding  with  him,  I  declined  it, 


390  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xiv 

The  question  of  uniform  was  an  engrossing  one.  Hamil 
ton  had  written  McHenry  l  that  he  did  not  like  the  hats 
provided  for  the  soldiers.  "Nothing  is  more  necessary  than 
to  stimulate  the  vanity  of  soldiers.  To  this  end  a  smart  dress 
is  essential.  The  Federal  government  can  afford  to  provide 
this  and  should  do  so."  He  urged  also  that  arms  be  speedily 
provided  and  no  time  be  lost  in  teaching  the  recruits  their 
use,  in  performing  guard  and  other  duties.  The  provision  of 
supplies  was  still  tardy  and  Hamilton  wrote  concerning  this : 

"private  &  confidential  New  York  June  14.  1799 

"I  use,  my  Dear  Sir,  the  privilege  of  an  old  friend  to 
write  to  you  in  language  as  explicit  as  the  occasion  requires. 
The  fact  is  that  the  management  of  your  Agents,  as  to  the 
affair  of  supplies,  is  ridiculously  bad.  Besides  the  extreme 
delay,  which  attends  every  operation,  articles  go  forward  in 
the  most  incomplete  manner.  Coats  without  a  corresponding 
number  of  vests.  Cartouche  boxes  without  belts  &c  &c  noth 
ing  intire  —  nothing  systematic.  Tis  the  scene  of  the  worst 
periods  of  our  revolution  war  acted  over  again  even  with 
caricature. 

' '  Col  Stevens  tells  me  that  lately  materials  for  tents  were 
purchased  here  and  sent  to  Philadelphia.  This  is  of  a  piece 
with  what  was  done  in  regard  to  cloathing  and  it  is  truly 
farcical  —  proving  that  the  microscopic  eye  of  the  purveyor 
can  see  nothing  beyond  Philadelphia.  It  is  idle  to  pretend 
that  the  materials  in  such  cases  cannot  be  made  as  well  else 
where  as  at  Philadelphia  and  that  double  transportation  and 
the  accumulation  of  employment  in  a  particular  place  beyond 
its  means  can  tend  to  economy  or  any  other  good  end  —  and 
the  delay  is  so  enormous  as  to  overbalance  any  minute  advan 
tage,  if  any  there  be,  that  attends  the  plan. 

"  It  is  a  truth,  My  Dear  Sir,  and  a  truth  which  you  ought 
to  weigh  well  that,  unless  you  immediately  employ  more  com 
petent  Agents  to  procure  and  to  forward  supplies,  the  Service 
will  deeply  suffer  and  the  head  of  the  War  Department  will 
be  completely  discredited. 

on  reflection ;  —  and  of  course  the  Stars  for  my  Epaulets  have  stood  sus 
pended,  &  I  would  thank  you  for  sending  them  to  me ;  • —  and  if  it  is  not 
heaping  too  many  trifles  upon  you,  also  for  requesting  Mr.  McAlpin  (if 
he  has  been  able  to  obtain  the  gold  thread)  for  letting  me  have  my 
Uniform  Cloaths  by  the  Anniversary  of  our  Independence  —  forwarded 
in  the  manner  he  has  heretofore  been  directed.  I  am  always  and  very 

Affectionately  Yours 

Go.  WASHINGTON. 
1  Letter  of  May  18.     Hamilton,  v,  256  ;   Lodge,  vii,  80. 


1799-1800]  of  James  McHenry  391 

' '  The  object  will  very  soon  be  much  enlarged  to  an  extent 
to  which  such  men  and  such  measures  can  never  suffice. 

"You  must  immediately  get  a  more  efficient  Purveyor  & 
I  believe  a  more  efficient  Superintendant  —  or  nothing  can 
prosper. 

"My  frankness  &  plain  dealing  are  a  new  proof  of  the 
cordial  friendship  which  I  must  always  cherish  for  you  Adieu 

"Affect  yrs 
"A  HAMILTON" 

McHenry  replied,  on  the  next  day,  that  Hamilton's  at 
tacks  on  the  purveyor  1  and  superintendent  2  are  but  too  well 
founded.  He  expects  to  appoint  an  assistant  to  the  former 
but  the  latter  "has  so  strong  a  supporter,  that  I  dont  see  how 
to  get  rid  of  him." 

McHenry  was  much  interested  in  the  development  of  a 
permanent  laboratory,  or  arsenal,  in  Philadelphia  and  wrote  to 
have  Captain  Elliott  sent  there.  He  also  enquired  why  Major 
Toussard  should  be  sent  to  the  Potomac,  instead  of  completing 
the  duty  which  McHenry  had  assigned  him. 

Hamilton  answered  McHenry 's  letter  thus: 

"New  York  June  17.  1799 
"Dr.  Sir  — 

"Your  favour  of  the  15th.  is  received.  I  am  very  glad 
you  have  determined  on  changing  the  Purveyor.  I  think  it 
likely  that  Mr.  Williams  will  be  a  good  substitute. 

"As  the  subject  of  the  Q.  M.  G'-  —  removal  to  the  seat  of 
Government  began  with  you.  I  think  it  best  that  you  should 
write  the  definitive  order. 

"My  instruction  to  Major  Toussard  only  communicated 
his  eventual  destination.  It  was  my  idea  that  he  should  first 
execute  the  duty  to  which  you  had  assigned  him.  I  shall  take 
care  that  there  is  no  misapprehension. 

"I  have  not  time  to  recur  to  my  letter  ordering  Capt 
Elliot  to  Philadelphia.  But  I  believe  the  idea  was  included 
of  his  calling  upon  you  for  orders.  The  inclosed  will  settle 
the  matter  Yrs.  Affecly 

"A  HAMILTON" 

In  his  frequent  letters  to  McHenry,  Hamilton  urged  the 
sending  of  supplies  and  bounty  money;  3  suggested  that  there 

1  Tench  Francis. 

2  Colonel  Stevens. 

3  Hamilton,  v,  272.     Letter  of  June  18. 


392  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xiv 

be  fast  sailing  vessels  and  signals  before  the  principal  ports, 
that  we  be  not  entirely  surprised  by  the  enemy;  and,  contin 
ually  pressed  for  steps  to  be  taken  to  increase  the  supply  of 
clothing  and  tents.  If  blue  cloth  cannot  be  found  l  in  suffi 
cient  quantity  to  avert  the  terrible  delays,  he  proposes  to  take 
some  other  color  for  whole  regiments.  The  delay  in  raising 
cavalry  seemed  to  Hamilton  especially  grievous  and  he  sug 
gested  raising  one  troop  and  enlisting  the  non-commissioned 
officers  of  the  other  and  then  enlisting  all  the  officers  for  in 
struction  and  exercise. 2  Cavalry  tactics  must  be  established. 
That  arm  of  the  service  is  not  brought  to  perfection  even  in 
England.  This  plan  McHenry  thought  well  of,  but  seems  to 
have  done  nothing  at  the  time,  from  a  desire  to  husband  his 
means  and  guard  against  interrupting  the  infantry  recruit 
ing.  3  Hamilton  thought  the  engineers  and  artillery  should 
be  separated  and  complained  4  that  the  artillerists  were  not 
uniformly  drilled.  About  this  time,  McHenry  proposed  to 
offer  Count  Rumford  the  positions  of  lieutenant  colonel  and 
inspector  of  artillery  or  of  engineer  and  superintendent  of  the 
proposed  military  school,  a  project  McHenry  had  at  heart. 
Adams  approved  of  the  plan  and  McHenry  made  proposals 
to  Rumford,  through  Rufus  King,  but  without  success.  Rum- 
ford  had  written  King  suggesting  that  he  would  be  happy  to 
present  to  the  proposed  military  academy  of  which  King  had 
told  him,  his  collection  of  military  books.  King  thereupon 
wrote  McHenry  suggesting  that  Rumford  wished  to  revisit 
America  and  that  his  experience  might  be  useful  for  the 
academy.  McHenry  at  once  conferred  with  Adams  and  on  his 
consenting  to  the  offer,  asked  Rumford,  through  King,  to  take 
charge  of  the  academy,  but  Rumford,  after  considering  the 
matter,  declined  to  accept  the  position  and  King  on  September 
28  transmitted  McHenry  this  declination.  5 

From  Litchfield,  Connecticut,  Uriah  Tracy  sent  cheerful 
news  of  the  recruiting  on  June  10: 

"  *  *  *  The  recruiting  Officer  in  this  Town  has  nearly  his 
number,  &  can  have  the  whole  in  an  hour,  but  I  have  advised 
him  to  wait  a  little  &  pick  the  best.  He  has  a  fine  set  of  stout 


1  Hamilton,  v,  271.     Letter  of  June  16.     Lodge,  vii,  94. 

2  June    21    and    25.     Hamilon,    v,    275,    276    and    278;    Lodge,    vii,    95. 
July  2,  Hamilton  wrote  again.     Hamilton,  v,  284. 

3  July  27.     Adams,  ix,  4. 

4.  Hamilton,  v,   278.     Letter  of  June  28.     Adams,  viii,   660.     Letter  of 
June  24. 

5  Bllis's  Life  of  Rumford,  pp.   352   to  359. 


1799-1800]  of  James  McHcnry  393 

orderly  Yanky 's  as  you  would  wish  to  see  —  and  the  recruiting 
is  very  successful  all  over  the  State  —  as  I  am  informed." 

"N  B.  Are  we  to  have  a  minister  from  France?  If  so, 
ought  not  the  Senate  to  be  collected?" 

He  wrote  again  from  Litchfield  on  June  24: 

*  In  the  county  where  I  live,  there  is  one  compleat 
company  raised,  &  three  more  can  be  raised  here  in  a  month, 
altho '  the  busiest  season  of  the  year  —  &  in  next  autumn,  I 
can  raise  a  Regt.  here  in  this  single  county  in  a  month  —  & 
they  shall  all  be  natives,  &  the  best  of  men  for  activity,  size,  & 
character.  This  looks  like  bragging,  but  it  is  not  so.  I  de 
clare  it  is  a  sober  statement  of  facts,  as  I  really  believe.  Capt. 
Ramsey,  the  recruiting  officer  here,  informs  me  he  is  troubled 
to  get  rid  of  men,  who  wish  to  inlist  —  &  that  he  could  have 
inlisted  200  by  this  time,  had  he  had  money  &  clothing.  I 
will  write  to  Mr.  Sedgwick,  but  not  disclose  my  knowledge  of 
his  letter. 

"If  the  Devil  should  send  a  French  Minister  to  the  U. 
States  —  altho'  I  dread  a  journey  to,  or  stay  at  Philada.  in  the 
hot  season,  yet  by  all  means  let  the  Senate  be  convened.  I 
had  rather  risk  it,  than  not  to  have  it  in  my  power  to  say  at 
once,  as  I  will  most  certainly,  that  he  ought,  be  he  who  he  may, 
to  be  sent  directly  back  again.  I  will  not  consent  to  say  a 
word  to  a  French  Minister  on  the  subject  of  negociations.  1 
sincerely  wish  it  were  so,  that  the  Executive  could  &  would 
dismiss  him  instanter.  If  he  offered  an  indemnity  for  past 
injuries  I  would  accept,  but  go  no  further,  we  want  no  con 
tract,  league,  or  covt.  with  that  set  of  wretches. 

' '  I  trouble  you  often,  &  now  with  a  long  letter,  your  good 
ness  will  excuse  me." 

Even  there,  however,  there  was  complaint  concerning 
supplies,  as  we  learn  from  a  letter  written  at  Litchfield  on 
June  17,  by  John  Allen : 

"Your  favour  of  the  12th.  relative  the  proposed  Contract 
for  officers  shoes  is  duly  reed.  It  furnishes  me,  too,  with  the 
knowledge  of  the  Cause  of  the  very  miserable  manner  in  which 
the  soldiers  are  supplied  with  that  article.  Capt.  Ramsey, 
who  is  stationed  at  this  place,  unites  his  protestation  with 
those  of  his  men  against  the  scandalous  frauds  practiced  on 
them.  The  shoes  which  have  been  dealt  out  to  the  men  here, 
&  I  understand  the  same  to  be  the  fact  at  all  the  other  stations, 
are  of  the  very  worst  leather  and,  worst  manufacture.  A 
march  of  20  miles  would  totally  ruin  the  greater  part  of  them 


394  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xiv 

—  and  the  heels  of  many  of  them  drop  off  immediately  on 
handling  them.  The  hats  of  the  Soldiers  are  of  the  same 
quality,  a  rain  or  two  has  rendered  several  of  them  utterly 
useless  —  and  the  Cloaths  are  but  little  better,  particularly 
in  the  making. 

"By  these  things  the  public  service  is  discouraged,  &  the 
Government  itself  discredited.  Very  many  respectable  people 
impute  these  defects  to  circumstances  that  should  not  be  often 
named  —  they  surely  deserve,  &  I  trust  will  undergo  a  rigid 
scrutiny  —  they  must  be  traced  to  their  source. 

"Permit  me  also  to  inform  you  that  the  recruiting  ser 
vice  has  met  with  very  handsome  success.  Capt.  Ramsey, 
here,  already  has  56  fine  fellows.  But  Sir,  why  are  they  not 
furnished  with  Armsl  The  appearance  of  so  many  soldiers 
scattered  thro'  the  Country,  part  of  them  only  properly  clad, 
&  none  of  them  with  Arms,  makes  the  whole  business  assume 
too  much  of  the  air  of  a  farce.  The  people  call  out  for  more 
promptness  &  energy  in  their  business  —  and  really,  sir,  if  the 
Administration  is  to  be  saved  from  contempt  &  ridicule  of  the 
Country  it  must  be  by  a  more  vigilant  &  irresistable  pressing 
forward  of  the  proper  measures. 

"I  am  induced  to  write  thus  plainly  by  the  Murmurs  of 
both  Citizens  and  Soldiers,  and  which  the  Interest  and  honour 
of  the  Government  demand  there  should  no  more  causes  for. ' ' 

There  were  obstacles  at  Philadelphia,  whence  McHenry 
wrote  Hamilton  1  that  Wolcott  had  prejudices  against  aug 
mentation  and  said  the  revenues  were  inadequate,  that  either 
the  army  or  navy  must  be  suspended  or  dropped,  and  con 
templated  a  statement  on  these  points  to  Adams.  McHenry 
felt  that  "peace,  honour,  and  respect,  at  home  and  abroad, 
depends  upon  the  permanency  of  our  litle  army"  and  intended 
to  press  forward,  as  he  could.  Pickering  seemed  favorable 
to  vigorous  measures  and  McHenry  thought  of  wrriting  para 
graphs  for  Fenno  's  newspaper,  showing  ' '  the  necessity  of  our 
army."  He  exhorted  Hamilton  to  "keep  up,  among  your 
Eastward  friends,  a  due  sense  of  the  propriety"  of  action. 

At  this  time,  Hamilton  wrote:  2  "It  is  a  pity,  my  dear 
sir,  and  a  reproach  that  our  administration  have  no  general 
plan.  Certainly,  there  ought  to  be  one  formed  without  de 
lay."  Among  other  things  it  should  be  agreed  what  precise 
forces  should  be  created,  land  and  naval,  and  this  should  be 

1  Hamilton,  vi,  408.     Letter  of  June  26. 

2  Hamilton,  v,  283  ;   Lodge,  vii,   99. 


1799-1800]  of  James  McHenry  395 

proportioned  to  the  state  of  our  finances.  We  should  have  6 
ships  of  line  and  20  frigates  and  sloops  of  war.  He  offered 
to  come  to  Philadelphia,  if  advisable,  and  try  to  form  a  gen 
eral  plan,  in  consultation  with  the  cabinet,  feeling  that,  if  the 
chief  is  too  desultory,  the  ministry  ought  to  be  united  and 
steady.  1  "Besides  eventual  security  against  invasion,  we 
ought  certainly  to  look  to  the  possession  of  the  Floridas  and 
Louisiana  and  we  ought  to  squint  at  South  America."  The 
United  States  has  money  enough  to  do  what  is  needful.  Mc 
Henry  felt  the  truth  of  this  last  statement  and  wrote  Adams :  2 
"Being  a  nation  and,  not  of  the  lowest  order,  there  are  3 
things  essential  for  the  maintenance  of  our  proper  grade 
among  the  powers  of  the  earth:  (1)  An  army  and  means 
adequate  to  its  support,  (2)  A  system  calculated  to  keep  its 
wants  regularly  supplied,  (3)  Genius  in  the  general  who  com 
mands  it.  If  we  can  combine  these  things  with  a  navy,  and 
I  believe  we  can,  we  shall  have  nothing  to  fear  from  without 
or  within." 

A  sportive  side  of  the  war  is  found  in  McHenry 's  sending 
Washington  and  Hamilton  small  boxes  called  the  game  of 
Tactics  containing  military  figures,  as  a  substitute  for  chess 
men.  In  acknowledgment,  Hamilton  wrote: 

"June  21,  1799. 

"I  thank  you,  My  Dear  Sir,  for  the  military  figures  you 
have  sent  me.  Tactics,  you  know,  are  literally  or  figuratively 
of  very  comprehensive  signification.  As  people  grow  old,  they 
decline  in  some  arts,  though  they  may  improve  in  others.  I 
will  try  to  get  Mrs.  Hamilton  to  accompany  in  games  of  Tac 
tics  new  to  me.  Perhaps  she  may  get  a  taste  for  them  & 
become  better  reconciled  to  my  connection  with  the  Trade- 
Militant. 

"I  will  endeavour  to  get  the  Book  you  mention. 

"Adieu  Yrs. 

"A.  H. 

"In  answer  to  a  private  letter  long  since  received  from  you, 
I  ought  to  tell  you  that  I  am  in  the  habit  of  writing  to  General 
Washington. ' ' 

The  postscript  shows  a  slight  shame  that  he  had  concealed 
this  correspondence  so  long. 

1  McHenry   wrote   Hamilton    "The   army   and    the   expenses   attending- 
it  are  not  to  all  equally   desirable.     The  Secretary   of   the  Navy  has   no 
objection  to  a  few  regiments,  but  thinks  the  rest  of  the  revenue  would  be 
better  applied  to  the  marine.     I  go  on." 

2  Adams,  viii,  662. 


396  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xiv 

Another  point  urged  by  Hamilton  was  the  promotion  of 
Wilkinson  to  the  grade  of  major  general.  McHenry  did  not 
trust  Wilkinson,  and  even  Hamilton  urged  the  promotion, 
chiefly,  because  it  would  be  good  policy  to  avoid  all  just 
grounds  of  discontent  and  to  make  it  the  interest  of  the  indi 
vidual  to  pursue  his  duty.  1 

"Half2  confidence  is  always  bad."  Hamilton  wrote: 
"This  officer  has  adopted  military  life  as  a  profession.  What 
can  his  ambition  do  better  than  be  faithful  to  the  government 
if  it  gives  him  fair  play  ? ' '  McHenry  answered  3  that  he 
would  not  oppose  the  promotion,  if  Washington  desired  it,  but 
wished  nothing  to  be  said  of  the  matter  to  Wilkinson  and 
added,  "until  the  commercial  pursuits  of  this  gentleman,  with 
his  expectations  from  Spain,  are  annihilated,  he  will  not  de 
serve  the  confidence  of  government."  Washington  asked  Mc 
Henry  how  the  promotion  would  be  made  and  was  4  told  that 
he  should  recommend  it.  in  an  official  form,  to  be  laid  before 
the  president.  Washington  declined  to  do  this,  saying  that 
other  officers  had  been  appointed  to  important  places,  without 
consulting  him,  and  there  should  be  consistency  in  the  course 
of  the  administration.  He  especially  objected  to  shouldering 
the  responsibility,  in  doubtful  cases  such  as  this.  5  He  also 
regretted  that  Howard  and  Lloyd  declined  to  recommend  offi 
cers  from  Maryland  and  said  he  did  not  know  the  people  of 
that  state  well  enough  to  do  it  himself.  Even  in  his  own  state, 
as  the  secretary  would  not  advertise  for  applicants,  Wash 
ington  finds  a  difficulty  in  obtaining  suitable  men,  which  could 
be  avoided  only  by  dividing  the  state  into  districts  and  com 
mitting  the  recommendation  from  each  district  to  some  one 


man. 


1 


1  Letter  of  June   15.     Lodge,  vii,   92.     On  promotions  see  Hamilton's 
letter  to  McHenry  of  June  15,  printed  in  Lodge,  vii,   98. 

2  Hamilton,  v,   278. 

3  Letter  of  June  27.      See  Washington's  letter  to  McHenry  of  June  25. 

4  Letter  of  June   29.  5  Sparks,    xi,    445. 
6  A  little  later  Washington  wrote : 

"Private)  Mount  Vernon   14th.   July  1799. 

"My  dear   Sir, 

"After  reading,  and  putting  a  wafer  into  the  enclosed  letter,  be  so  kind 
as  to  send  it  as  directed.  — 

"The  young  Cornet  (in  my  family)  is  anxious  to  receive  his  Military 
equipments.  Daily  fruitless  enquiries  are  made  of  me  to  know  when  they 
may  be  expected.  — 

"Perhaps  if  you  were  to  jog  Mr.  Francis,  the  Purveyor,  the  sooner 
they  might  be  purveyed  and  the  young  gentleman  gratified. — 

"I  wish  them  to  be  handsome  and  proper  for  an  Officer,  but  not  expen 
sive.  In  my  last  on  this  subject  I  requested  that  the  Sword  might  be 
silver  mounted.  Yet  any  <5ther  mount,  such  as  the  Officers  of  Cavalry  use, 
would  answer  just  as  well.  With  esteem  and  regard  —  I  am  always 

"Your  Affect  Humble   Servant 

"Go.   WASHINGTON." 


1799-1800]  of  James  McHenry  397 

The  plan  which  McHenry  sent  Adams  on  1  June  29,  for 
providing  and  issuing  military  supplies,  seemed  to  Adams  one 
which  the  presidential  authority  alone  was  not  adequate  to 
establish  and  he  wrote  McHenry,  asking  whether  he  wished 
the  project  adopted  by  congress,  and  that  he  look  into  it  care 
fully  with  "Wolcott  and  Pickering,  before  recommending  it  for 
enactment  as  law.  Adams  refers  to  McHenry 's  zeal  for  his  de 
partment  thus,  "As  it  is  an  excellent  principle  for  every  man 
in  public  life  to  magnify  his  office  and  make  it  honorable,  I  ad 
mire  the  dexterity  with  which  you  magnify  yours,  by  repre 
senting  an  army  and  means  adequate  to  its  support,  as  the  first 
thing  necessary  to  make  the  nation  respected." 

McHenry  -  wrote  to  Samuel  Sewall,  chairman  of  the  com 
mittee  of  defence,  on  June  28,  1799,  stating  that,  as  the  ord 
nance  is  in  bad  condition,  and  the  secretary  of  war  cannot  visit 
foundries,  etc.,  there  should  be  an  inspector  of  artillery,  to  see 
that  contracts  are  properly  carried  out.  He  took  up  the 
subject  of  a  military  academy  and  stated  that  instructors  in 
arithmetic,  geometry,  mechanics,  hydraulics,  and  designing  are 
needed  to  teach  artillerists  and  engineers  the  art  of  forti 
fication. 

Matters  went  far  too  slow  for  the  assiduous  Hamilton,  3 
who  wrote  on  July  10 : 

"Why,  My  Dear  friend,  do  you  suffer  the  business  of 
providing  to  go  on  as  it  does.  Every  moment  proves  the  in 
sufficiency  of  the  existing  plan  &  the  necessity  of  auxiliaries. 
I  have  no  doubt  that  at  Baltimore,  N  York,  Providence,  & 
Boston  additional  supplies  of  Cloathing  may  promptly  be  pro 
cured  &  prepared  by  your  Agents  &  it  ought  to  be  done, 


1  Hamilton,  v,  285;  Adams,  viii,  662. 

2  State  Papers,  Military  Affairs,  i,  128. 

3  New  York  July  15.   1799 
My  dear  Mac 

If  Meade  was  here  he  would  tell  you  there  never  was  an  Irishman  but 
would  now  &  then  discover  the  potatoe  on  his  head  — 

I  did  not  mention  the  particulars  you  cite  in  the  case  of  the  Hollander, 
because  the  very  necessity  of  troubling  you  on  the  subject  implied  that  he 
was  not  naturalised  &  was  without  the  letter  of  the  Regulation 

Agreeably  to  your  permission,  I  shall  give  a  special  authority  to  Col 
Ogden  to  enlist  the  man  in  question. 

Yrs.  truly 

A  H 

My  dear  Ham.  If  you  will  read  your  case  you  will  perceive  it  was 
impossible  that  I  should  find  the  Hollander  within  the  spirit  of  the  regula 
tions  where  you  seemed  to  have  placed  him.  If  it  had  been  so  I  should 
have  tho't  a  special  permission  unnecessary. 

Yours, 
J  M  H 


398  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xiv 

though  it  should  enhance  the  expense.     Tis  terrible  at  this 
juncture  that  there  should  be  wants  any  where. 

"So  of  Tents.  Calls  for  them  are  repeated  from  Massa 
chusetts,  where  better  and  cheaper  than  any  where  else  they 
can  certainly  be  provided. 

1 '  Pray  take  a  resolution  adequate  to  the  exigency  &  rescue 
the  credit  of  your  Department. 

"Yrs  Affecly 
"AH" 

McHenry  answered  at  once, 1  that  recruiting  must  stop ; 
unless  clothes  can  be  provided.  Last  year,  the  contract  for 
clothing  failed,  because  not  enough  white  kersey  for  vests  and 
overalls  could  be  found  in  the  United  States  and,  this  year,  no 
person  could  be  found  to  make  a  contract,  because  of  a  well 
founded  belief  that  not  enough  white  and  blue  cloth  could  be 
procured  in  the  United  States,  in  season  to  complete  the  needed 
number  of  suits  before  late  autumn  or  early  winter.  Most 
of  the  cloth  was  imported,  after  the  arrival  of  the  spring  ves 
sels,  which  explains  the  delay.  Now  400  suits  per  week  can 
be  furnished.  Will  this  number  suffice  ?  On  the  22nd,  Ham 
ilton  replied  that  two-thirds  of  the  quantity  of  clothes  prom 
ised  would  suffice. 

Rations  and  winter  quarters  for  troops  also  commanded 
Hamilton 's  attention  2  and  he  wrote  concerning  them : 
"My  Dear  Sir 

"I  perceive  by  your  letter  of  the  16th  that  mine  of  the 
12th  has  not  been  rightly  understood. 

1  Hamilton,    v,    288.        July    8,    letter    from     Hamilton     to     McHenry, 
answering  one  on  questions  of   rank  and  promotion.     .Lodge,   vii,    98,   see 
p.    Ill    for  a  similar   letter   of   August   25. 

2  July   17,   he   wrote   McHenry  about   stationing   troops  where   rations 
were    cheapest   and   July    30    (Hamilton,    v,    292)    he    sent   regulations   for 
delivery  of  fuel,  stationery,  and  horses,  and  wrote  concerning  the  barracks. 
Hamilton,  v,  288;  Lodge,  vii,  107,  prints  a  letter  of  August  19  about  or 
ganizing  supply  departments,  etc. 

'Private  "New  York  July  1799. 

"Dear  Sir 

"I  return  you  enclosed  your  draft  of  a  letter  dated  the  25th  instant  to 
the  several  contractors  &c  —  with  a  paragraph  at  foot  which  is  submitted 
to  be  added  for  reasons  that  itself  will  announce. 

"The  doubts  you  mention  are  natural.  They  had  occurred  to  my  mind. 
But  considering  that  the  Public  is  entirely  free  as  to  the  stationing  of 
the  troops,  I  think  that  with  candour  and  good  policy  the  measure  may  be  pursued. 

"I  hesitate  whether  the  invitation  ought  to  extend  to  the  contractors 
for  Massachusetts.  Their  price  is  as  low  as  it  can  well  be.  The  position 
heretofore  intended  for  three  Regiments  is  in  Massachusetts,  and  it  seems 
just  that  the  moderation  of  the  contractors  there  should  be  rewarded  by 
the  enjoyment  of  the  advantage.  The  competition  of  Connecticut  New 
York  &  New  Jersey  may  be  excited  with  a  view  to  the  three  regiments, 
which  were  intended  to  be  placed  in  the  vicinity  of  Brunswick. 

"With    great    regard 
"Yrs.     truly 
"A   H" 


1799-1800]  of  James  Me  Henry  399 

' '  Its  principal  object  was  the  supply  of  the  present  year. 
This  it  aimed  at  cheapening  by  exciting  a  competition  among 
the  actual  contractors,  on  the  ground  that  the  troops,  while 
not  required  for  actual  service,  might  be  stationed  collectively 
where  the  supply  was  cheapest,  as  at  Brunswick  or  Trenton  in 
New  Jersey,  or  East  Chester  in  New  York  or  Bristol  in  Penn 
sylvania,  it  being  immaterial  whether  three  Regiments  are  at 
one  or  the  other  of  those  places  and  the  Government  having 
its  option  to  station  them  at  either.  Thus  the  contractors  in 
Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey,  &  New  York  might  be  induced  to 
bid  against  each  other.  So  the  contractors  in  Maryland  & 
Virginia,  it  being  indifferent  whether  the  three  Regiments 
shall  be  on  one  or  the  other  side  of  the  Potowmack. 

''In  Massachusetts,  the  ration  is  Eleven  cents  &  five  Mills. 
This  is  reasonable  &  shews  how  it  may  be  afforded.  In  the 
State  of  Rhode  Island  it  is  fourteen  Cents.  No  reason  for  this 
difference.  In  Connecticut  it  is  still  higher  with  still  less 
reason.  The  three  Regiments  for  the  Northern  Quarter  will 
of  course  be  stationed  in  Massachusetts  in  the  vicinity  of  Ux- 
bridge. 

"The  Price  in  New  York  where  issues  exceed  400  is  10 
cents  &  5  Mills.  This  is  much  too  high  though  predicated  on 
the  old  ration.  At  Brunswick  in  Jersey  it  is  16  cents  &  2l/2 
Mills  predicated  on  the  New  Ration.  This  is  higher  still.  At 
Trenton  it  is  16.  This  is  still  too  high.  But  the  difference 
ought  in  my  opinion  to  give  a  preference  to  Trenton  over 
Brunswick.  I  think,  however,  upon  my  plan  a  reduction  may 
be  obtained  at  both  places.  And  'tis  by  care  in  operations 
of  this  kind  that  economy  on  a  large  scale  will  be  attained. 

"I  hope  I  have  now  explained  myself  sufficiently.  If 
your  views  vary  in  consequence  of  the  explanation,  you  will 
inform  me  officially  —  if  not  privately.  And  I  shall  govern 
myself  accordingly.  It  was  my  intention  to  have  written 
myself  to  the  Contractor  respecting  Winter  Quarters,  after 
having  settled  with  you  the  General  Principles.  But  if  you 
think  proper  to  do  so  yourself,  it  will  be  equally  agreeable  to 
me.  But  I  shall  be  glad  previously  to  know  your  intention 
&  submit  to  you  some  ideas. 

"Yrs.  Affectly 
"A  HAMILTON 

"P  S 

"My  suggestions  as  to  the  Contract  for  next  year  were 


400  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xiv 

merely  incidental.  I  had  not  seen  your  advertisement  as  I 
recollect. ' ' 

McIIenry  had  written  Adams,  on  July  12,  that  an  army 
and  navy  establishment  is  essential  to  the  present  and  future 
interests  and  greatness  of  the  United  States  and  that  "we 
must  run  the  risks  which  other  nations  have  run"  and  Adams 
agreed  to  this,  but  still  thought  congress  must  approve  the 
plan  for  supplying  the  army.  l  He  is  satisfied,  however,  to 
agree  with  the  heads  of  departments,  if  they  think  the  powers 
already  given  are  sufficient.  2  When  dissatisfied  with  Mc- 
Henry's  department,  Hamilton  did  not  hesitate  to  say  so,  as 
is  shown  by  a  letter  written  July  22,  on  which  McHenry 
endorsed,  "This  is  not  so,  this  error  arises  from  the  articles 
being  forwarded  at  different  times."  Hamilton's  letter  reads: 

"The  return  lately  sent  me  shows  strongly  the  want  of 
system  of  your  Agents.  Instead  of  an  equal  apportionment, 
while  some  Regiments  are  altogether  without  certain  articles, 
others  have  a  full,  a  very  ample  supply  of  them.  This  ap 
pears  particularly  as  to  Muskets,  Cartouche  boxes,  Knapsacks, 
&  canteens  —  with  regard  to  some  of  these  articles,  indeed,  I 
know  that  orders  have  been  given  for  supplies  which  do  not 
appear  in  the  return.  But  as  to  others,  I  am  not  informed 
of  any  similar  circumstance.  I  call  your  attention  to  these 
particulars  that  the  inaccuracy  may  not,  in  the  pressure  of 
your  business,  escape  your  observation. 

"An  apportionment,  where  all  cannot  be  fully  supplied 
tends  to  distribute  accommodation  &  to  prevent  discontent. ' ' 

Still  Hamilton  wrote, 3  on  the  same  day :  "I  count  al 
ways  upon  your  confidence,  as  well  in  my  personal  friendship 
for  you  as  in  my  zeal  for  the  public  service,  and  having  no 
inclination  to  spare  myself,  it  only  remains  for  us  to  trace 
together  the  plan,  in  which  I  can  best  second  your  operations 
and  promote  the  service."  To  this  letter,  he  signed  himself, 
"Yours  with  true  attachment." 

Towards  the  end  of  July,  4  Adams  wrote  to  McHenry 
that  he  has  no  objection  to  raising  a  troop  of  cavalry  but  adds, 
' '  I  never  think  of  our  means  without  shuddering.  The  system 
of  debts  and  taxes  is  levelling  all  government  in  Europe.  We 

1  July    18.     W.    .S.    Smith    sent    McHenry    his    revolutionary    record 
On  August  10,  McHenry  wrote  him  that  no  allowance  was  made  for  fuel 
to  officers. 

2  McHenry   submitted  the  question  to  Pickering  on  the  21st 

3  July   30,    Hamilton  wrote  McHenry  asking  that   the  routine   of  pro 
motion  be  followed  and  the  rules  which  govern  it  -be  promulgated. 

4  July  27.     Hamilton,  v,  288. 


1799-1800]  of  James  McHenry  401 

have  a  career  to  run,  to  be  sure,  and  some  time  to  pass,  before 
we  arrive  at  the  European  crisis,  but  we  must  ultimately  go 
the  same  way.  There  is  no  practicable  or  imaginable  exped 
ient  to  escape  it,  that  I  can  conceive. "  At  this  time,  McHenry 
referred  the  question  of  establishing  another  arsenal  to  the 
other  heads  of  departments.  The  answers  of  Lee  and  Stod- 
dert  are  preserved. 

' '  Sir  Philadelphia  1  August  1799 

"1st.  I  am  not  satisfied  that  there  is  a  necessity  for  estab 
lishing  a  fourth  arsenal  with  magazines  at  the  present  time, 
when  the  three  which  have  been  established,  are  not  carried 
to  the  extent  of  usefulness  of  which  they  are  obviously  capa 
ble.  It  appears  to  me  to  be  an  unnecessary  expenditure  of 
public  money,  because  such  an  establishment  will  not  for 
sometime  to  come  be  requisite,  the  three  others  answering  all 
the  present  purposes. 

"2d.  The  buildings  and  alterations  at  Springfield  should  be 
immediately  commenced. 

"3     The  buildings  at  Harpers  ferry  should  be  prosecuted. 
"4     The  buildings  at  Rocky  mount  should  be  commenced. 

' '  I  have  the  honor  to  be  very  respectfully  your  most  obed 
ient  servant. 

"CHARLES  LEE" 

"Navy  Department 

"1  August  1799. 
"Dear  Sir 

"I  am  unwell  &  cannot  attend  the  meeting  without  pain. 
I  will  however  give  you  my  opinion  on  the  subject  of  a  fourth 
Arsenal  —  for  I  presume  it  is  a  fourth  —  &  that  neither  of 
the  others  are  to  be  declined. 

"If  the  three  Arsenals  already  Fixed  on,  were  completed 
&  filled  with  Arms,  I  should  suppose  —  it  might  be  proper  to 
establish  a  fourth  a  fifth  &  a  sixth  —  provided  there  was 
money  —  but  under  present  circumstances,  I  really  think  it 
will  be  most  wise,  to  go  on  with  great  spirit,  with  the  three 
already,  determined  on,  and  which,  in  my  opinion  are  properly 
placed  —  One  being  to  the  East  —  One  to  the  South  —  &  one 
in  the  middle  of  the  States  —  and  to  let  a  fourth  alone,  until 
these  three  are  filled  with  arms. 

"I  think  your  submission  contained  a  query,  whether 
Work  begun  at  Harpers  Ferry  should  be  finished  —  or  whether 
addl.  works  should  be  made  there. 


402  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xiv 

' '  Judging  as  an  officer  of  the  United  States,  with  a  view  to 
the  Interest  of  the  whole  —  &  on  this  principle  only,  will  I 
judge  while  I  remain  in  office  —  it  is  most  clearly  my  opinion, 
that  the  Arsenal  at  Harpers  Ferry,  should  there  be  an  differ 
ence  in  point  of  magnitude  in  the  three,  should  be  the  more  im 
portant  —  the  Mother  Arsenal.  It  is  without  comparison  the 
most  convenient  of  the  three  to  the  Western  Country.  It  is 
more  convenient  than  either  of  the  other  places  to  all  parts  of 
the  States.  It  is  nearly  in  the  centre. 

"Your  submission  also,  If  I  recollect  right,  contained  a 
quere  —  whether  additional  Works  should  be  made  at  Spring 
field.  There  is  no  question  with  me,  that  all  the  works  neces 
sary  to  the  object,  should  be  made  there,  without  hesitation  or 
delay. 

"To  sum  up  in  few  words  —  my  opinion  is  —  that  the 
three  arsenals,  in  the  places  designated  by  the  Genl.  officers, 
viewing  with  a  military  Eye,  the  land,  should  be  pushed  with 
all  possible  vigor  —  and  that,  when  money  can  be  spared  after 
filling  these,  it  will  be  time  enough  to  think  of  other  Arsenals. 
Excuse  my  abruptness.  I  write  in  pain.  I  have  the  honor  to 
be  with  great  respect  Dr  Sir  Yr  ms  Obedt  Servt. 

"BEN  STODDERT. " 

Another  difficulty  with  Hamilton  occurred  concerning  one 
Captain  Frey  whom  McHenry  had  ordered  to  discharge  cer 
tain  men  and  to  report  to  Major  Hoops,  commandant  at  New 
York.  Of  this  Hamilton  wrote :  l 

"X.  Y.  July  31  1799. 

"You  will  see,  my  Dear  friend,  in  the  case  of  Capt.  Frey, 
the  evil  tendency  of  correspondence,  by  the  head  of  the  War 

\  Hamilton  had  previously  complained  of  McHenry's  directly  dealing 
with  officers. 

"New  York  May  2d.  1799 
"My  Dear  Sir 

"Your  letter  having  informed  me,  that  you  some  time  since  encouraged 
Capt  Willing  to  expect  a  furlough,  and  having  learnt  from  him  that  in 
consequence  of  this  encouragement  he  had  made  arrangements  and  enter 
ed  into  engagements  for  the  voyage,  I  thought  it  would  compromit  you 
to  refuse  the  request.  I  have  therefore  very  much  against  my  own  judg 
ment  complied.  The  precedent  in  my  opinion  is  a  bad  one.  Let  me  in- 
treat  you  on  future  occasions  to  avoid  the  occasion  of  similar  embarrass 
ment 

"Yrs.   Affectly  A  H" 

On  October  24,  McHenry  wrote  Hamilton  that  Elliott  wishes  his 
own  men  at  the  Philadelphia  Laboratory  and  asked  McHenry  for  them 
directly.  Hamilton  was  hurt,  wished  Elliott  to  go  to  the  field  and  wrote 
that,  if  the  "representations  of  a  particular  officer,  founded  upon  a  detach 
ed  view  of  the  subject  ^and  addressed  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  are  to 
decide  in  the  1st  instance  the  propriety  of  the  employment  of  any  given 
force,  there  will  remain  very  little  continuity  in  our  military  establish 
ment."  McHenry  did  not  yield,  but  said,  "Send  any  25  men." 


1799-1800]  of  James  Me  Henry  403 

Department  with  inferior  officers,  when  there  is  a  superior. 
For  a  thousand  good  reasons,  it  cannot  be  too  carefully  avoid 
ed.  Perhaps  a  sudden  emergency,  when  the  superior  officer 
is  in  a  situation  that  recourse  to  him  might  defeat  the  object 
is  the  only  exception. 

"Yrs  truly 
''A.  H." 

He  also  issued  a  general  order,  stating  that  Frey  exceeded 
his  powers,  ' '  Nor  can  the  seeming  countenance  which  was  sub 
sequently  given  to  his  acts  by  the  department  of  war  vary 
their  real  nature.  The  circumstances  which  had  intervened 
were  probably  unknown  and  a  disposition  to  give  facility  to 
the  service  must  be  presumed  to  have  caused  the  Secretary  to 
have  overlooked  the  incompatibility  of  the  proceedings  with 
his  instructions."  This  stricture,  wrote  McHenry,  wras  not 
necessary  and  "should  have  been  avoided.  The  head  of  the 
department  of  war  ought  not  to  be  held  up  in  a  general  order 
as  having  been  ignorant  of  or  having  been  inattentive  to  his 
duties."  "I  perceive  you  entertain  an  opinion  that  I  have 
wantonly  or  ignorantly  given  orders  to  inferior  officers  within 
the  command  of  their  superior.  This  is  not  the  case,  whatever 
may  have  been  insinuated  to  you  to  the  contrary."  McHenry 
' '  always  received  from  his  friend  his  intimations  with,  at  least 
a  disposition  to  benefit  by  them;"  but  this  accusation  was 
unjust.  Hamilton's  idea  of  the  relations  of  the  secretary  and 
the  various  officers  was  as  follows:  "In  my  conception,  the 
true  rule  is  this,  The  Secretary  of  war  and  his  subordinate 
agents  may  correspond  immediately  on  the  business  of  ex 
penditure  and  supply  in  its  various  branches,  with  all  those 
officers  who  are  charged  with  it,  such  as  Quartermasters,  com 
missaries,  paymasters,  and  other  descriptions  of  persons,  form 
ing  what  is  commonly  called  the  civil  staff,  but  they  ought  to 
hold  no  communication  with  any  merely  military  officer,  i.  e. 
any  officer  not  attached  to  the  business  of  expenditure  or  sup 
ply,  other  than  the  principal  officer  of  an  army  or  within  a 
military  district  or  command.  This  rule  wrould  confine  the 
communications  of  the  Secretary  of  war  to  Gen.  Washington 
and  the  2  Major  Generals.  It  is  true  that  there  are  special 
cases,  in  which  it  may  be  proper  to  depart  from  the  rule,  such 
as  sudden  and  unforeseen  emergencies,  where  the  public  inter 
est  or  service  might  suffer  by  a  delay  incidental  to  a  communi 
cation  with  the  chief  and  there  may  be  geographical  circum 
stances  which  may  require  exceptions,  but  these  ought  to  be 


404  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xiv 

previously  settled  with  the  chief,  defining  the  extent  and  the 
objects  —  complaints  by  inferiors  of  injuries  received  or  sup 
posed  to  have  been  received  from  the  chief,  but  the  cases  are 
and  must  always  be  supported  by  some  important  reason  of  a 
special  nature." 

He  had  not  intended  to  offend  McHenry  and  wrote : 

"New  York  Aug.  5th.  1799. 

' '  If  there  be  any  thing  in  my  general  order  lately  sent  you 
which  imputes  to  the  Secretary  of  War  ignorance  or  inatten 
tion,  I  agree  with  you,  my  Dear  friend,  that  it  ought  not  to 
have  been  there.  I  add  that,  if  done  with  design,  it  would  be 
a  very  culpable  indecorum.  But  if  it  does  bear  this  construc 
tion,  I  have  very  clumsily  executed  my  own  intention.  And  I 
give  you  my  honor  that  so  far  from  being  sensible  of  it,  my 
aim  was  quite  the  reverse. 

"I  have  already  told  you  my  opinion,  that  the  letter  from 
you  to  Capt  Frye  was,  in  the  view  of  Military  Etiquette,  ir 
regular.  It  ought  to  have  been  addressed  to  Major  Hoops. 
If  my  memory  serves  me  right,  it  refers  to  the  matter  by  Capt. 
Freye  &  thus  gives  him  the  pretext  of  your  sanction.  It  was 
necessary  to  do  away  this  reference  —  and  at  the  same  time 
to  obviate,  on  the  mind  of  the  army,  the  idea  of  irregularity 
on  your  part.  My  object  was  to  reconcile  these  two  things. 

' '  The  means,  I  employed,  were  these  two  suggestions  —  1 
That  the  intermediate  circumstances  were  unknown  to  you. 
In  this,  you  see  nothing  amiss.  2  That  from  a  disposition  to 
give  facility  to  the  service,  you  overlooked  the  inconsistency 
of  what  was  done  with  your  instructions.  Does  this  imply  ig 
norance  or  inattention?  I  think  not.  Every  superior  some 
times  overlooks,  that  is  forbears  to  take  notice  of,  the  incom 
patibility  of  the  conduct  of  an  inferior  with  his  instructions, 
though  he  clearly  perceives  (and,  consequently,  acts  neither 
from  ignorance  nor  inattention)  that  incompatibility  —  but 
willing  to  give  facility  to  the  service  in  the  particular  instance 
he  thinks  it  best  to  wave  any  objection  to  what  has  been  done 
&  even  to  give  effect  to  it.  In  civil  &  military  life  this  has 
happened  to  myself;  and  yet  to  have  it  stated  would  not  in 
my  opinion  charge  me  either  with  ignorance  or  inattention. 
There  may  often  be  good  reason  for  overlooking  a  fault  which 
we  perceive.  To  overlook  is  very  different  from  not  to  see  or 
not  to  attend  to.  It  is  in  one  sense  to  excuse,  to  forbear  to 


1799-1800]  of  James  McHenry  405 

punish  or  animadvert  upon  And  it  seems  to  me  that  it  is 
plainly  in  this  sense  that  it  is  used  in  the  general  order.  Most 
certainly  it  was  intended  so  to  be. 

"Now  let  me  rebuke  you  in  turn.  How  would  you  imagine 
that  I  entertain  an  opinion  that  you  have  wantonly  or  ignor- 
antly  given  orders  to  inferior  officers  within  the  command  of 
their  superior?  It  is  to  injure  my  friendship  for  you  to 
suppose  that  I  could  think  you  had  wantonly  done  so.  That 
you  may  have  done  so,  through  want  of  a  strict  habit  on  the 
subject,  or  perhaps  from  some  incorrectness  of  ideas  with  re 
gard  to  military  Etiquette,  I  have  indeed  believed  but  nothing 
worse.  And  I  cannot  think  that  this  belief  ought  to  give  you 
pain.  It  only  implies  that  you  have  not  been  long  enough 
called  by  situation  to  contemplate  or  practice  upon  that  eti 
quette  to  have  formed  exact  notions  of  it  and  a  habit  of  con 
forming  to  it.  I  do  not  myself  pretend  to  be  an  adept  in  this 
species  of  knowledge;  though  I  have  endeavored  to  systema 
tize  my  ideas  on  the  subject.  They  are  these,  in  brief,  that 
the  Department  of  War  may  regularly  correspond  with  the 
Civil  Staff  or  a  officer  charged  with  the  business  of  expenditure 
&  supply  in  its  various  branches  without  passing  through  the 
medium  of  the  Chief  Military  Officer.  But  that,  in  all  other 
matters,  the  correspondence  ought  to  be  with  them  exclusively 
—  saving  the  case  of  sudden  emergency,  in  which  the  object 
would  suffer  by  using  him  as  the  medium. 

"Yrs  Affecty. 
"A.  H." 

To  the  latter  letter  McHenry  thus  replied  on  August  10, 
"I  am  fully  satisfied  my  dear  Hamilton,  from  what  you  say, 
that  you  had  no  intention  to  insinuate  in  the  general  order 
anything  that  could  affect  my  character  in  the  eye  of  the 
public  or  army  and  I  am  no  longer  uneasy.  Upon  the  other 
point,  let  me  assure  you  that  the  military  rule  or  correspond 
ence,  which  I  have  departed  from  in  some  instances,  as  rela 
tive  to  General  Wilkinson,  did  not  take  place  without  sub 
stantial  cause.  I  am  in  possession  of  my  justification,  were  it 
necessary  to  stir  the  subject.  There  may  be,  however,  partic 
ular  cases,  independent  of  these  where  I  have  erred  through 
inattention  and,  who  is  it  will  not,  with  so  much  business  to 
attend  to  as  I  have."  He  sends  a  military  text  book  and  adds, 
' '  The  book  has  merit.  But  as  Aristotle 's  rules  never  produced 
a  good  tragedy ;  neither,  in  my  opinion,  will  the  best  military 


406  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xiv 

books  produce  a  great  general.  Both  characters  are  the  result 
of  the  energies  of  genius." 

Meanwhile  matters  had  gone  on  slowly  at  Paris.  l  La 
fayette  had  written  McIIenry  on  April  18,  in  his  joy  over  the 
news  that  the  war  had  been  averted  for  the  time,2  "I  must 
express  the  happiness  I  have  felt  in  hearing  that  plenipoten 
tiary  ministers  are  going  from  the  United  States  to  bring 
about  a  reconciliation  with  France.  I  am  persuaded,  as  I 
have  formerly  written,  that  the  French  Government  are  in 
earnest. ' ' 

McHenry  's  own  town  of  Baltimore,  where  a  fort  had  been 
established,  called  by  his  name,  3  and  destined  to  become  fam 
ous  in  connection  with  Key 's  poem,  was  much  concerned  about 
the  fortification  and  Samuel  Smith  wrote  Adams  from  Balti 
more  on  July  24 : 

"I  Do  myself  the  honor  to  Inclose  you  a  publication  of 
the  Committee  of  this  City,  whether  it  will  have  the  desired 
effect  contemplated  I  cannot  yet  determine.  The  following 
Expression  Induced  me  to  address  you.  We  are  informed  by 
the  Sect,  of  War  that  the  Finances  of  the  II.  S.  did  not  admit 
of  a  larger  appropriation  than  twenty  thousand  Dollars  to 
wards  the  fortifications  to  be  erected  near  our  City. 

"This  information  is  Certainly  not  Calculated  to  make  a 
very  favorable  impression  on  the  public  Mind.  What  will 
foreign  po\vers  think  when  they  are  told  from  the  Sect  of  War 
that  our  finances  are  Such  that  more  than  twenty  thousand 
dollars  Could  not  be  Spared  to  fortify  A  City  known  to  be  of 
the  Commercial  Consequence  of  Baltimore.  But  is  the  Secre 
tary  correct  —  on  recurring  to  the  Appropriation  Laws,  I  find 
that,  in  May  1798,  the  Sum  of  two  hundred  &  fifty  thousand 
dollars  were  appropriated  for  fortifying  the  Ports  &  harbours 
&,  in  June  following,  a  further  sum  of  twenty  five  thousand, 
making  together,  with  the  Amount  unexpended  of  former 
appropriations,  a  sum  between  $420  &  $440  thousand  dollars, 
of  which  there  remained  unexpended  on  the  30  September  last, 
agreeably  to  the  report  of  the  Secty.  of  the  Treasury  326  thou 
sand  dolls.  And  of  this  last  Sum,  I  am  inclined  to  believe, 
a  Considerable  proportion  remain  still  unexpended.  From 
this  Statement,  I  cannot  but  hope  &  believe  that  you  will  be 
of  Opinion  that  a  larger  Amount  than  twenty  thousand  dollrs. 

1  April   20,     Adams  wfote  Pickering  approving  the  statements  of  the 
heads  of  departmens  concerning  our  relations  to  St.  Domingo. 

2  J.  Adams,  viii,  628. 

3  There  was  also  a  Fort  McHenry  on  the  Mississippi. 


1799-1800]  of  James  McHenry  407 

ought  to  be  granted.  I  am  informed  that  the  last  Estimate 
States  60  thousand  Dollars  as  the  sum  required  —  however, 
I  presume  that  twenty  five  thousand,  in  Addition  to  that 
already  expended,  would  be  as  much  as  Could  be  expended 
this  summer.  With  the  greatest  Respect 

' '  I  have  the  Honor  to  be 
"your  Obedt  Servt" 

Adams  transmitted  Smith's  request  from  Quincy  on  Au 
gust  5 : 
"Sir 

"I  return  you  Col.  Hawkins  of  23  of  May  inclosed  in 
yours  of  29.  July  and  am  happy  to  find  that  all  accounts  agree 
in  holding  out  expectations  of  a  continuance  of  Peace  with  the 
Indians. 

"Inclosed  is  a  letter  to  me  from  Gen.  S.  Smith  of  Balti 
more,  dated  24  July  with  an  address  to  the  Citizens  of  Balti 
more  from  the  Marine  Committee,  in  a  slip  of  a  Newspaper. 
I  wish  that  Justice  may  be  done  to  that  City,  and  that  it  may 
have  its  proportion  of  Aid  in  the  fortification  of  it.  I  wish 
also  to  know,  What  Sum  is  destined  for  the  fortifications  of 
Castle  Island  &  Governors  Island  in  Boston  Harbour.  I  wish 
also  to  know  the  plan  for  appointing  Surgeons  &  Mates  for 
Garrisons  &  Regiments  &c. 

"J.  ADAMS." 

Many  of  the  Federalists  were  displeased  with  the  French 
mission  and  Robert  Goodloe  Harper  wrote  McHenry  from  Bal 
timore  on  August  2 : 

"*  *  *  I  always  thought  the  mission  an  ill-judged  & 
unlucky  measure,  but  having  been  adopted  I  think  that  the 
policy  and  dignity  of  the  government,  equally  demand  that  it 
should  be  persued  in  a  spirit  of  fairness  and  liberal  good 
faith.  The  question,  then,  is,  whether  the  engagement  of  Mr. 
Talleyrand  such  as  it  appears  in  Mr.  Murray's  communica 
tion,  does  not  fully  imply  an  audience  of  the  Directory?  I 
think  it  does;  and,  therefore,  that  a  formal  answer  in  the 
affirmative,  to  that  condition,  was  not  necessary.  He  says 
'they  shall  be  received  according  to  their  functions,  and  re 
spected  according  to  the  Law  of  Nations.'  Can  this  be  done 
without  an  audience?  I  should  suppose  not,  since,  as  far  as 
I  am  informed,  an  audience  is  one  of  the  marks  of  respect  in 
variably  allowed,  to  foreign  ministers,  by  the  Law  of  Nations. 

"The  French,  it  is  true,  might  refute  it,  and  shelter  them- 


408  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xiv 

selves  under  the  evasive  silence  of  Mr.  Talleyrand,  but  it  would 
be  a  manifest  and  paltry  quibble,  which  must  disgrace  them 
still  further,  and  add  new  strength  to  our  cause :  whereas 
should  we  avail  ourselves  of  this  silence  to  break  off  the  affair, 
we  should  give  them,  and  their  party,  an  opportunity  of 
throwing  the  blame  upon  us,  and  charging  us  with  insincerity 
from  the  beginning  and  I  confess  that  I  should  fear  the  effect 
of  this  charge  among  our  people. 

"Besides,  the  President,  in  his  communication  to  the  sen 
ate,  wrhich  will,  probably  &  perhaps  with  reason,  be  considered 
as  the  measure  of  the  assurances,  makes  no  express  mention 
of  this  audience:  from  whence  it  seems  to  have  been  consid 
ered,  by  him,  as  included  within  the  general  expressions.  To 
insert  a  particular  measure  of  it  afterwards,  and  make  their 
silence  upon  it  a  ground  for  breaking  off,  would,  in  my 
opinion,  be  a  very  hazzardous,  if  not  a  very  improper  conduct ; 
to  which,  I  think,  it  would  be  very  difficult  to  reconcile  the 
American  mind. 

' '  In  fine,  my  dear  sir,  I  see  in  this  silence,  and  in  the  inti 
mation  of  Mr.  Talleyrand  which  you  have  noticed,  the  marks 
of  that  paltry  spirit,  combined  with  insolence,  whereby  the 
Directorial  counsels  have,  at  all  times,  been  distinguished. 
If  they  mean  to  lay  a  snare  for  us,  the  best  way  of  avoiding 
it,  as  it  appears  to  me,  will  be  to  accept  the  assurances,  and 
send  the  ministers;  with  instructions,  at  the  same  time,  to 
insist  on  an  audience  as  part  of  the  promised  reception.  Thus 
we  may  save  our  own  dignity  and  disappoint  their  acts.  But 
I  am  already  of  opinion  that  it  will  never  do,  to  retain  minis 
ters  on  account  of  this  silence,  whether  accidental  or  designed, 
of  Mr.  Talleyrand. 

"Who  is  to  supply  Henry's  place?  It  would  afford  one  a 
pleasant  opportunity  of  seeing  France,  and  Europe,  of  judg 
ing  by  the  eyes  as  well  as  the  ears. 

' '  God  be  with  you  &  your 's  is  the  sincere  wish  of,  my  dear 
sir,  "Your  friend  &  Hble  servt." 

Washington  felt l  that  the  conditions  were  critical  and 
wrote  McHenry:  "I  think  you  Wisemen  of  the  East  have 
got  yourselves  into  a  hobble  relatively  to  France,  Great  Brit 
ain,  Russia,  and  the  Porte,  to  which  allow  me  the  privilege  of 
adding  our  worthy  Demos.  All  cannot  be  pleased !  whom  will 
you  offend?  Here  then  is  a  severe  trial  for  your  diplomatic 

1  August  11.     Ford,  xiv,  193. 


1799-1800]  of  James  Me  Henry  409 

skill.  But  to  be  serious,  I  think  the  nomination  and  appoint 
ment  of  Ambassadors  to  treat  with  France  would  in  any  event, 
have  been  liable  to  unpleasant  reflections  (after  the  Declara 
tions  which  have  been  made)  and,  in  the  present  state  of 
matters  in  Europe,  must  be  exceedingly  embarrassing.  The 
President  has  a  choice  of  difficulties  before  him  in  this  busi 
ness;  if  he  pursues  the  line  he  marked  out,  all  the  conse 
quences  cannot  be  foreseen.  If  he  relinquishes  it,  it  will  be 
said  to  be  of  a  piece  with  all  the  other  acts  of  the  administra 
tion  —  unmeaning,  if  not  wicked,  deceptions,  &c,  &c,  &c,  and 
will  arm  the  opposition  with  fresh  weapons,  to  commence  new 
attacks  upon  the  Government,  be  the  turn  given  to  it,  and  the 
reasons  assigned,  what  they  may."  He  asks  the  truth  con 
cerning  certain  charges  of  bribery  brought  against  public  of 
ficers  in  the  Republican  newspapers  and  is  most  earnest  in 
urging  the  prosecution  of  the  makers  of  false  charges  of  this 
sort.  Adams 's  tarrying  in  Massachusetts  disturbs  him  and  he 
inquires,  "Is  the  President  returned  to  the  seat  of  Govern 
ment?  When  will  he  return?  His  absence  (I  mention  from 
the  best  motives)  gives  much  discontent  to  the  friends  of  gov 
ernment,  while  its  enemies  chuckle  at  it  and  think  it  a  favor 
able  omen  for  them." 

Hamilton,  still  impatient  over  delays, 1  wrote  thus:  "Be 
lieve  me  the  service  is  every  where  suffering  for  the  want  of 
proper  organization.  It  is  one  thing  for  business  to  drag  off  - 
another  for  it  to  go  on  well.  The  business  of  supply  in  all  its 
branches  (except  as  to  provisions)  proceeds  heavily  and  with 
out  order  or  punctuality  —  in  a  manner  equally  ill  adapted 
to  economy  on  a  large  scale,  as  to  efficiency  and  the  content 
ment  of  the  army.  It  is  painful  to  observe  how  disjointed  and 
piece  meal  a  business  it  is :  —  among  other  evils  is  this  that 
the  head  of  the  War  Department  and  the  chiefs  of  the  several 
divisions  of  the  army  exhaust  their  time  in  details,  which, 
beyond  a  general  superintendence,  are  foreign  to  them  and 
plans  for  giving  perfection  to  our  military  system  are  unavoid 
ably  neglected.  Let  me  repeat,  my  dear  friend,  my  earnest 
advice,  that  you  proceed  to  organize  without  delay  the  sev 
eral  branches  of  the  departments  of  supply ;  that  is  to  fix  the 
places  and  appoint  the  agents." 

McHenry,  answering  on  the  29th,  defines  what  he  regards 
the  scope  of  his  duties;  "I  consider  it  the  duty  of  a  com- 

1  Hamilton,  v,  300.     August  13,   1799,  Hamilton  to  McHenry  concern 
ing  his  own   position.     Lodge,  vii,    103. 


410  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xiv 

manding  general  not  only  to  make  returns  of  all  articles, 
among  these  clothing,  wanted  for  his  troops,  but  to  make  them 
in  such  season  as  to  allow  of  making  up  and  transporting 
them  to  their  destinations.  That  I  consider  it  to  be  my  duty 
to  direct  as  far  as  practicable  and  as  promptly  as  may  be,  a 
compliance  with  the  requisitions  made,  by  causing  the  deliv 
ery  of  the  articles  called  for  to  the  Quartermaster  General  for 
transportation.  I  suppose  my  duty  is  completed  by  such  de 
livery  to  the  Quartermaster  General  and  that  all  ulterior 
orders  respecting  the  destination  and  distribution  of  the  arti 
cles  proportionately  at  different  posts  should  exclusively 
emanate  from  the  commanding  general."  Any  case  of  ne 
glect  should  be  reported  to  the  Secretary  of  War.  McHenry 
explained  the  law  as  to  pay  and  said  he  issued  warrants  on 
the  treasurer  who  applied  moneys  according  to  the  warrants 
and  orders  of  the  commanding  general.  Hamilton  was  already 
considering  the  question  of  winter  quarters  for  which  he  pro 
posed  huts  to  be  built  by  the  soldiers  with  the  assistance  of  a 
few  carpenters.  l  He  suggested  that  three  regiments  may 
be  quartered  in  the  barracks  at  Carlisle.  2  At  first  McHenry 
thought  that  place  too  remote,  but  afterwards  favored  placing 
troops  there  and  at  New  Brunswick.  Hamilton  also  asked  for 
an  allowance  for  quarters  and  fuel  for  himself.  3  He  was 
not  rapacious,  but  he  needed  the  money.  The  fortifications  on 
Governor's  Island  in  New  York  harbor  and  the  regulations 
concerning  promotions  also  occupied  the  joint  attention  of  the 
general  and  the  secretary.  4  The  latter  wrote  that  the  estab 
lished  practice  was  to  fill  vacancies  in  newly  created  regi 
ments  with  new  men  and,  when  the  regiment  marched  nearly 
complete  to  headquarters,  relative  rank  was  settled  according 
to  the  officers'  succession.  McHenry  expected  to  appoint  two 
cadets  in  each  regiment  and  to  promote  according  to  merit. 
Hamilton  was  not  satisfied  with  the  secretary's  principles  of 
promotions  to  new  regiments  and  wrote5  that  commissions 
ought  to  be  held  as  rejected,  if  not  accepted  in  three  months. 6 
McHenry  7  answered  that  the  commanding  general  had 
the  declaration  definitively  of  relative  rank  of  majors  and 

1  Hamilton,  v,  299,   308,  341.     September. 

2  Hamilton    later     changed     his     mind     and      preferred      Greenbrook. 
Lodge,  vii,  105. 

3  Hamilton,   v,   297. 

4  August  25.     Hamilton,  v,    303. 

5  September  19.     Ham-ilton,  v,  331. 

6  Hamilton,    v,    32,6.      September    11,    Hamilton    wrote    for    an    allow 
ance  for  officers'  servants  and  that  there  should  be  a  corps  of  invalids. 

7  September   23. 


1799-1800]  of  James  McHenry  411 

company  officers  in  each  regiment  and  that  "military  etiquette 
on  the  subject  of  succession  is  the  production  of  rank  once 
settled,"  after  which  settlement  it  "has  been  tenaciously  ad 
hered  to,  most  probably  with  beneficial  results." 

Hamilton  replied  l  that  the  introduction  of  new  char 
acters  into  a  corps  once  organized  should  be  confined  within 
narrow  limits.  The  right  of  succession  he  "considered  as  the 
primary  reward  of  service."  It  "has  its  foundation  in  nat 
ural  justice  and  in  very  strong  passions  of  the  human  heart." 
As  soon  as  a  corps  is  organized,  the  expectation  of  promotion 
arises  spontaneously  and  the  time  of  the  definitive  arrange 
ment  is  too  uncertain  to  make  it  a  fit  criterion  of  the  right  of 
succession  and  would  make  regiments,  completed  at  different 
times,  have  a  different  relative  rank,  which  would  be  preju 
dicial  to  the  service.  Washington  felt  2  that  lieutenant  col 
onels  and  majors,  who  have  been  in  service,  should  come  first, 
but  wrote  that  his  information  as  to  others  is  not  sufficient  to 
arrange  them  nor  indeed  to  arrange  among  themselves  those 
who  have  seen  service.  His  own  position  was  that  he  was 
serving  the  country  without  pay,3  other  than  "reimburse 
ments  of  actual  expenditures,  unless,  by  being  called  into  the 
field,  I  shall  be  entitled  to  full  pay  and  the  emoluments  of 
office."  To  do  otherwise,  is  to  run  into  danger  of  miscon 
struction  and,  though  put  to  considerable  inconvenience, 
through  the  necessity  of  entertaining  visitors,  he  declined  to 
take  the  two  months'  pay  which  McHenry  offered  him.  Wash 
ington  recommended  very  few  persons  for  commissions,  and 
at  least  once,  in  the  case  of  John  Tayloe,  wrote  from  Mount 
Vernon  on  the  5th  of  May  to  request  that  a  resignation  be 
accepted : 

1  September  27. 

2  Ford,    xiv,    202.     September    15.     An    interesting    unpublished    letter 
of  Washington's  follows : 

"Private  Mount  Vernon  Sept.   1st.   1799. 

"Dear   Sir  — 

"I  find  by  looking  over  my  files  that  your  favour  of  the  14th  &  24th. 
of  August  have  never  been  acknowledged,  —  I  now  do  —  the  receipt  of 
them. 

"I  thank  you  and  through  you  Governor  Davie  for  his  'Instructions  to 
be  observed  for  the  formations  and  movements  of  Cavalry'  and  would  ask 
you  to  mention  this  to  him  when  you  shall  see  him  which  must  be  soon 

"I  pray  you  to  direct  Mr.  Francis  the  purveyor  to  furnish  me  with  the 
cost  of  the  equipment  of  Washington  Custis  as  a  Cavalry  Officer.  I  have 
had  a  small  sum  in  the  Bank  of  Pennsylvania  locked  up  being  afraid  to 
touch  it  lest  there  might  not  be  enough  left  for  that  event  &  should  find 
difficulty  in  remitting  the  Bal'e.  I  regret  exceedingly  the  cause  of  your 
removal  to  Trenton  and  am  My  dear  Sir  —  With  great  esteem 

"Your  Affct.   Hble   Servt 

"Go.   WASHINGTON." 

3  Ford,  xiv,  201.     September  14. 


412  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xiv 

"Sir, 

"This  letter  will  be  presented  to  you  by  John  Tayloe 
Esqr.  —  whom  the  President  of  the  United  States  was  pleased 
to  nominate  and  appoint  to  a  Majority  in  the  Regiment  of 
Light  Dragoons. 

"Mr.  Tayloe  waits  upon  you  to  explain  his  motives  for 
declining  that  honor,  at  present,  the  propriety  of  which,  I 
persuade  myself  you  will  not  only  acquiesce  in,  but  applaud, 
as  the  result  of  laudable  and  Patriotic  principles. 

"This  Gentleman  is  a  Senator  in  the  Legislature , of  this 
State  —  The  Politics  of  which  you  are  not  to  be  informed  of. 
A  part,  however,  of  which,  is  to  suffer  no  person  to  remain  in 
either  house  thereof  —  nor  to  enjoy  any  office  under  Its  gov 
ernment,  who  holds  any  Commission,  or  Appointment  of 
whatsoever  Nature  or  kind,  under  that  of  the  General  Gov 
ernment.  The  consequences  then  of  his  accepting  the  Mili 
tary  Appointment  would  be,  the  vacating  of  his  Senatorial 
Office;  and  as  he  informs  me,  the  probable  introduction  of 
an  opposition  Member  in  his  place. 

"Mr.  Tayloe 's  patriotism  leads  him  to  serve  his  Country 
in  any  capacity  wherein  he  can  be  most  useful ;  —  either  in 
the  Civil  or  Military  line;  and  having  been  pleased  to  ask 
my  advice  on  this  occasion,  I  have  frankly  given  it  as  my 
opinion,  that  under  his  statement,  and  in  the  present  aspect 
of  our  public  affairs,  I  thought  his  services  in  the  first  —  that 
is  in  the  Senate  —  were  more  immediately  necessary  and  im 
portant  than  they  would  be  in  the  latter  —  because  they  are 
now  actively  employed  in  the  one  case,  and  may  lye  dormant 
in  the  other,  unless  hostilities  on  Land  Should  be  the  result 
of  French  politics. 

"To  this  opinion  he  has  yielded,  or  seems  inclined  to 
yield;  —  with  a  hope  however   (as  there  may  be  an  impro 
priety  in  keeping  the  vacancy  open)  that,  if  the  exigency  of 
the  times  should  render  it  expedient  to  raise  more  Cavalry,  — 
the  service  to  which  he  is  most  attached  —  that  his  motives 
for  declining  his  present  appointment  may  be  not  forgotten  — 
but  aid  his  pretentions  to,  and  solicitude  to  obtain  a  new  one. 
Having  requested  me  to  relate  these  circumstances,  it  was 
but  just  I  should  do  so :  —  and  to  add,  that  with  great  re 
spect  — 

"I, am  Sir 

"Your  Most  Obedt  Hble  Servt. 
"Go.   WASHINGTON." 


1799-1800]  of  James  McHenry  413 

From  Adams  and  Hamilton  came  letters  as  to  individual 
appointments,  one  of  which  affords  additional  proof  of  the 
purpose  of  the  administration  to  nominate  for  commissions 
in  the  army  only  "Federal  characters." 

"NewYork  Jan.  19.  1800. 
"Dear  Sir 

"The  inclosed  letter  speaks  for  itself. 

"I  think  upon  the  whole  unless  there  are  objections,  of 
which  I  am  not  aware  it  will  be  expedient  to  place  Mr  Wilson 
in  the  new  Batalion,  so  as  to  reinstate  him  fully  in  the  situa 
tion  in  which  he  would  have  been  if  he  had  not  left  the  Ser 
vice.  He  appears  to  me  a  genteel  sensible  young  man  —  and 
as  to  his  morals  has  been  wrell  spoken  of.  You  best  know  if 
there  are  any  faults  in  his  character  which  render  the  matter 
ineligible  —  If  there  are  not  I  shall  learn  with  pleasure  that 
he  has  been  appointed. 

"It  seems  to  me  a  very  obvious  policy  will  lead  to  the 
gratification  of  the  wish  expressed  in  the  close  of  the  letter. 
This  may  be  a  means  of  bringing  new  interest  to  the  support 
of  the  army.  And  I  am  not  afraid  of  introducing  a  propor 
tion  of  very  young  men  whose  connections  are  not  of  very 
sound  politics.  The  Military  State  has  a  very  assimilating 
influence.  Let  me  add  that  it  may  be  useful  to  make  me  the 
instrument  of  affecting  this  appointment.  You  will  easily 
understand  my  meaning. 

"Yrs  Affecty 

"A  HAMILTON." 

Hamilton  wras  still  unsatisfied  and,  though  he  admitted  1 
that  some  of  the  officers'  complaints  are  baseless,  yet  others 
have  foundation  and  the  defects  in  the  public  plan,  causing 
these  complaints,  should  be  remedied.  "It  is  an  opinion  of 
some  standing  with  me  that  the  supply  of  the  army  except  in 
the  article  of  provisions  has  been  most  commonly  so  defective, 
as  to  render  a  considerable  degree  of  discontent  a  natural  con 
sequence.  In  a  revolution,  lack  of  supplies  may  be  acquiesced 
in,  but  not  in  a  mature  state."  Hamilton  does  not  wholly 
blame  McHenry  for  this,  as  "I  well  know  your  disposition 
to  ameliorate  our  plan." 

In  another  letter,  Hamilton  returned  to  the  same  question 

1  Hamilton,    v,    306.     September    3,    Pickering    recommended    that    a 
cargo  of  saltpetre  at  Boston  be  not  purchased  for  the  government. 


414  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xiv 

and  stated  that  ' '  The  want  of  a  proper  organization  of  agents 
in  the  various  branches,  of  the  public  service  of  a  correct  and 
systematic  delineation  of  their  relative  duties  has  been  a 
material  cause  of  the  imperfect  results,  which  have  been  ex 
perienced,  that  it  continues  to  embarrass  every  operation  and 
that,  while  it  lasts,  it  can  not  fail  to  enfeeble  and  disorder 
every  part  of  the  service."  The  amount  of  supplies  pur 
chased  depends  on  the  establishment  and  not  on  the  opinion 
of  the  commanding  officer  and  so  the  Secretary  of  War  must 
gauge  the  amount. 

Hamilton  wished  the  forming  of  permanent  arsenals,  1 
the  separation  of  the  business  of  procuring  and  issuing  sup 
plies  from  the  duty  of  a  particular  commander,  and  an  ar 
rangement  of  deputy  paymasters. 

McHenry  laid  this  plan  before  Adams  and  he  asked  that 
it  be  submitted  to  the  heads  of  departments  for  an  opinion, 
as  it  involved  much  expense  and  possibly  needed  legislative 
action.  The  old  system  is  "defective  in  particulars,  too 
weakly  manned  in  some  of  its  branches  and  susceptible  of 
amelioration,"  but  we  can  not  change  it  at  once*.  For  the 
present,  it  must  be  kept.  McHenry  gave  Hamilton  a  detailed 
statement  of  his  understanding  of  the  actual  conditions  as  to 
supplies:  1.  Clothing.  Until  recently  it  was  the  duty  of 
the  secretary  of  the  treasury  and  now  it  is  the  duty  of  the  sec 
retary  of  war  to  provide  annually  by  contract  for  full  comple 
ment.  This  implies  a  surplus,  as  the  army  is  always  below  the 
establishment  and  the  additional  quantity  is  ordered  for  ex 
igencies,  deposited  in  the  public  stores  and  drawn  through  req 
uisition  by  the  commanding  general  on  the  secretary  of  war 
and  by  the  latter  on  the  superintendent  of  military  stores,  who 
packs,  sends,  and  charges  it  to  the  various  officers.  The  quarter 
master  general  then  takes  and  delivers  the  clothing  to  the  of 
ficers,  who  give  to  the  soldiers,  taking  receipt  from  them. 
2.  Ordnance  and  other  military  stores  and  camp  equipage. 
The  secretary  of  war  has  the  duty  to  supply  these  in  accor 
dance  with  the  appropriations.  These  sometimes  are  particu 
lar  and  specific  and  sometimes  aggregate,  with  much  discre 
tion.  In  the  latter  case,  he  should  ask  information  from  the 
commanding  general.  These  supplies  are  distributed  in  the 
same  manner  as  clothes.  3.  Medicines,  surgical  instruments, 
and  hospital  stores.  -There  is  no  medical  purveyor  or  apothe- 

1  Hamilton,  v,   320. 


1799-1800]  of  James  McHenry  415 

cary,  but  the  senior  surgeon  of  each  hospital  or  garrison,  etc., 
makes  a  return  to  the  commanding  general  and  he  sends  these 
returns  to  the  secretary  of  war,  who  directs  the  ordinary  pur 
veyor  (sometimes  after  advice  of  experienced  physicians)  to 
purchase  and  turn  the  supplies  into  the  public  store,  whence 
they  are  distributed,  as  are  the  clothes.  4.  Quartermaster's 
stores  and  means  of  transportation.  Sometimes  the  quarter 
master  must  buy  directly  and  again  he  may  get  better  prices, 
etc.,  from  the  purveyor  of  the  war  department.  Requisitions 
are  sent  from  the  commanding  general  or  the  quartermaster 
general  and  the  quartermaster  at  a  post,  or  a  confidential 
sergeant,  if  the  post  be  small,  keeps  the  supplies.  5.  Pay  of 
the  army.  Rolls  properly  made  out  go  to  the  paymaster  gener 
al  and  the  secretary  of  war  must  put  sufficient  sums  in  his 
hands  to  pay.  There  are  agents  in  distant  places,  but  the  rolls 
are  never  dispensed  with.  "The  existing  system  of  supplies, 
executed  as  I  have  delineated,  will  bring  the  wants  of  the  ser 
vice,  in  a  great  degree,  if  not  completely,  before  the  com 
manding  general,  consequently,  will  enable  him  to  exercise 
the  superintendance  expected  from  him  with  much  effect.  It 
would  seem  too  that  the  general  superintendance  of  all  mili 
tary  concerns  peculiarly  belongs  to  him,  as  he  can  exercise  it 
to  most  advantage.  The  observation  applies  to  every  com 
mander  of  a  separate  army  or  great  military  districts."  Esti 
mates  must  be  made  in  good  season. 

Pay  to  the  soldiers  fell  behind.  McHenry  wrote  l  that 
the  treasury  would  not  advance  the  money.  Hamilton  said, 
if  the  muster  rolls  are  not  in  good  form, 2  accept  them  pro 
visionally.  The  pay  department  needs  reforms.  He  admitted 
he  drafted  the  form  of  muster  rolls,  when  secretary  of  the 
treasury,  but  thinks  it  may  be  departed  from.  The  troops  are 
uneasy.  McHenry  3  repeats  that  the  treasury  will  not  pay 
without  proper  muster  rolls. 

In  contrast  with  Hamilton's  ceaseless  activity,  we  hear 
but  little  of  Pinckney.  In  September,  he  wrote  McHenry 
that  he  was  at  Newport  for  his  wife's  health  and  wished 
quarters  found  at  Harper 's  Ferry  for  the  regiments 4  he 
should  command.  During  October,  Hamilton  is  continually 

1  .September   16.     Lodge,   vii,    125. 

2  Hamilton,  v,  334.     .September  21.     Lodge,   vii,    141. 

3  September  28,  October  25,  November  16. 

4  Sparks,  xi,  466.     On  November  5,  Washington  wrote  McHenry  about 
the  winter  quarters. 


416  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xiv 

writing  on  the  brigading  of  the  regiments, l  on  the  disposi 
tion  of  the  permanent  regiments,2  on  courts  martial,  and 
judge  advocates.  3  He  is  often  accused  of  British  sympathies, 
but  his  letter  of  October  12,  on  the  arrangement  of  troops 
shows  he  leaned  to  no  foreign  power.  He  therein  states  that 
the  existing  "good  understanding"  between  the  United 
States  and  Great  Britain  justifies  an  arrangement,  not  of  the 
highest  efficiency,  "but  the  permanency  of  friendship  be 
tween  nations  is  too  little  to  be  relied  upon,  not  to  render  it 
prudent  to  look  forward  to  more  substantial  precautions,  than 
are  immediately  meditated." 

On  August  5,  Murray  wrote  that  Talleyrand  would  re 
ceive  an  embassy  and  some  held  that,  as  the  president  had 
directed  the  commission  to  proceed,  whatever  opinions  may 
have  been  entertained  respecting  its  original  propriety,  the 
nation's  honor  and  dignity  demanded  that  it  should  be  pur 
sued  in  a  spirit  of  fairness  and  liberal  good  faith.  Other 
Federalists  dreaded  sending  it,  as  did  Tracy,  who  wrote  from 
Litchfield  on  September  2: 


"My  Dear  Sir  — 

"  Is  it  true  that  Govr.  Davie  is  appointed  a  French  Envoy 
in  room  of  Patrick  Henry  ? 

"Is  it  true  that  Mr.  Ellsworth  and  he  are  going  to 
Europe?  I  am  mortified  &  discouraged  for  fear  this  is  all 
true  —  and  I  shall  be  much  obliged  to  you  to  let  me  know :  —  I 
do  not  say,  I  will  do  nothing  more,  if  they  all  should  turn 
out  fact  —  but  I  am  really  in  pain  for  fear  they  will  turn  out 
so.  Do  pray,  my  Dear  friend,  let  me  know,  if  it  be  not  a 
State  secret. 

"I  have  sacrificed  as  much  as  most  men  or  at  least  as 
much  as  any  individual  to  support  this  Govt.  and  root  out 
Democracy,  &  French  principles,  but,  really,  Sir,  I  feel  it  to 
be  lost  and  worse.  What  will  it  signify  to  send  you  on  a  list 
of  Officers  ?  —  my  time  &  property  have  been  devoted  to  my 
Country  &  still  should  be,  if  any  good  can  accrue ;  I  will  make 
no  rash  promises  now ;  —  but  you  may  rely  upon  it,  I  will 
know  what  is  about  to  be  done  before  I  stir  another  step  in 

1  Hamilton,  v,  345,   347,   355,   356.     Other  letters  of  this  period  are  in 
Lodge,  vii,  viz.  p.  113,  September  2,  134,  September  17,  141,  September  19, 
149;   October  12    (on  brigading  the  army).   151. 

2  McHenry  disapproved  this  on  November  15,  but  approved  of  another 
arrangement  on   February  27,   1800. 

3  See  Am.   State  Papers,  Military  Affairs,  i,   145.     November  12,   1799. 


1799-1800]  of  James  McHenry  417 

public  business.     I  can  &  will  resign,  if  all  must  be  given  up 
to  France  &  our  Democrats. 

"With  much  esteem  I  am 

"Sir  yr.  friend  &  humble,  servt  . 
"URIAH   TRACY" 

Fever  in  Philadelphia  in  the  summer  again  drove  the  de 
partments  away.  Trenton  was  again  their  temporary  abode, 
whither  Adams  came  on  October  10. 

He  found  Hamilton  and  Davie  there  1  and  determined, 
apparently  with  some  suddenness,  to  dispatch  the  embassy  at 
once.  Sometime  previously  he  had  sent  instructions  to  the 
envoys  to  Pickering  for  revision  and  had  received  in  response 
a  letter  of  which  Adams  wrote,  some  years  afterwards  2  that 
it  was  signed  by  all  five  secretaries,  earnestly  entreating  him 
to  suspend  the  mission.  It  was  really  signed  only  by  Picker 
ing  and  probably  not  approved  of  by  Lee.  Adams  had  also 
received  two  letters  from  Stoddert,  urging  him  to  come  to 
Trenton  at  once  and  revise  the  instructions  in  person.  3  He 
stated,  in  his  later  defence,  that  he  "determined  to  go  to 
Trenton,  meet  the  gentlemen  face  to  face,  confer  with  them 
coolly  on  the  subject  and  convince  them,  or  be  convinced  by 
them."  Three  days  after  Adams's  arrival,  Ellsworth  came 
rather  unexpectedly  and,  on  the  15th,  Adams  called  the  cab 
inet  together  and  carefully  went  over  the  instructions.  His 
later  impressions  were  that  he  found  all  the  people  in  a  sur 
prising  pitch  of  enthusiasm  and  expecting  immediate  news  of 
Louis  XVIII 's  restoration  and  that  he  in  vain  argued  against 
the  possession  of  such  views  by  the  heads  of  departments. 
Both  Stoddert  and  McHenry  denied  that  there  was  any  such 
discussion  or  that  the  subject  of  suspension  of  the  embassy 
came  into  their  meetings,  which  were  merely  devoted  to  revis 
ing  the  instructions.  Having  "respectfully  offered!  their  opin 
ion,  their  duty  terminated." 

Hamilton  had  come  to  Trenton  to  consult  with  McHenry 
about  Wilkinson  and  McHenry  wrote,  in  after-years,  that  he 
had  no  reason  to  suppose  that  he  knew  Adams  was  coming,  nor 
did  Hamilton  ever  mention  to  McHenry  what  passed  between 
him  and  Adams  at  that  time,  nor  whether  anything  was  said 
respecting  the  mission.  Adams  wrote  that  he  found  Ellsworth 

1  Lodge's  Cabot,  206.     See  Adams's  letter  to  Ellsworth  of  September 
22.     Adams,  ix,  34. 

2  In  letters  to   Boston   Patriot.     Adams,   ix,   253. 

3  Adams,  ix,   19  and  25. 


418  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xiv 

and  Davie  ready  to  embark  and  that  Hamilton  urgently  dis 
suaded  him  from  sending  the  mission. 

On  the  morning  of  the  sixteenth, l  Adams  sent  Pick 
ering  orders  to  have  the  envoys  depart  for  Europe  imme 
diately.  The  cabinet  had  not  been  consulted  in  regard  to  the 
matter  of  the  immediate  sending  of  the  envoys,  though  Adams 
had  previously  left  them  in  virtual  charge  of  all  the  affairs 
of  government  for  six  months. 

After  years  had  passed,  McHenry  wrote  of  this  act  of 
Adams 's  and  of  his  defence  of  it  with  a  bitterness  which  time 
had  not  softened: 

"Throughout  these  letters2  Mr.  Adams  affects  to  con 
sider  a  President  of  the  United  States  as  every  thing  in  gov 
ernment  and  the  heads  of  departments  little  more  than  mere 
clerks.  I  cannot  subscribe  to  this  hypothesis.  Do  not  the 
heads  of  departments  like  him  hold  a  high  and  responsible 
station  in  government?  In  offering  advice  to  a  President,  do 
they  not  perform  an  incumbent  duty.  What  more  did  we  do? 
Less  we  ought  not  to  have  done.  Not,  therefore,  to  our  rec 
ommendations  or  advice,  but  to  his  own  wayward  disposition, 
his  own  wavering  and  changeable  policy  are  to  be  charged  the 
humiliations  our  country  has  since  experienced." 

On  October  18,  Adams  wrote  McHenry  thus  from  Tren 
ton: 

"Sir 

"As  a  few  Weeks  only  intervene  between  Us  and  the 
Meeting  of  Congress  I  request  the  favour  of  you  to  turn  your 
Thoughts  to  the  Subject  of  Communications  both  of  Informa 
tion  and  Advice  necessary  to  be  made  to  that  Body  at  the 
opening  of  the  Session :  and  in  particular  I  propose  a  Sum 
mary  of  the  Rise,  Progress,  declension,  and  Suppression  of  the 
Rebellion  in  Pennsylvania.  Every  thing  in  the  Indian  De 
partment  and  on  the  Mississippi  as  well  as  all  other  things 
relative  to  military  Service  necessary  to  be  laid  before  the 
Legislature  and,  in  general,  your  Sentiments  on  the  State  of 
the  Nation  at  large  &  abroad  will  be  very  acceptable  from 
Mr  McHenry  to  his  faithful  humble  Servant 

"JOHN  ADAMS" 

Three   days   later, 3   Hamilton,   who   had  just   returned 


1  Adams,   ix,    39. 

2  Lodge's  Cabot,  206. 

3  Hamilton,    vi,    414. 


1799-1800]  of  James  McHenry  419 

from  Trenton,  wrote  Washington  that  Adams  had  determined 
to  send  commissioners  to  France,  in  which  step  Wolcott  and 
McHenry  were  not  consulted.  He  regrets  it  and  hopes  it 
may  not  lead  to  an  alliance  with  France  against  her  enemies. 

Pinckney,  on  his  return  from  Rhode  Island,  wrote 1 
Hamilton :  "The  envoys  are  then  to  sail.  I  presume  this  must 
be  a  very  deep  measure  —  much  too  profound  for  my  penetra 
tion.  ' '  On  November  10,  still  smarting  from  the  slight  Adams 
had  put  upon  his  cabinet  by  not  consulting  them  upon  this 
important  matter, 2  McHenry  wrote  Washington,  having  been 
too  busy  to  do  so  before  this  date.  The  prevailing  rumor  of 
disagreement  in  the  cabinet  and  the  difference  of  opinion  be 
tween  Adams  and  the  heads  of  departments  concerning  the 
French  mission  is  true.  Adams  had  nominated  Murray,  early 
in  the  year  "without  any  consultation,  or  giving  the  least  indi 
cation  of  his  intention"  to  any  of  the  secretaries.  Even  if 
such  a  course  were  necessary,  it  was  "such  a  departure  from 
established  practice  as  could  not  fail  to  excite  considerable 
sensibility."  During  the  summer,  because  of  conditions 
abroad,  the  heads  of  departments  presented  to  Adams  "the 
propriety  of  a  suspension  of  the  mission."  He  took  no  no 
tice  of  the  subject  of  this  letter,  but  a  few  days  after  arriv 
ing  at  Trenton,  "convened  the  Secretaries  to  agree  on  instruc 
tions  and  ordered  the  commissioners  to  sail. " 3  He  knew 
that  "three  of  the  heads  of  departments  have  viewed  the  mis 
sion  as  impolitic  and  unwise."  Stoddert  had  joined  in  the 
summer's  letter,  but  Adams  does  not  class  him  with  the  other 
three  secretaries  and  both  Stoddert  and  Lee  appear  to  enjoy 
his  confidence.  The  president  seemed  especially  displeased  with 
Pickering  and  Wolcott,  "thinking  they  have  encouraged  op 
position  to  his  plans  to  the  eastward,"  but  appeared  to  Mc 
Henry  less  displeased  with  him  and  "received  and  treated" 
all  the  secretaries  with  "apparent  cordiality." 

It  is  uncertain,  McHenry  continued,  whether  he  wrill  think 
it  expedient  to  dismiss  any  of  the  cabinet.  Lee  and  Stoddert 
are  believed  to  think  ' '  he  ought,  and  would,  perhaps,  if  asked, 
advise  the  dismission  at  least  of  one.  There  are,  however, 
powerful  personal  reasons,  especially^  at  this  juncture,  which 
forbid  it :  and  it  is  more  than  possible,  as  these  chiefly  respect 
the  eastern  quarter  of  the  Union,  they  will  prevail."  Mc- 

1  October  25. 

2  Sparks,   xi,    573. 

3  See  McMaster,  ii,  449,  490. 


420  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xiv 

Henry  thinks,  however,  that  ' '  the  evil  does  not  lie  in  a  change 
of  Secretaries,  as  these  may  be  replaced  with  good  and  able 
men,  but  in  the  mission,  which,  as  far  as  my  information 
extends,  is  become  an  apple  of  discord  to  the  Federalists,  that 
may  so  operate  upon  the  ensuing  election  of  the  Federalists, 
as  to  put  in  jeopardy  the  fruits  of  all  their  past  labors,  by 
consigning  to  men,  devoted  to  French  innovations  and  demor 
alizing  principles,  the  reins  of  government." 

The  election  in  Pennsylvania  of  October  10,  in  which 
McKean,  the  Republican,  defeated  James  Ross  for  governor, 
showed  that  the  anti-Federalists  were  most  vigilant.  They 
have  given  a  ' '  false  coloring  to  the  intentions  of  government ' ' 
and  have  made  much  of  certain  recent  negotiations  with  Tous- 
saint  in  St.  Domingo,  whereby  certain  merchants  were  en 
abled  to  sell  him  various  needed  goods,  these  supplies  being 
sent  in  the  same  vessel  which  carried  our  agent.  They  also 
dwelt  on  the  charge  of  ' '  British  influence ' '  and  Adams 's  letter 
to  Tench  Coxe,  stating  that  the  appointment  of  Pinckney  as 
minister  to  England  was  due  to  British  influence,  is  shortly  to 
be  made  public  by  the  opposition.  l  All  these  causes  made 
McHenry  "confess  I  see  more  danger  to  the  cause  of  order 
and  good  government,  at  this  moment,  than  has,  at  any  time 
heretofore,  threatened  the  country. ' '  He  appealed-  to  Wash 
ington  to  say  what  ought  to  be  done.  For  his  own  part,  he 
thought  the  dismission  of  Pickering  and  Wolcott  would  be 
unwise  and  considered  the  "wisest  expedient"  would  be  for 
Adams  "to  conciliate  his  ministers  by  a  conduct,  which  does 
not  reduce  them,  on  great  occasions,  to  ciphers  in  the  govern 
ment  and,  by  this  means,  endeavor,  at  least,  to  restore  mutual 
confidence  and  harmony  of  action."  It  is  uncertain  whether 
Adams  wrill  see  this,  or  whether  he  will  yield  to  ' '  the  irritation 
which  his  mind  suffers  from  those  who  flatter  him,  or  badly 
advise  him."  "I  see  rocks  and  quicksands  on  all  sides  and 
the  administration  in  the  attitude  of  a  sinking  ship.  It  will, 
I  imagine,  depend  very  much  on  the  President,  whether  she  is 
to  weather  the  storm  or  go  down." 

On  November  17,  Washington  replied,  2  in  the  last  let 
ter  he  ever  wrote  McHenry.  He  has  "been  stricken  dumb" 
by  McHenry 's  epistle  and  believes  it  better  to  "remain  mute, 
than  to  express  any  sentiment"  on  these  important  matters. 


1  See  C.   C.   Pinckney's  Life  of  T.   Pinckney,  p.   170. 

2  Ford,  xiv,   215. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

Reduced  in  size  from  miniature  owned  by  the  heirs  of 
Dr.  James  McHenry 

(Copyright,  1907,  The  Burrows  Brothers  Company) 


1799-1800]  of  James  McHenry  421 

He  has  for  some  time 1  viewed  national  politics  with  an 
"anxious  and  painful  eye.  They  appear  to  me  to  be  moving 
by  hasty  strides  to  some  awful  crisis;  but  in  what  they  will 
result,  that  Being,  who  sees,  foresees  and  directs  all  things, 
alone  can  tell.  The  vessel  is  afloat,  or  very  nearly  so,  and 
considering  myself  as  a  passenger  only,  I  shall  trust  to  the 
mariners,  whose  duty  it  is  to  watch  —  to  steer  it  into  a  safe 
port." 

On  December  14,  1799,  Washington  died.  On  the  18th, 
McHenry  wrote  Hamilton,2  "You  and  I,  on  this  solemn  oc 
casion,  experiencing,  in  common  with  our  fellow  citizens,  deep 
regret  for  our  country's  loss,  have  our  sorrows  lightened  by 
a  recollection  of  his  friendship  towards  us  both  and  the  many 
days  we  have  spent  as  members  of  his  family  and  sharers  of 
his  confidence."  The  country  should  "show  the  most  rever 
ential  testimonials  of  that  profound  grief  with  which  every 
good  heart  must  be  penetrated  at  the  loss  of  a  citizen,  states 
man  and  commander,  so  eminently  distinguished  for  virtues, 
talents,  and  services." 

The  following  order  was  issued  to  the  army:  "The 
President  with  deep  regret  announces  to  the  army  the  death 
of  its  beloved  chief.  General  George  Washington,  sharing  in 
the  grief  which  every  heart  must  feel  for  so  heavy  and  afflic 
ting  a  public  loss  and  desirous  to  express  his  high  sense  of  the 
vast  debt  of  gratitude  which  is  due  to  the  virtues,  talents, 
and  ever  memorable  services  of  the  illustrious  deceased,  he 
directs  that  funeral  honors  be  paid  to  him  at  all  the  military 
stations  and  that  the  officers  of  the  army  and  of  the  several 
corps  of  volunteers  wear  crape  on  the  left  arm  by  way  of 
mourning  for  6  months." 

Washington's  death  put  no  conclusion  to  the  strained  re 
lations  between  Adams  and  his  secretaries.  On  December 
29,  Wolcott  wrote  Fisher  Ames,  "The  President's3  mind  is 
in  a  state  which  renders  it  difficult  to  determine  what  pru 
dence  and  duty  require  from  those  about  him.  He  considers 
Col.  Pickering,  Mr.  McHenry,  and  myself  as  his  enemies; 
his  resentments  against  Maj.  Gen.  Hamilton  are  excessive; 


1  He  asks  for  further  Information   as  to  the  British  influence  charge 
against  Pinckney,  which  is  a  "perfect  enigma"  to  him. 

2  Hamilton,  v,  388. 

3  Gibbs,    ii,    313,    Hildreth.    v,    371.     The    attack    on    McHenry    on    p. 
373   seems  unfair.     There  is  no  evidence  that  he  took  the  same  position 
as   Pickering. 


422  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xiv 

he  declares  his  belief  of  the  existence  of  a  British  faction  in 
the  United  States. 

"Among  the  officers  of  government  there  is  a  sensation 
of  unhappiness.  I  do  not  know  whether  you  are  acquainted 
with  Mr.  McHenry ;  he  is  a  man  of  honour  and  entirely  trust 
worthy;  he  is  also  a  man  of  sense,  and  delivers  correct  opin 
ions  when  required,  but  he  is  not  skilled  in  the  details  of 
Executive  business  and  he  is  at  the  head  of  a  difficult  and  un 
popular  department.  The  diffidence  which  he  feels,  exposes 
his  business  to  delays  and  he  sometimes  commits  mistakes^ 
which  his  enemies  employ  to  impair  his  influence." 

In  November  and  December,  Hamilton  and  McHenry 
were  engaged  in  preparation  of  tactics,  uniforms,  and  the 
needed  revision  of  the  articles  of  war,  especially  as  to  court 
martials  and  the  punishment  for  desertions.  l 

Early  in  January,  a  number  of  reports  were  made  to 
congress  on  military  affairs. 2  Adams  formally  recommended 
a  military  school  on  the  lines  of  Hamilton 's  letter  to  McHenry. 
There  should  be  a  fundamental  school  for  all  officers,  with  a 
two  years'  course,  and  a  subsequent  course  of  one  year  each 
for  the  navy,  for  cavalry,  and  for  infantry,  and  of  two  years 
for  engineers  and  artillerists.  He  also  recommended  a  modi 
fication  of  the  two  regiments  of  artillerists  and  engineers  and 
the  establishments  of  three  regiments  in  their  places,  one  of 
horse  artillerists,  one  of  foot  artillerists,  and  one  of  engineers. 
The  report  recommended  revision  of  the  militia  laws  and  dis 
cussed  the  artillery  in  French  and  Austrian  armies, 3  show 
ing  close  reasoning  on  the  subject.  Recommendation  of  forti 
fication  of  harbors  and  dock  yards  was  also  made.  The  en 
listments  in  the  twelve  regiments  were  reported,  as  well  as 

,1  Hamilton,  v,  384,  385,  386,  392.  Hamilton  suggests  that  officers 
ought  to  be  required  to  provide  their  own  servants  and  not  be  allowed  to 
use  the  soldiers. 

2  State   Papers,    Military  Affairs,    i,    130.     January    6,  on   expenses   of 
the   Springfield  armory  since  its   establishment  in   1795.     Military  Affairs,, 
i,   132.     January  13,  refers  to  Military  Academy  report.     Military  Affairs, 
i,   133,  January  14.     Military  Affairs,  i,   142,  January  31.     Annals  of  Con 
gress,  1800,  Appendix,  1397,   1800-01  Appendix,   1415.     An  important  letter 
from  Hamilton  to  McHenry  about  the  Military  Academy  is  found  in  Lodge, 
vii,    179,    onei   qn    tactics   on    p.    187,   one    on    uniform   on    p.    188,    one    on 
servants  for  officers  on  p.    189,  one  on  the  articles  of  war  on  p.   194   and 
two  on  accounting  on  pp.  197  and  203. 

3  The   President   requests   the    Secretary  at  War   to   have  an   Extract 
made  from  the  Precis  des  evenemens  militaires,   translated  into   our  lan 
guage  and  printed  of  all  those  Parts  which  relate  to  the  Horse  Artillery, 
and  to  consider  whether  this  system  cannot  be  introduced  into  our  military 
system    and    especially    into    a    Militia    Law    or    Volunteer    Corps.     When 
printed  in  Sufficient  Numbers,  the  public  attention  will  be  turned  to  the 
subject  and  our  officers  will   be   furnished  with   copies. 

January  9,   1800.      [Note  from  Adams  to  McHenry]. 


1799-1800]  of  James  McHenry  4,23 

the  proposed  revision  of  the  articles  of  war  and  of  the  tactics, 
and  increased  pay  was  asked  for  the  paymaster  general.  The 
supplemental  report  on  the  proposed  military  school  shows  1 
wide  reading.  An  extract  from  it  is  of  interest.  "Whether 
our  country  is  to  be  plunged  into  a  war,  or  enjoy,  for  a 
length  of  time,  the  blessings  of  peace  and  interior  tranquillity ; 
whether  the  portentous  events  which  have  afflicted  Europe, 
and,  in  their  progress,  threatened  the  United  States,  are  to 
subside  into  a  settled  state  of  things ;  whether  the  blessings 
of  peace  and  the  customary  relations  among  the  transatlantic 
powers  are  to  take  place,  or  hostilities  shall  be  continued,, 
protracted,  and  extended  beyond  their  present  limits;  in 
either  view,  it  is  equally  a  suggestion  of  policy  and  wisdom,  to 
improve  our  means  of  defence,  and  give  as  much  perfection 
as  possible  to  such  establishments  as  may  be  conceived  essen 
tial  to  the  maintenance  of  our  rights,  and  security  from  in 
sults.  The  unavoidable  collisions  growing  out  of  trade  and 
the  reciprocal  restrictions  of  great  commercial  states;  the  ap 
prehensions  and  jealousies  natural  to  powers  possessing  con 
tiguous  territory;  the  inefficacy  of  religion  and  morality  to 
control  the  passions  of  men  or  the  interest  and  ambition  of 
nations:  the  impossibility  at  times  for  governments  to  adjust 
their  differences,  or  preserve  their  rights,  without  making  sac 
rifices  more  to  be  dreaded  than  the  hazards  and  calamities  of 
war  —  all  these  considerations,  illustrated  by  volumes  of  ex 
amples,  teach  the  soundness  of  the  axiom  —  si  vis  pacem  para 
helium.  And  what  time  more  proper  to  prepare  the  ma 
terials  for  war,  than  a  time  of  peace,  or  more  urgent,  than 
that  in  which  a  nation  is  threatened  with  war." 

On  receipt  of  McHenry 's  reports,  William  Pinkney 
wrote  from  London  on  the  20th  of  March,  1800: 

"I  am  much  obliged  by  your  enclosing  me  your  excel 
lent  Report  to  the  President  on  the  subject  of  our  military 
System.  Of  any  thing  contained  in  it,  except  its  general 
principles,  I  am  a  very  poor  judge;  but,  so  far  as  an  atten 
tive  reading  of  it  can  authorize  me  to  have  any  opinion,  I 
should  think  the  arrangements  you  propose  will,  if  adopted,, 
be  beneficial  to  a  very  important  Extent.  The  Manner  in 
which  your  Details  are  given  must  have  the  Merit  of  perspic 
uity,  for  even  I,  who  am  as  little  of  a  military  Man  as  it  is 
well  possible  to  be,  believe  that  I  perfectly  understand  them. 


1  Military   Affairs,    i,    142.     January   31,    1800. 


424  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xiv 

Your  introductory  Remarks,  and  those  of  a  similar  Nature  to 
be  found  in  different  parts  of  the  Report,  are  capable  of 
being  properly  estimated  by  every  Man  of  understanding  — 
and  of  their  Force  &  Solidity  there  can  be  no  Doubt.  I  wish 
most  cordially  that  they  may  produce  their  just  Effect,  and 
that  the  country  may  be  indebted  to  your  labors  for  the  se 
curity  you  aim  at  giving  to  it. 

"I  w'd  ask  you  to  drop  me  a  line  now  &  then,  when 
you  shall  have  Leisure.  It  has  been  stated  to  me  that  you 
devote  yourself  to  the  Duties  of  your  office  beyond  a  due  Re 
gard  to  your  Health  —  and  I  will  not  desire  to  put  upon  you 
the  additional  Burthen  of  writing  to  me.  And  yet,  if  at  any 
Time  a  vacant  moment  sh'd  occur  in  which  it  might  be  Relax 
ation  rather  than  Fatigue  to  tell  a  sincere  Friend  that  you 
continue  to  think  of  him,  I  cannot  avoid  saying  that  you  will 
gratify  me  much  by  so  employing  it. ' ' 

During  January,  the  suspension  of  recruiting  l  was  dis 
cussed  in  congress  and  McHenry  feared  it  would  be  ordered 
by  the  house,  as  occurred  late  in  the  month.  2  On  February 
18,  McHenry  wrote  Hamilton,  enclosing  the  draft  of  the  naval 
academy  bill  and  telling  him  that  the  senate  has  "yielded  to 
the  supposed  momentum  of  public  opinion  and  stopped  en 
listments.  The  navy  is  to  ingulph  everything  and  it  is  cer 
tain,  should  we  give  to  it  all  our  money,  it  cannot  give  us  in 
return  adequate  protection.  Both  establishments  are  indis- 
pensible,  I  mean  the  military  and  naval.  Some,  however, 
think  one  of  them  sufficient  and  that,  to  undo  the  one,  is  to 
secure  funds  for  the  other.  You  find,  by  my  report,  that  I 
have  pursued  a  different  course  and  presumed  both  neces 
sary.  ' '  3  Hamilton  wrote  McHenry  as  to  the  question  what  is 

1  January   17  and   25,    Hamilton,  v,    400. 

2  Pickering   writes   concerning   the    salary    of   the   chief   clerk    in   the 
war  department  on  January  22.     January  13,  McHenry  joined  all  the  cab 
inet  but  Lee  in  signing  a  paper  stating  that  John  Randolph's  contemptuous 
language  towards  the  President  requires  censure.     Adams,  ix,  46  ;  Hamil 
ton,  v,  396,  397. 

3  Hamilton,    v,    401.     On    February    10,    C.    C.    Pinckney    wrote    from 
Shepherdstown    that    soldiers   should    not   dig   a   canal   but   study    tactics. 
Hamilton  wrote  McHenry  on  February   19. 

"New  York,  Feby  19.  1800. 
"Dear  Sir 

"I  have  read  with  great  pleasure  your  letter  to  the  Committee  of 
Defence.  It  presents  the  subject  in  a  very  correct  and  interesting  man 
ner,  such  as  I  should  expect  much  good  from ;  if  I  did  not  begin  to  think 
with  Chief  Justice  Elsworth,  that  there  is  in  a  government  like  ours  a 
natural  antipathy  to  system"  of  every  kind. 

"Yrs.  Affecty. 
"A.  H." 


1799-1800]  of  James  McHenry  425 

a  separate  military  district  and  on  the  undue  care,  as  it  seemed 
to  him,  shown  by  the  accountant  in  payment  of  money  appro 
priated  to  be  used  according  to  the  discretion  of  the  command 
ing  officer  and  directed  by  him  to  be  disbursed  by  a  subordin 
ate  agent.  In  such  case,  the  "charges  ought  to  be  admitted, 
without  difficulty,  and  the  superior  officer  made  responsible  for 
improper  directions,  in  his  office  or  in  his  pocket,  both  ac 
cording  to  circumstances."  A  month  later,  in  a  similar  vein, 
Hamilton  asks  for  sanction  of  a  certain  account,  which  neither 
paymaster  nor  accountant  can  adjust,  l  and  called  it  a 
"fresh  instance  of  the  want  of  some  interior  regulation  of 
your  department,  by  which  cases  out  of  the  general  rules  may 
be  decided  with  due  dispatch.  Every  day  shows  me,  more 
and  more,  the  embarrassments  which,  from  the  same  cause, 
perplex  and  distress  every  military  agent  who  has  anything 
to  do  with  directing  or  making  expenditures. ' ' 

On  March  21,  Hamilton  wrote  2  again  that  the  accoun 
tant  was  wrong  in  saying  that  no  authority,  short  of  congress, 
can  make  allowances  to  an  officer,  beyond  the  emoluments 
fixed  to  his  office  by  law.  On  May  5,  we  find  Hamilton  still 
objecting  3  to  the  accounting  system  of  the  war  department 
and  proposing  to  extend  the  functions  of  paymasters  to  pay 
ing  traveling  expenses,  postage,  and  stationery  of  officers  of 
the  line,  expenses  for  apprehending  deserters,  etc. 

On  March  1,  McHenry,  who  felt  himself  too  busy  to  do 
justice  to  the  subjects,  wrote  Hamilton  asking  him  to  prepare 
bills  (1)  for  the  modification  of  the  two  artillery  regiments, 
(2)  for  the  fundamental  school  and  the  school  of  artillerists  4 
and  engineers,  (3)  for  other  matters  referred  to  in  McHenry 's 
report  which  require  legislation,  (4)  for  a  definition  of  the 
officers  who  are  entitled  to  double  rations. 

Hamilton  wrote  on  that  same  day  to  Henry  Lee:  "Be 
lieve  me  I  feel  no  despondency  of  any  sort  as  to  the  country. 
It  is  too  young  and  vigorous  to  be  quacked  out  of  its  political 

1  Hamilton,   v,    402.     February   28,    1801. 

2  Hamilton,     v,     409.     On     March     19,     McHenry     told     Hamilton    he 
thought  the  accountant  was  wrong. 

3  Hamilton,  v,  423. 

4  Ingersoll's    History    of    the    War    Department,    35,    states    that    the 
reports   establishing   the   corps   of   engineers  and   the   military   were    more 
clear  and  convincing  than  those  of  any  other  head  of  the  War  Department 
from  the  beginning.      (See  Stat.  at  Large,  i,  552)      Boynton's  West  Point, 
18,   says   McHenry's  military  academy  plans  were  "equally  illustrative  of 
the   comprehensive   and   discriminating   talent   of   their  author   and   of   the 
beneficial    consequences    to    be    anticipated    from    the    establishment   of    a 
military  academy."     The  bill  failed  in  the  house   (Journal  of  5th  and  6th 
Congress,   634). 


426  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xiv 

health  and,  as  to  myself,  I  feel  that  I  stand  on  ground  which, 
sooner  or  later,  will  ensure  me  a  triumph  over  all  my  ene 
mies."  He  was  not  sure  how  far  enlistment  had  been  sus 
pended  and  wrote  from  New  York  on  March  3,  1800 : 

"Private 
"Dr  Sir, 

"I  am  told,  though  I  really  have  not  seen  the  law,  that 
one  has  passed  suspending  the  Recruiting  Service  for  the 
Twelve  Additional  Regiments.  You  are  aware  that  an  in 
struction  from  your  Department  ought  to  precede  my  agency 
upon  that  law. 

"Yrs.  Truly 

"A  HAMILTON." 

Mcllenry  replied,  telling  of  the  establishment  of  the 
quartermaster  general's  office  in  Philadelphia  and  of  the  sus 
pension  of  enlistment.  In  the  twelve  regiments  8,418  non 
commissioned  officers  and  men  were  authorized;  but,  by  the 
last  returns,  only  3,399  had  enlisted  and  there  was,  probably, 
enough  clothing  on  hand  to  last  through  the  year.  As  to  the 
bills,  Hamilton  wrote  twice,  as  follows: 

"March  8.  1800. 
"Dr.  Sir 

"Herewith  you  have  the  draft  of  a  Bill  respecting  the 
Corps  &  Engineers  &  Artillerists.  I  vary  in  mode  but  not  in 
substance  from  your  report  by  defining  the  Regiment  of  Ar 
tillerists  at  its  Complement  (say  four  batalions  &c.)  and  I 
suspend  the  organising  &  raising  of  one  batalion.  This 
comes  to  the  same  result  &  appears  to  me  most  correct  & 
systematic.  I  leave  a  blank  for  the  privates,  suppose  there 
may  be  a  mistake  in  printing  as  I  cannot  make  out  the  prin 
ciple  of  700  privates  to  three  batalions  65  —  (an  odd  number) 
to  a  company.  Perhaps  the  actual  establishment  is  a  pref 
erable  standard  say  48  per  Company  excluding  Artificers, 
which  for  a  full  Regiment  will  amount  to  768 

"I  cannot  endure  your  two  Colonels  to  a  Regiment  of 
Engineers.  Tis  Monstrum  horrendum  informe  &c. 

"Yrs.  truly 

"A.  HAMILTON  ' 

"I  am  preparing  a  third  Bill." 


1799-1800]  of  James  McHenry  427 

"March  9,  1800. 
"Dr  Sir 

"Some  ill  health  joined  to  much  occupation  has  delayed 
longer  than  I  wished  The  preparation  of  the  Bills  you  desired. 
Herewith  I  send  you  one  of  them. 

' '  I  regret  extremely  the  dismembrement  of  the  School  of 
the  Navy  from  the  rest.  Clear  I  am  that  all  ought  to  be 
united  under  the  Director  General,  wrho  might  himself  be  sub 
ject  to  the  orders  of  the  Secretary  at  "War  in  relation  to  the 
three  first  Schools,  of  the  Navy  in  relation  to  the  last.  There 
is  a  manifest  incongruity  in  the  idea  of  a  Fundamental  School 
embracing  the  Navy  and  that  of  the  Separation  of  the  School 
of  the  Navy.  This  elementary  institution  may  without  im 
propriety  &  with  much  advantage  be  united. 

"  To  be  at  the  same  place  will  facilitate  instruction  &  con 
duce  to  economy.  To  be  at  the  same  place  without  union  will 
lead  to  collision  &  disorder. 

"I  have  not  filled  up  the  particulars  to  be  taught  in 
each  School  Your  report  seems  to  contemplate  something  dif 
ferent  from  my  plan  &  yet  does  not  present  the  detail.  That 
which  was  in  my  plan  was  maturely  thought  of.  The  most 
difference  seems  to  be  that  you  regard  the  business  of  the 
other  Schools  (except  the  fundamental)  to  be  the  application 
of  what  is  learnt  in  the  fundamental  School  to  the  practical 
purpose  of  the  others.  My  plan  supposes  that  it  is  not  neces 
sary  or  proper  in  the  fundamental  School  to  do  more  than 
give  that  elementary  instruction  which  is  equally  necessary 
for  all  the  corps  —  leaving  the  higher  branches  necessary  for 
particular  corps  to  be  prepared  in  the  appropriate  Schools. 
The  one  idea  or  the  other  requires  a  very  different  distribution 
of  the  branches  to  be  taught.  You  can  easily  fill  the  blanks, 
as  you  finally  take  the  one  or  the  other  course.  If  you  prefer 
the  scheme  in  my  letter,  you  will  only  have  to  insert  from  it 
verbatim,  or  nearly  so,  the  objects  to  be  taught  in  each  School. 

"You  will  observe  some  auxiliary  ideas  incorporated,  but 
they  have  an  eye  to  the  results  in  your  report.  The  principal 
alteration  is  the  latitude  in  the  first  instance  as  to  the  appoint 
ment  of  Director  General.  I  think  it  very  probable  that  a 
more  fit  character  for  this  important  trust  may  now  be  found 
out  of  the  army  than  in  it. 

"Another  difference  is  that  small  additional  compensa 
tions  are  proposed  for  Directors  who  may  be  Officers.  It  will 
be,  I  fear,  impracticable  to  find  fit  men  willing  to  undertake 


428  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xiv 

the  constant  drudgery  of  these  stations  without  some  addition 
al  rewards. 

"Yrs  truly 
"A.  H.  " 

' '  I  have  put  between  Brackets  what  may  be  omitted  to  accom 
modate  the  Bill  entirely  to  your  Report" 

On  March  19,  McHenry  wrote  Hamilton  that  he  was  try 
ing  to  push  the  naval  academy  plan,  but  feared  failure.  Ten 
days  later,  he  sent  a  copy*  of  the  bill,  as  it  came  from  the 
committee,  adding  the  words  "you  forgot,  when  you  thought  to 
combine  all  into  one  plan,"  that  "the  little  passions  are  great 
inter-meddlers  in  the  most  important  affairs." 

Of  Pinckney  and  his  forces,  we  have  two  glimpses;  in  a 
letter  from  Hamilton  to  McHenry  and  in  one  from  Pinckney 
himself  to  the  secretary  concerning  the  dismission  of  an  officer, 
Hamilton  writes: 

"New  York  March  17,  1800. 
"Dear  Sir 

' '  General  Pinckney  has  transmitted  me  confidentially  the 
copy  of  a  letter  which  he  has  written  to  you  respecting  the 
employment  of  the  troops  during  the  Ensuing  Summer.  I 
agree  with  him  in  the  inexpediency  of  employing  new  troops 
in  operations  not  military,  as  the  digging  of  Canals  &c  and  in 
the  propriety  of  some  extra  compensations  to  any  troops,  who 
may  be  so  employed,  as  a  douceur  and  a  guard  against  discon 
tent.  This  will  certainly  disorganise  the  troops,  before  they 
are  yet  formed  by  a  course  of  instruction  and  discipline,  and 
it  will  prevent  the  introduction  of  a  just  military  pride  among 
them. 

"If  our  troops  are  to  be  continued,  it  were  most  eligible 
for  them  that  they  could  be  left  without  any  other  occupation 
than  that  incident  to  a  course  of  instruction.  But  I  am  well 
aware  that  there  are  considerations  which  may  oblige  to  a  dif 
ferent  conduct.  And  I  have  reconciled  my  mind  to  the  idea 
of  drawing  them  in  Brigades  towards  the  principal  points  to 
be  fortified  on  our  Sea  Coast,  there  to  be  engaged  in  working 
upon  the  fortifications,  by  detachment.  This  will  not  violate 
prejudices  and  the  matter  may  be  so  managed  as  to  leave  a 
good  deal  of  time  for  exercise. 

"General  Pinckney  has  also  mentioned  a  suggestion  of 
yours  on  the  point  of ,_ allowances  for  travelling  Expences  to 
General  Officers  and  their  suites.  The  substance  is  that  Gen 
eral  Officers  should  be  allowed  all  reasonable  extra  expences  & 


1799-1800]  of  James  McHenry  429 

that  the  general  regulations  respecting  extra  compensations 
shall  apply  to  the  aides.  He  remarks  on  the  difficulty  of  sep 
aration  —  as  one  table  must  serve  all  &c. 

' '  I  think  the  remark  well  founded  &  do  not  perceive  how 
the  discrimination  can  be  reduced  conveniently  to  practice. 
If  adhered  to  —  it  must  come  to  this  that  the  Expenditures  of 
the  General  and  his  suite,  which  are  inavoidably  blended  will 
be  included  in  an  account  —  and  credit  given  for  the  allow 
ances  to  the  aids  —  the  ballance,  if  otherwise  reasonable,  to  be 
paid  to  the  General.  This  would  be  a  complication  without  an 
object. 

' '  With  true  esteem  &  regard 
",I  remain  Dr  Sir 
"Yrs.  Obedt  Sr. 
"A.  HAMILTON." 

On  March  7,  Lafayette  wrote  from  La  Grange,  commend 
ing  Madame  de  Fleury  to  McHenry  and  referring  to  Washing 
ton's  death  as  depriving  the  world  of  "His  Greatest  Orna 
ment." 

Murray,  who  had  been  so  regular  a  correspondent,  now 
writes  rarely  and  we  find  only  one  of  his  letters  dating  from 
this  winter. 

"The  Hague  2d.  Dec.  1799. 
"My  dear  Sir 

"I  have  received  your  favour  of  the  22d  Octr.  John,  who 
is  an  excellent  young  man,  has  yours.  We  live  happily. 

' '  With  yours,  I  received  some  others !  !  !  I  have  reason  to 
believe  that  my  letters  to  Talleyrand  of  5  &  18  May  last  make 
a  noise  against  me. 

"Why  in  the  name  of  Diplomacy  &  of  all  regularity  were 
they  given,  as  well  as  the  assurances  to  the  public,  if  at  all 
given  ?  Why  were  they  not  more  maturely  considered  in  their 
character,  properly  speaking  they  were  not  —  at  least  the  first 
official,  but  private  letters.  I  said  I  wrrote  by  order  of  Gov 
ernment  ;  but  I  was,  in  relation  to  the  Govt.  which  I  addressed, 
an  Individual,  a  traveller,  Unknown  to  it  officially  Mr.  T. 
knew  Mr.  M.  but  I  speak  as  a  Diplomat,  I  say  I  was  unknown 
as  a  man  having  authority  to  communicate  the  intentions  of 
my  Govt.  to  a  foreign  Govt.  for  the  purpose  of  their  doing  a 
high  Governmental  act  in  consequence  of  such  a  communica 
tion  !  At  most  it  is  impossible  to  make  my  letter  more  than 
semi-official. 


430  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xiv 

' '  As  to  the  air  of  pleasure  with  which  it  was  written,  I  was 
to  presume  that  success  would  be  agreeable.  It  was  to  a  Gov 
ernment.  No  matter  good  or  bad,  hated  or  not.  The  career 
once  opened,  the  incidents  followed  from  the  principle  adopted. 

"The  air  of  empressement  which  I  gave  then  to  a  thing 
to  be  received  from  a  man  whom  they  did  not  officially  know 
whose  authority,  nor  they  nor  any  but  myself  had  seen  —  that 
air  upon  an  occasion  presumed  to  be  agreeable  —  was,  I  aver  in 
the  true  spirit  of  an  inofficial  letter  of  that  sort  &  not  repug 
nant  to  that  of  an  official  one ! 

' '  If  this  affair  have  made  a  noise  as  I  rather  think  it  has, 
I  beg  you  as  a  candid  man  —  even  if  you  too  have  thought 
these  letters  improper,  to  show  this  letter  or  rather  to  mention 
my  grounds  at  least  to  the  President  &  to  Genl.  Washington. 

"As  to  Pichon  you  will  hear  more  of  him.  I  have  writ 
ten  to  Harper  yesterday. 

"Let  what  will  come,  I  am  ready.  I  have  been  greatly 
worry 'd  here  &  injured  in  health  &  exhausted  in  Spirits,  I 
have  acted  with  Zeal  &  honour.  I  have  not  been  inactive.  I 
was  ordered  to  be  active,  So  I  have  as  little  to  reproach  me 
with  as  most  men,  who  act  in  such  times  &  with  very  little 
guiding. 

"It  is  impossible  to  say  what  Bonaparte  means,  ultimate 
ly,  he  &  Seyes.  This  is  certain,  that  there  are  symptoms  of  a 
pacific  principle  at  work.  These  may  be  the  winter  curtain 
to  cover  the  preparations  for  another  campaign !  There  are 
other  symptoms  too  —  more  moderation,  more  liberality  in 
France  —  better  Diplomats  though  Revolution  men,  yet  mod 
erates  &  some  of  the  old  aristocracy  are  sent  abroad,  Bour- 
going  goes  to  Copenhagen.  The  Jacobins  displaced.  Many 
Emigrants  of  the  Royal  constitution  of  1791  expressly  rased 
from  the  list  &  permitted  to  return  as  the  Maubergs  (son  of 
La  Fayette)  Leancourt  —  Genl.  Valence  (of  Doumourier 's 
family)  &c  &c  &  I  believe  soon  La  Fayette  himself.  No  power 
in  Europe  will  be  disarmed  by  professions,  &  I  pray  that  we 
may  not  be!  however,  there  may  actually  be  more  decency  & 
more  moderation  of  manner  towards  us  or  them. 
"I  am  always  affectionately  vours 
"My  dear  Sir" 

Relations  with  the  president  continued  outwardly  pleas 
ant  although  grown  more  formal.  McHenry  still  attended 
the  drawing  rooms  and,  at  one  of  them  in  April,  Mrs.  Adams 


1799-1800]  of  James  Me  Henry  431 

told  him  that,  if  any  regiment  went  to  Rhode  Island,  she  hoped 
it  would  be  the  one  W.  S.  Smith  commanded.  1 

The  president  requested  McHenry  to  send  him  a  list  of 
officers  appointed  in  the  recess  of  the  senate2  and  asked  him 
with  the  other  heads  of  departments,  if  there  should  not  be  a 
public  printer.  McHenry  took  counsel  with  Chase  3  on  the 
matter  and  answered,  favoring  the  project,  but  doubting  the 
power  of  the  president  to  establish  an  office  with  a  fixed  com 
pensation  and  suggested  the  passage  of  a  law  authorizing 
such  an  officer.  The  list  of  officers  in  the  12  new  regiments 
was  transmitted  to  the  senate  4  on  April  15,  with  the  recom 
mendation  that  vacancies  in  the  old  regiments  be  filled  from 
the  most  deserving  of  the  disbanded  officers  and  that  all  vacan 
cies,  henceforth,  be  filled  by  promotion,  as  a  failure  to  do  this, 
has  a  bad  effect.  5 

1  See  Lodge,  vii,   206. 

2  March    31.    Adams,    ix,    48.     April    23,    Adams,    ix,    50. 

3  Samuel    Chase's   opinion    reads   as    follows : 

"By  the  Constitution  Act  2.  Sec.  2.  The  president  is  authorised  to 
nominate  and  with  consent  of  the  Senate  to  appoint  certain  enumerated 
officers,  'And  all  other  officers  of  the  United  States  whose  Appointments 
are  not  herein  otherwise  provided  for  and  which  shall  be  established  by 
Law.'  But  Congress  may  by  law  vest  the  appointment  of  such  inferior 
officers,  as  they  think  proper,  in  the  president  alone,  in  the  Courts  of  law, 
or  in  the  Heads  of  Departments. 

"Is  a  printer  to  the  President  an  Officer  of  the  United  States?  if  he 
can  be  so  considered  his  office  must  be  established  by  law  and  he  must 
be  nominated  by  the  President  to  the  Senate. 

"It  is  evident  that  there  ought  to  be  a  public  Printer,  not  only  to 
publish  the  Laws,  and  Papers  which  either  Branch  of  the  Federal  Legis 
lature  should  direct,  but  also  State  Papers,  as  Treaties,  proclamations 
and  official  Papers  of  the  different  Departments,  but  foreign  and  Domestic 
Intelligence  which  the  people  might  consider  as  authentic. 

"It  seems  to  me  that  the  President  can  exercise  no  Power  as  President 
not  granted  to  him  by  the  express  Words  of  the  Constitution,  or  neces 
sarily  implied  by  some  expressions  in  that  Instrument,  he  may  appoint 
a  Printer,  to  be  called  the  Printer  to  the  president  but  he  can  be  consid 
ered  only  as  a  private  Person,  and  entitled  to  no  Compensation,  without  a 
law  ascertaining  the  Sum.  If  the  Departments  employ  such  Printer  he 
will  be  paid  for  his  Services  and  Compensation  as  they  desire 

"I  would  suggest  —  as  there  is  no  Printer  at  Washington  whether  the 
Senate  could  not  be  induced  to  propose  a  .bill  to  request  &  authorise  the 
Senate  to  appoint  from  time  to  time  some  fit  trusty  or  faithful  discreet 
Person  of  unquestionable  attachment  to  the  Government  to  be  Printer 
to  the  United  States  whose  duty  it  should  be  to  publish  or  to  superintend 
the  publishing  of  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  &  all  Papers  which  either 
Branch  of  the  Legislature,  or  the  President,  or  any  of  the  Departments 
of  Government  should  direct,  and  that  he  shall  receive  Compensation  for 
all  such  services,  and  that  the  president  ibe  authorised  to  remove  such 
printer,  and  to  appoint  another  in  his  place.  It  will  be  said  that  the 
President  wishes  to  create  offices.  If  there  is  no  appropriation  of  Money 
by  law  which  can  be  properly  and  clearly  applied  to  pay  a  printer  ap 
pointed  by  the  President,  a  Clamor  will  be  raised,  that  he  misapplies 
public  Money." 

July  8,  1799,  Chase  wrote  McHenry  and  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrpllton 
asking  them  to  withdraw  their  objection  to  bringing  water  to  Baltimore 
from  a  Branch  running  through  their  lands. 

4  State   Papers,    Military   Affairs,   i,    146. 

5  State  Papers,   Military  Affairs,   i,   152.     On   May   1,  the  war  depart 
ment  asked  the  house  for  $100,000  for  fortifications  for  the  next  year. 


CHAPTER  XV 

FRIES 'S  REBELLION  AND  THE  WEST  IN  1798  TO  1800 

IN  the  counties  of  Northampton,  Bucks  and  Montgomery, 
Pa.,  the  Germans  resisted  the  officers,  who  came  to  meas 
ure  windows,  preparatory  to  levying  the  new  tax  which 
congress  had  put  on  houses.     Some  of  the  rioters  were  arrested 
but  were  rescued  from  the  marshal  in  Bethlehem  by  a  party 
headed  by  one  Fries.     Adams  issued  a  proclamation,  ordering 
that  this  resistance  be  put  down.     Great  alarm  was  felt  in 
many  quarters  as  to  what  the  troubles  might  portend.     When 
McHenry  notified  Hamilton  of  the  insurrection,  he  acted  at 
once  and  wrote : 

"New  York  March  16th.  1799 
"Sir 

"In  compliance  with  the  object  of  your  letter  of  the  15. 
instant,  I  have  put  in  motion  two  companies  of  Artillerists 
from  Fort  Jay  (Henry's  and  Cochran's)  who  are  to  embark 
at  ten  this  morning  for  Amboy  and  to  proceed  from  thence 
by  way  of  Brunswick  to  New  Town  in  Bucks  County.  There 
(at  Brunswick)  Lt.  Boote  with  his  party  is  instructed  to  join 
them.  The  two  companies.,  as  they  march,  will  exceed  together 
seventy  men,  and  will  go  provided  with  all  necessaries  except 
that  the  number  of  tents  will  be  incomplete.  If  we  had  known 
the  wants  of  Lt.  Bootes  party,  they  could  not  have  been  sup 
plied  from  this  place.  Inclosed  are  the  directions  to  him. 
Tomorrow  you  will  be  advised  of  the  exact  number  of  men 
and  tents. 

' '  I  trust  you  will  excuse  the  deviation  from  your  order  as 
best  calculated  to  fulfil  its  object.  The  march  from  West 
Point  would  have  been  attended  with  great  difficulties  and 
much  delay.  The  River  will  speedily  open  and  if  necessary, 
the  substitute  can  then  be  brought  from  West  Point  to  Fort 
Jay.  In  the  mean  time,  no  inconvenience  is  likely  to  ensue. 

"A  person  will  go" by  concert  between  Col  Stevens  and 
the  Contractor,  in  the  double  capacity  of  Quarter  Master  and 


1798-1800]  of  James  Me  Henry  433 

Commissary.  He  can  easily  do  both  duties.  Perhaps  indeed, 
the  expense  of  such  a  person  might  have  been  saved,  had  there 
been  a  sufficient  number  of  officers  with  the  companies.  But  it 
has  been  impracticable  to  send  more  than  one  Captain  and 
two  Lieutenants. 

"I  defer  till  tomorrow  to  give  any  order  to  Major  Ford. 
Were  it  not  that  the  presence  of  Major  Hoops  was  requisite  at 
a  Court  Martial  which^is  to  trye  Captain  Frye  and  Doctor 
Osborne,  it  would  perhaps  be  more  in  order  to  send  him  with 
the  major  part  of  his  Command,  But  this  point  is  reserved. 
"With  great  respect  &  esteem 
"I  am 
"Sir 

"Your  obed  Servt. 
"A  HAMILTON" 

A  second  letter  from  Hamilton  written  on  March  18, l 
said:  "Beware,  my  dear  Sir,  of  magnifying  a  riot  into  an 
insurrection,  by  employing,  in  the  first  instance,  an  inadequate 
force.  Tis  better  far  to  err  on  the  other  side.  Whenever 
the  government  appears  in  arms,  it  ought  to  appear  like  a 
Hercules  and  inspire  respect  by  the  display  of  strength.  The 
consideration  of  expense  is  of  no  moment  compared  with  the 
advantages  of  energy.  Tis  true  this  is  always  a  relative  ques 
tion,  but  it  is  always  important  to  make  no  mistake.  I  only 
offer  a  principle  and  a  caution."  Auxiliary  cavalry  can  be 
gotten  from  middle  states  without  interfering  with  farming. 

Harper  wrote  McHenry  on  the  26th: 

"So.  3d.  Street.  Mar:  26th.  1799 
"My  dear  sir 

' '  I  am  afraid  that  I  shall  appear  importunate,  but  as  you 
have  done  me  the  honour  to  communicate  with  me  on  the 
subject  of  the  insurrection,  I  trust  you  will  excuse  me  for 
troubling  you  again  with  one  or  two  remarks  on  the  means 
of  suppressing  it. 

"I  confess  I  shudder  at  the  consequences  wrhich  may 
result  from  attempting  this  business  with  too  small  a  force. 
The  people  to  be  dealt  with,  are  ignorant,  biggotted,  numerous, 
&  united.  Their  leaders,  who  possess  an  intire  influence  over 
their  minds,  are  committed  to  the  full  length  of  treason.  They 
are  impressed  with  an  opinion  that  insurrection  prevails  ev 
erywhere,  and  that  the  government,  threatened  on  every  side, 

1  Hamilton,  v,  235;  Lodge,  x,  349;  Lodge,  vii,  69. 


434  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xv 

cannot  collect  a  force  sufficient  to  punish  them.  The  counties 
implicated  in  the  business  contain,  at  least,  three  thousand 
effective  men.  From  recent  accounts,  the  spirit  of  revolt, 
and  the  boldness  of  the  revolters,  encrease  with  rapidity.  Un 
der  these  circumstances,  can  it  be  well  to  depend,  even  in  the 
first  instance,  upon  240  horse,  &  a  few  companies  of  regular 
infantry,  many  of  them  new  units,  and  the  whole  amounting, 
in  all  probability,  to  not  more  than  2^>0  or  perhaps  200  men  ? 
Would  it  not  be  safer  &  better,  in  every  point  of  view,  to  put 
in  motion,  immediately,  the  whole  of  the  Volunteers,  and  the 
requisite  caval^?  This  would  be  a  force  sufficient  to  over 
awe  the  rebels,  and,  probably,  prevent  resistance.  Should  no 
more  march  than  have  been  mentioned,  it  seems  very  probable 
to  me  that  resistance  will  take  place,  many  valuable  lives  may 
be  lost,  and  the  worst  consequences  ensue. 

' '  The  General,  I  know,  is  empowered  to  call  out  a  greater- 
force,  if  after  he  advances  towards  the  scene  of  insurrection, 
circumstances  should  seem  to  require  it.  But  what  effect 
must  this  have  on  the  rebels?  When  they  see  a  small  force 
sent  against  them,  and  that  done,  halt  through  a  sense  of  its 
own  weakness,  and  wait  for  reinforcements,  will  they  not  be 
encouraged  to  prepare,  and  be  allowed  time  for  preparation? 
Will  it  not  appear  to  them  as  a  proof  of  weakness  on  the  part 
of  the  government,  which  must  encrease  their  audacity? 

' '  Besides  ought  the  descretion,  in  a  case  of  this  kind,  to  be 
transferred  from  the  department  to  the  Genl?  ought  he  to  be 
required  to  judge  about  the  question  of  force? 

"It  is  with  you  to  decide,  and  I  am  persuaded  that  you 
will  decide  wisely,  on  these  various  questions:  but  I  cannot 
help  expressing,  in  the  strongest  &  most  decided  manner,  my 
conviction  that  every  principle  of  sound  policy  requires  the 
whole  of  the  volunteers  &  regulation  cavalry  to  be  put  imme 
diately  in  motion.  Perhaps,  instead  of  marching  the  whole 
force  to  the  neighborhood  of  Bethlehem,  it  might  be  sufficient 
to  advance  about  twenty  miles,  to  some  convenient  point,  and 
then  send  forward  into  the  county  a  Detachment  of  Horse  & 
infantry.  But  I  should  advise  marching  the  whole  to  Bethle 
hem  in  the  first  instance. 

' '  I  am  my  dear  sir,  with  great  affection  &  esteem 
"Yours  most  sincerely 
"ROB:  G:  HARPER." 

Hamilton  wrote1   McHenry  on  March  29,  that  all  the 

1  Hamilton,    v,    240. 


1798-isoo]  of  James  Me  Henry  435 

regulars  but  one  company  had  reached  the  first  points  of  des 
tination  against  the  insurrection.  "However  slightly  the 
present  governor  of  Pennsylvania  comes  into  contact  with 
insurrection,  there  is  delay  in  quelling  it."  l 

On  March  30,  Me  Henry  wrote  Washington  of  the  proceed 
ings  of  the  troops  against  the  "ignorant  and  mulish"  insur 
gents. 

Adams  had  gone  toAlassachusetts,  whither  McHenry  sent 
him  news  of  the  insurrection  and  whence  McHenry  received 
cordial  approval  of  his  measures.  -  Fearing  that  the  two 
companies  of  horse,  which  could  muster  only  about  60  men, 
would  not  suffice,  McHenry  had  submitted  to  the  heads  of 
the  departments  and  the  attorney  general  the  expediency  of 
calling  on  the  governors  of  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey  to 
hold  a  respectable  body  of  militia  in  readiness  to  march  against 
the  insurgents.  The  insurgents  were  soon  dispersed,  so  that 
shortly  thereafter  Adams  could  congratulate  McHenry  on 
Gen.  McPherson's  success. 

"Quincy  April  19  1799 
"Sir 

"I  reed  last  night  your  favour  of  the  11  and  thank  you 
for  the  Copy,  of  General  Macpherson's  Letter  and  the  list  of 
the  Prisoners.  The  Generals  Conduct  has  been  prudent  and 
Successfull,  and  will  terminate  in  the  permanent  tranquility 
of  the  People. 

"I  return  you  Reeder's  Letter  and  Jackson's  address. 
Have  these  Democrats,  a  morality  of  their  own  ?  or  have  they 
none?  Do  they  really  believe  that  lying  is  lawfull  for  the 
public  good  and  that  political  Lyars  have  no  part  in  the  Lake 
of  Sulphur  and  fire?  I  think  that  a  Representative  in  this 
part  of  the  Country  convicted  of  setting  his  hand  to  such  a 
Lye,  would  Suffer  Something  very  like  a  roasting  in  the  Lake, 
from  his  own  constituents. 

"I  inclose  you  Letters  from  Daniel  Flint,  John  Cooper, 
and  H.  G.  Otis,  which  I  pray  vou  to  give  the  regular  attention 
to. 

"Inclosed  also  is  a  Letter  from  Caleb  Gibbs  with  Docu 
ments  Numbered  1-2-3-4-5-6.  which  you  will  also  consider  in 
their  turn. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Sir  your  most  obedient 

"JOHN  ADAMS" 

1  McKean,  a  Jeffersonian. 

2  Adams,  viii,  632. 


436  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  xv 

McPherson  reported  to  McHenry  on  May  3  that  he  ar 
rived  at  Reading  on  April  20  and  found  the  opposition  broken. 
He  dismissed  the  Lancaster  troops  on  the  21st,  but  left  the 
regulars  in  Reading  and  thinks  other  troops  should  be  sta 
tioned  in  Allentown  and  Easton. 

Great  feeling  had  been  aroused  against  Fries,  as  is  shown 
in  Tracy's  letters. 

He  wrote  from  Litchfield  on  the  6th  of  May : 

' '  The  insurrection  in  Pennsylvania  must  be  treated  with 
severity,  I  suppose  military  execution  was  impracticable,  but 
if  some  executions  are  not  had  of  the  most  notorious  offenders 
—  I  shall  regret  the  events  of  lenity  in  '94  &  '99  —  as  giving 
a  fatal  stroke  to  Government.  .  .  .  and  much  time  cannot 
elapse  before  we  shall  all  understand,  that  undue  mercy  to 
villains,  is  cruelty  to  all  the  good  &  virtuous.  Our  people  in 
this  State,  are  perfectly  astonished,  that  cost  must  continually 
be  incurred  for  insurrections  in  Pennsylvania  for  which  they 
say  they  are  taxed  &  yet  no  punishment  is  inflicted  on  the 
offenders.  I  am  fatigued  &  mortified,  that  our  Govt.,  which 
is  weak  at  best,  should  withhold  any  of  its  strength  at  a  time 
when  all  its  energies  should  be  doubled. 

"Have  you  any  influence  with  the  Prest  of  the  United 
States?  Why  in  God's  name  is  not  the  Alien  Law  inforced? 
Why  is  old  Letomb  permitted  to  exercise,  the  functions  of  his 
defunct  Consulship  —  in  open  defiance  to  all  the  shadow  of 
Govt.  we  have  ?  Do,  my  dear  friend  let  'we,  the  people/  know 
that  you,  the  Executive,  are  willing  to  put  Laws  in  force,  at 
least  when  they  are  made  to  last  but  for  a  season,  a  little  sea 
son.  Pardon  me,  I  cannot  intend  to  offend  you;  but  I  will 
make  you  &  all  other  Secretaries  accountable  for  all  the  unac- 
coun tables  of  the  Executive." 

He  wrote  again  from  Litchfield  on  the  20th  of  May,  1799 : 

"  *  *  *  Our  Legislature  is  in  session,  Kentucky  &  Virginia 
Resolutions  will  meet  their  just  answer  —  and  all  things  prop 
er  for  sound  federalism  will  be  done.  I  spent  8  or  ten  Days 
with  them  —  in  which  time  I  did  not,  as  I  believe,  weaken 
their  faith  or  measures. 

' '  I  thank  you  for  the  information  respecting  Fries  &c  — 
but  I  am  in  fear  that  something  will  occur  to  release  that 
fellow  from  merited  Death." 


1798-1800]  of  James  McHenry  437 

On  May  16,  Adams  congratulated  l  McHenry  on  the  end 
of  the  rebellion  and,  on  the  29th,  the  latter  conferred  on  Ham 
ilton  power  to  continue  or  to  remove  troops  from  Pennsylva 
nia,  advising  that  a  regular  force  be  continual  there  for  some 
time.  Hamilton  answered  on  June  6 : 

"I  return  Mr.  Patterson's  letter.  It  is  not  my  intention 
immediately  to  withdraw  more  than  Cochran's  &  Henry's 
Companies.  The  other  troops  may  remain  in  the  insurgent 
scene.  I  should  prefer  their  remaining  together.  Perhaps 
the  vicinity  of  Easton  may  be  the  best  single  station.  But  I 
am  not  without  apprehension  that  the  Troops  may  be  cor 
rupted  by  remaining  long  in  a  disaffected  scene.  Is  there  no 
well  affected  spot  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Easton  where  they 
may  answer  the  end? 

"Yrs.  affectly 
"A  H" 

In  Mar,  Hamilton  had  recommended  2  that  soldiers  be  not 
stationed  in  the  scene  of  the  late  insurrection  and  McHenry 
committed  the  matter  to  his  judgment,  though  inclining  to 
maintain  a  regular  force  there.  In  July,  Capt.  Adlum  re 
ported  from  Reading,  recommending  that  the  troops  be  con 
tinued  there  and  at  Easton.  The  disaffected  persons  pass  the 
soldiers  in  sullen  silence  and  do  not  associate  with  them.  He 
thinks- Bucks  and  Northampton  Counties  a  strong  country, 
with  many  passes,  of  which  it  would  be  well  to  have  a  military 
survey,  for  numbers  would  join  the  French,  if  they  invaded 
the  country.  The  treason  cases  dragged  along.  Fries  was 
convicted,  awarded  a  new  trial  and  convicted  again.  On 
Sept.  7,  McHenry  joined  the  other  secretaries  3  in  a  letter 
recommending  to  the  president  that  none  of  those  condemned 
for  complicity  in  this  insurrection  should  now  be  pardoned. 
Adams,  however,  issued  a  pardon,  being  wiser  than  his  coun 
cilors  in  this  matter. 

During  1798,  no  matters  of  much  moment  occurred  in  the 
west.  In  the  early  summer,  McHenry  received  an  interesting 
letter  from  James  Ross,  the  Pennsylvanian  federalist. 

"Pittsburg.  15  June  1798. 
"Dear  Sir 

' '  I  take  the  liberty  of  enclosing  to  you  a  pamphlet  which, 

1  Adams,   viii,    648. 

2  Hamilton,  v,   261,   264. 

3  Adams,  ix,  23. 


438  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  xv 

in  my  Judgment,  is  extremely  well  written,  and  the  very  im 
portant  subject  handled  in  Manner  not  to  be  Answered. 

"The  Spirit  of  our  young  men  would  be  very  easily 
brought  into  the  Measure  of  association  in  Volunteer  compan 
ies  under  the  Provisional  Army  law :  this  would  have  an  effect 
upon  political  opinions  &  perhaps  upon  some  of  our  Elections ; 
as  this  subject  is  now  occupying  your  Attention,  will  you 
think  of  forwarding  a  sketch  of  what  you  would  think  the 
necessary  arrangements  and  bond  of  association,  in  order  to 
enable  the  President  to  appoint  officers.  It  would  of  course  be 
understood  that  the  men  would  not  be  called  to  serve  out  of 
this  Country  except  in  case  of  extreme  necessity. 

' '  Genl  Wilkinson  sailed  with  his  Galley  a  week  Since  and 
we  have  heard  that  she  passed  Grave  Creek  on  the  third  day 
after  leaving  this  place.  The  Genl.  has  been  decided  and 
Zealous  in  his  politicks  here,  and  his  examplary  decision  has 
produced  some  good  effects  here  and  has  made  proselytes 
among  his  friends  of  Kentucky  who  are  frequently  passing 
thro  this  place.  I  like  his  present  opinions  respecting  the 
policy  of  strengthening  the  Mississippi  &  opposing  by  ail 
means  in  our  power  the  Introduction  of  the  French  into  Flor 
ida.  Our  people  who  have  returned  from  thence  lately  say 
that  the  Spaniards  are  much  alarmed  at  the  report  of  the  ces 
sion  to  France. 

' '  It  might  be  easily  learned  whether  the  Spaniards  would 
not  thank  us  for  a  cooperation  in  that  quarter,  as  there  is  now 
a  prospect  of  their  quarrelling  with  France  again. 

' '  We  hear  nothing  from  Tennessee  —  nor  do  I  learn  that 
any  arrangements  have  been  made  by  the  Indians  for  remov 
ing  over  the  River  Mississippi,  as  was  suggested  —  on  the 
other  hand,  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  Spaniards  are 
not  at  present  in  the  humour  of  this  migration.  But  this  is 
on  the  Report  of  our  traders.  The  fact  may  be  otherwise. 

"Be  so  kind  as  to  present  my  most  respectful  compli 
ments  to  Mrs.  McHenry  &  believe  me  to  remain  very  faithfully 
"Dear  Sir 

' '  Your  most  obedient 
"Humble  Servant 
"JAMES  Ross." 

Early  in  August,  Lee  answered  certain  questions  Mc 
Henry  asked,  concerning  operations  in  the  west. 


1789-1800]  of  James  McHenry  489 

"Philadelphia  2  August  1798 
"Sir 

"I  have  given  Mature  consideration  to  the  questions  pro 
posed  in  your  letter  of  yesterday. 

"It  is  well  established,  as  a  general  rule  by  the  laws  of 
nations,  that  one  enemy  may  not  attack  another  in  a  neutral 
territory ;  but  to  this  rule  there  are  exceptions.  One  exception 
is,  if  there  be  imminent  danger  of  a  great  mischief,  which  may 
not  certainly  be  prevented,  unless  by  entering  into  the  neutral 
country  and  here  meeting  the  enemy.  In  such  a  case  upon 
the  principle  of  necessity,  this  violation  of  neutral  rights  is 
excusable  or  justifiable.  It  must  be  left  to  the  discretion  and 
judgment  of  General  Wilkinson  to  decide  upon  the  circum 
stances  which  may  require  an  application  of  this  exception  to 
the  general  rule  before  stated  and  for  a  right  Decision  and 
conduct  in  this  particular,  he  must  consequently  be  respon 
sible.  At  the  distance  of  his  army  from  the  President,  it  is 
not  proper  to  give  any  instructions  more  precise  on  this 
head. 

"You  perceive,  Sir,  that  I  understand  your  questions  as 
predicated  on  the  idea  that  the  french  army  is  intended  to 
invade  the  United  States  and  to  act  against  General  Wilkin 
son  's  army :  and  my  observations  have  been  designed  to  answer 
both.  The  same  necessity  that  will  warrant  our  General  to 
enter  the  Spanish  territory  and  there  oppose  the  french  army, 
will  certainly  warrant  him  in  opposing  its  passage  up  the 
Missisipi :  or  rather  the  opposition  in  the  latter  case  will 
be  less  objectionable  than  in  the  former,  for  the  fourth  article 
of  our  treaty  with  spain  makes  that  river  a  high  way  open  and 
free  to  both  nations. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  remain 
"very  respectfully  sir  your 
' '  obedient  servant 
"CHARLES  LEE" 

McHenry  wrote  Wilkinson  at  once,  to  stop  any  French 
troops  ascending  the  Mississippi  under  the  Spanish  flag  and 
to  advance  into  Spanish  territory,  to  defeat  an  advancing 
foe,  if  the  danger  of  mischief  be  so  imminent  that  it  cannot 
otherwise  be  certainly  prevented.  He  may  not  call  out  the 
militia.  This  must  be  left  to  the  governor,  but  he  may  search 
craft  probably  carrying  prohibited  articles  to  New  Orleans 


440  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xv 

and  must  report  as  to  whether  there  should  be  a  new  post  on 
the  boundary,  near  the  31st  parallel.  l 

Nothing  more  is  heard  from  the  west  until  November  6, 
when  McHenry  writes  Washington  that  Gayoso  probably  was 
in  connivance  with  Z.  Cox  and  made  a  population  project  with 
him.  There  is  discontent  in  Natchez  according  to  Wilkinson 
and  the  people  are  moving  to  Spanish  territory.  The  pres 
ence  of  judges,  the  settlement  of  the  right  to  the  soil  and 
jurisdiction,  the  establishment  of  some  principle  by  which  to 
ascertain  and  fix  individual  rights  to  the  land  within  the  terri 
tory  are  essential  matters. 

On  November  29,  McHenry  urged  2  Adams  to  send  con 
gress  a  message,  which  may  lead  it  to  declare  war  with  France, 
suggested  mention  of  the  surrender  of  the  posts  on  the  east 
bank  of  the  Mississippi  by  Spain,  and  recommended  that  the 
president  be  invested  with  power  to  seize  Louisiana  and  Flor 
ida  on  behalf  of  Spain,  in  case  of  danger  that  France  seize 
them. 

On  January  31,  1799,  McHenry  writes  Wilkinson  that  he 
is  forwarding  supplies  and  a  galley  is  kept  ready  for  service. 
He  regrets  that  Wilkinson  called  on  the  governor  of  Louisiana 
to  surrender  Cox,  as  this  demand,  which  might  become  a  con 
gressional  question,  should  have  come  from  Washington.  Wil 
kinson  must  be  careful  not  to  make  Gayoso  unduly  jealous. 
"We  must  •consider  the  influence  France  exercises  over  the 
councils  of  Spain,  be  at  all  times  on  our  guard  against  hostil 
ities  and,  as  far  as  possible,  prepared  to  meet  them,  should 
the  weakness  of  the  latter  oblige  her  to  give  to  France  posses 
sion  of  Louisiana  or  the  Floridas."  Henceforth,  Hamilton 
will  give  Wilkinson  orders.  The  latter  must  let  governor  Ser 
geant  have  any  buildings  delivered  up  by  Spain  for  a  court 
house,  etc.,  if  the  post  be  not  thereby  deprived  of  necessary 
accommodations. 

In  the  west,  matters  were  fairly  quiet  in  the  last  year  of 
McHenry 's  secretaryship.  The  galley,  Senator  Ross,  caused 
some  correspondence. 

McHenry  felt  Fort  Massac  was  the  better  rendezvous  than 
Pittsburg  as  the  want  of  water  at  the  latter  place  at  certain 
seasons  would  prevent  a  descent  of  the  river  thence.  He 


1  J.  Adams,  viii,  584.     C.  F.  Adams  says  McHenry's  letter  to  Hamilton 
against  Wilkinson  shows  remarkable  knowledge  of  projects  against  Spain. 

2  J.  Adams,  viii,  604. 


UNIVERSITY 

OF 


iV- 


1798-1800]  of  James  McHeury  441 

thought  Hamtranck,  1  commanding  at  Fort  Wayne,  was  too 
far  from  Ohio  and  that  there  should  be  a  new  distribution  of 
authority  there. 

Hamilton  did  not  fear  an  invasion  by  the  Mississippi  and 
thought  that  one  galley  would  not  be  of  much  use  against  in 
vaders.  He  wrote  to  Hamtranck  and  sent  a  copy  of  this  letter 
to  Mcllenry  from  New  York  on  May  2d,  1799 : 

"Dr  Sir 

"Very  much  attached  to  the  idea  of  leaving  the  com 
manding  officer  of  a  distinct  &  distant  army  to  regulate  him 
self  his  particular  dispositions,  I  have  referred  the  employ 
ment  of  the  Galley  to  Col  Hamtranck,  on  the  supposition  that, 
by  the  departure  of  General  Wilkinson,  the  command  has 
devolved  upon  him;  with  the  intimation  only  of  my  opinion 
that  probably  the  lower  posts  on  the  Mississippi  offer  the  most 
natural  position. 

"It  seemed  to  me  that  this  Galley  would  render  more 
service  as  a  kind  of  sentinel  and  an  auxiliary  defence  to  those 
posts  than  any  other  way  —  the  invasion  of  the  western  coun 
try,  by  a  water  expedition  up  the  Mississippi,  except  the  part 
immediately  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Spanish  Territories, 
has  never  struck  me  as  much  to  be  apprehended  —  and  if  it 
shall  happen,  it  will  doubtless  be  with  means  against  which  a 
single  Galley  will  be  of  little  consequence.  Hence  the  keeping 
her  unemployed  at  Massac  to  wait  the  possibility  of  such  an 
event  appears  to  me  not  likely  to  counterract  in  utility  the 
expense  of  building  and  equipping  her.  As  a  protection  to 
an  offensive  movement  on  our  part,  the  position  below  will 
be  as  eligible  as  higher  up. 

"But  not  being  aware  of  the  views  which  may  have  influ 
enced  the  building  of  the  Galley,  I  sent  a  copy  of  my  letter  to 
you  to  enable  you  to  do  what  you  have  done.  And  since  you 
think  it  best  that  the  Galley  shall  continue  at  Massac,  till  after 
a  conference  with  General  Wilkinson,  and  as  it  is  not  im 
portant,  in  my  opinion,  that  her  destination  be  immediately 
fixed,  I  now  send  you  another  letter  for  Col  Hamtranck,  direct 
ing  him  to  permit  her  to  remain  at  Massac  till  further  order. 

"If  General  Wilkinson,  as  directed,  shall  have  left  the 
Western  army  for  the  Seat  of  Government,  it  is  presumable 
that  Col  Hamtranck  will  have  changed  his  own  position,  so  as 

1  September  28,  Hamtranck  wrote  concerning  the  drunkenness  of  the 
Indians  at  Detroit. 


442  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  xv 

to  be  in  one  more  convenient  for  communication  with  this 
Quarter  &  with  the  different  posts  under  his  command.  I  have 
acted  on  this  presumption,  though  my  letter  is  addressed  to 
him  where  he  was  known  last  to  be.  But,  at  any  rate,  espec 
ially  in  matters  not  urgent,  I  prefer  delay  to  the  breaking  in 
upon  the  regular  Military  order. 

"With  great  esteem  &  regard 
"Dr  Sir 

"Yrs  Obedly 
"A  HAMILTON" 

In  the  above  letter  the  following  was  enclosed : 

"General  Hamilton  respectfully  transmits  the  Secry  of 
War  the  copy  of  a  letter  to  Col  Hamtranck  on  the  subject  of 
the  Galley.  It  will  shew  what  has  been  deemed  by  him  the 
most  eligible  step" 

"New  York  April  29th.  1799 
"Sir, 

"The  secretary  of  War  has  informed  me  that  a  Galley 
lately  built  at  Pittsburg,  called  the  Senator  Ross,  has  been 
by  him  ordered  to  Massac,  there  to  receive  further  orders; 
The  commander  of  the  Western  Army  being  from  Situa 
tion  most  competent  to  judge  what  will  be  the  most  use 
ful  employment  of  this  Galley,  I  leave  it  with  you  to  dispose 
of  her,  as  you  shall  think  best ;  observing  only  that  the  lower 
posts  on  the  Mississippi  would  seem  to  me  the  most  fit  destina 
tion.  The  Secretary  of  War  having  instructed  the  command 
ant  of  Massac  to  pursue  the  orders  I  should  give,  I  send  you 
a  letter  to.him  directing  him  to  obey  your  commands. 

' '  I  think  it  most  expedient  for  the  present  that  the  Galley 
should  be  officered  and  manned  by  officers  and  men  to  be  de 
tached  from  the  line.  I  presume  it  will  not  be  difficult  to  find 
those  who  have  sufficient  marine  knowledge  to  answer  the 
purpose. 

"With  great  consideration 
"I  am  Sir 

"Yr.  Obedient  Servt. 
"A  HAMILTON" 

McHenry  gave  no  encouragement  to  white  men  who  made 
illegal  purchases  of  land  from  Indians.  "The  persons  who 


1798-1800]  of  James  McHenry  443 

have  speculated  illegally  in  Indian  lands  and  who  have 
excited  them  to  complain  to  government,  will,  no  doubt,  con 
tinue  to  practice  upon  them  and  even  to  stimulate  them  to 
acts  of  hostility,  should  they  consider  such  a  proceeding  cal 
culated  eventually  to  procure  to  them  from  the  United  States 
a  title  to  their  purchases."  Such  answer  he  made  to  the 
Chippewa,  Ottawa,  and  Pottawatomie  chiefs  who  came  to 
Philadelphia.  l 

It  was  felt  that  the  officers  at  the  posts  held  too  many 
talks  with  the  Indians  and  spent  too  much  money.  Hamilton 
urged  -  purchase  of  lands  from  Indians  to  prevent  collision 
with  pioneers.  ' '  Temporising  measures,  on  a  distant  frontier, 
are  often  proper  for  a  government  which  does  not  choose  to 
keep  on  foot  a  considerable  force,  effectually  to  awe  sedition 
and  hostility."  He  wrote3  to  Hamtranck,  by  McHenry 's 
orders,  that  the  military  must  not  intermeddle  in  Indian  af 
fairs.  The  governors  of  the  Northwest  and  Mississippi  Terri 
tories  are  ex-officio  superintendents  of  Indian  affairs  under 
McHenry  and  the  military  are  only  auxiliary,  that  is,  "they 
determine  when  and  where  supplies  are  to  be  furnished  to 
those  people  and  what  other  accommodations  they  are  to 
have." 

On  the  same  day  Hamilton  wrote  Wilkinson,  who  was  at 
Natchez : 

"New  York  May  23d  1799. 
"Sir 

' '  I  begin  now  to  be  anxious  to  learn  that  you  had  received 
ray  letter  desiring  you  to  repair  to  the  seat  of  Government,  iu 
conformity  with  an  intimation  from  the  Secretary  of  War, 
to  the  end  that,  with  the  aid  of  your  lights  and  experience,  a 
general  plan  for  the  arrangement  of  the  affairs  of  the  Wes 
tern  army,  with  an  eye  to  the  existing  posture  of  our  political 
concerns,  might  be  digested  and  adopted.  If  by  any  accident 
that  letter  should  not  have  gotten  to  hand,  I  must  urge  you 

1  May    18,    May   22    Adams   wrote   W.    S.    Smith    (Adams,   viii,    652), 
concerning  an   Indian   agent   who   complained   against    McHenry,    directing 
Smith    to   send    the   papers   to   the    Secretary.     See  IState   Papers,    Indian 
Affairs,  i,   645.     St.  Glair  on  Indian  Affairs.     He  was  -then  superintendent 
of  them. 

2  Hamilton,  v,  259.     See  also  Lodge,  vii,  151  on  situation  of  Western 
garrisons  and  p.   85   on  purchase  of  Indian  lands. 

3  May    23.      Hamilton,    v,    257.     On    the    same   day,    in   a   third    letter, 
Hamilton  told   McHenry  he  had  directed   Colonel   Strong,   if  necessary,   to 
withdraw  the  garrison  from  Mackinac.     He  wrote  Strong  on  the  22nd,  that 
he  preferred   to  have  Detroit  made  safe,   rather  than   to  fortify   Mackinac 
and  told  him  not  to  use  martial  law  in  Detroit. 


444  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP  xv 

to  lose  no  time  in  complying  with  its  object.  It  left  to  your 
option  to  come  by  way  of  New  Orleans,  if  you  could  obtain  the 
needful  consent  there,  and  if  you  should  think  it  the  most 
convenient,  and  a  perfectly  safe  route. 

"You  will,  of  course,  previous  to  your  departure,  leave 
the  requisite  instructions  with  the  officer  who  is  to  succeed  in 
the  command,  making  the  proper  reserves  as  to  those  discre 
tionary  powers  which  a  confidence  personal  to  you  may  have 
dictated. 

' '  On  the  presumption  that  you  would  have  left  the  West 
ern  army,  1  as  is  shown  by  Hamilton's  letter  of  May  29,  to 
Col:  Hamtranck  as  the  senior  officer  of  the  army. 
"With  great  consideration 
' '  &  esteem  I  have  the  honor  to  be 
"Sir  — 

"Yr.  obedient  servt. 

' '  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON  ' ' 

There  was  some  question  as  to  what  constituted  the  West 
ern  army, l  as  is  shown  by  Hamilton 's  letter  of  May  29,  to 
McHenry : 

"The  enclosed,  my  Dear  Sir,  was  written  on  this  idea 
that,  though  the  Troops  in  Tennessee  are  annexed  to  the  com 
mand  of  General  Pinckney,  as  far  as  a  distinct  supervision  on 
the  sea-board  is  concerned,  yet  they  remain  a  part  of  the  west 
ern  army  and  are  subject  to  the  general  superintendance  and 
direction  of  the  commander  of  that  Army.  This  connection 
seems  necessary  to  the  due  course  of  service  on  the  Western 
Quarter.  There  appears  to  be  an  intimate  relation  of  objects 
between  the  troops  in  Tennessee  and  the  other  troops  in  the 
Western  Quarter  —  as  to  the  Indians  and  as  to  military  opera 
tions  —  and  a  necessity  of  mutual  support,  perhaps  occasion 
ally  of  detaching  from  the  one  to  the  other.  If  so  the  Troops 
in  Tennessee  can  hardly  be  detached  from  the  Western  Com 
mander  and,  in  matters  of  common  concern,  he  must  extend  his 
attention  to  all.  If  your  idea  be  not  radically  different,  if  it 

1  Rivardi,  the  commander  at  Niagara,  wrote  Hamilton  on  August 
8,  1799.  It  was  very  hot,  the  thermometer  standing  at  96°  P.  "The 
surgeons  of  the  British  continue  to  attend  our  sick  with  the  greatest  atten 
tion  and  appear  to  receive  an  obligation,  while  they  lay  me  under  one.  I 
sincerely  wish,  however,  to-  be  soon  able  to  decline  their  further  good 
offices."  McHenry  on  August  30,  wrote  Hamilton  that  he  always  adds 
temporary  surgeons'  mates  when  apprised  that  a  garrison  in  the  West  or 
on  the  frontier  wants  them. 


1798-1800]  of  James  McHcnry  445 

extend  not  to  a  total  separation  of  the  Troops  in  Tennessee, 
this  letter  is  proper.  If  it  does  extend  to  a  total  separation, 
then  I  will  request  you  to  exchange  the  words  'in  Tennessee' 
and  to  add  after  dependencies  'except  the  troops  in  Tennessee' 
and  then  to  forward  the  letter.  As  to  the  troops  on  St  Mary's, 
I  understand  that  they  were  never  considered  as  forming  a 
part  of  the  "Western  army  &  so  not  included  in  the  letter  as  it 
stands.  Favour  me  with  a  line  expressing  what  you  shall  have 
done 

"Yrs.  Affectly 
"AH" 

On  the  Indian  trade  "Wolcott  wrote  l  McHenry  on  Au 
gust  17,  "My  opinion  has,  you  know,  been  somewhat  different 
from  yours  on  the  subject  of  Indian  trade.  I  consider  the 
public  establishments  as  in  every  respect  nuisances,  the  capital 
must  from  the  nature  of  things  be  lost.  Abuses  will  be  com 
mitted  by  the  public  agents,  sooner  or  later ;  and  it  is  impos 
sible  that  the  Indians  should  be  well  supplied.  The  interest 
and  policy  of  the  government,  in  my  opinion,  requires  that 
the  Indian  trade  should  rest  principally  in  the  hands  of  a 
few  men  of  capital."  These  would  be  interested  in  preserv 
ing  peace,  which  interest  pedlars  do  not  feel.  "My  plan 
would  be  to  keep  the  trade  in  few  but  good  hands,  and  to  give 
up  the  public  stores  as  soon  as  possible."  During  1799,  the 
boundary  was  being  run  between  the  United  States  and  Spain 
and  between  the  Cherokees  and  the  whites  in  Tennessee  and 
these  matters  caused  McHenry  much  thought.  The  questions 
he  had  to  consider  may  be  seen  from  the  following  letter : 

"Hillsboro  30th  of  June  1799 
"Sir 

"The  two  letters  you  did  me  the  honor  to  write  me  last 
month,  I  did  not  receive  till  the  20th  Inst.  Not  knowing  when 
the  mail  departed,  I  have  lost  a  week  in  making  you  this 
acknowledgment. 

"The  opinion  I  ventured  to  give  you  in  my  letter  of  the 
30th  of  July,  &  which  you  think  worthy  of  some  attention,  was 
not  without  reasons,  on  which  I  thought  I  could  rely. 

"Your  inquiry  points  to  persons;  to  this  purpose  what  I 
am  about  to  trouble  you  with,  appears  to  me  quite  insignifi 
cant,  in  your  hands  it  may  assume  some  value. 

1  Gibbs,  ii,  247. 


446  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  xv 

' '  To  you  who  know  the  rise  and  progress  of  the  Tennessee 
settlements,  so  much  better  than  myself,  it  would  be  superflu 
ous  to  mention  it,  however  concisely.  The  happiness  to  be 
attained  by  the  orderly  and  peaceful  establishments  &  pursuits 
of  society  are  not  the  objects  those  settlers  were  in  search  of 
—  this  you  have  seen  and  felt,  &  against  their  turbulent  temper 
have  been  constrained  to  afford  protection  to  the  Indians  — 
this  corrective  to  their  conduct  has  worked  no  reformation 
on  their  minds  —  they  burn  with  indignation  at  the  restraints 
put  upon  their  avidity  for  the  Indian  lands. 

"The  Indians  on  their  part,  have  nothing  so  much  at 
heart  as  to  retain  their  lands,  &  keep  as  far  from  the  Tennes 
see  people  as  possible.  When  it  is  considered  that,  hunting 
is  the  chief  object  with  the  Indians,  whether  for  sustinence  or 
recreation,  &  that,  as  the  game  decreases,  its  value  is  enhanced, 
it  cannot  be  believed  they  will  willingly  contract  their  sphere 
&  diminish  the  chief  source  of  all  their  joys  and  comforts. 
The  bloody  fellow  said  'We  will  not  sell  a  foot  of  land  for 
that  boat'  (pointing  to  a  large  barge)  full  of  dollars  'Weighty 
as  these  reasons  are  on  the  side  of  the  Indians,  there  is  yet 
another  not  less  operative;  the  lands  they  part  with  furnish 
an  increase  of  numbers  &  power  to  those  who,  for  many  rea 
sons,  they  regard  as  their  principle  of  decay'  &  the  probable 
means  of  their  final  extinction.  Ideas  like  these,  I  know, 
some  of  the  most  sensible  of  the  Cherokees  do  really  entertain ; 
Doublehead  once  said  to  me  'I  know  I  must  die  by  the  hands 
of  these  men,  but  it  will  be  in  contending  for  my  right. '  They 
know  and  acknowledge  that  the  people  of  Tennessee  are  able 
to  destroy  them,  and  with  it  are  well  convinced  they  are  will 
ing  to  do  it. 

' '  On  the  federal  Government  alone  they  build  their  hopes ; 
they  seemed  confident  in  its  justice  &  humanity  &  no  way  diffi 
dent  of  its  power.  The  last  talk  we  gave  the  Indians,  was  of 
a  more  serious  nature  than  any  which  preceded ;  the  effect  was 
apparent.  It  was  intimated  that  their  friendship  for  the 
United  States  was  doubtful  and  we  feared  they  intended  to 
withdraw  their  affections  from  our  Father  the  President  — 
the  bloody  fellow  was  greatly  affected,  &  with  a  countenance 
denoting  excessive  anxiety  &  in  a  manner  that  imposed  confi 
dence  said,  '  I  have  taken  the  President  fast  by  the  hand  as  my 
Father  &  I  never  will  quit  it. '  After  the  conference  was  over 
the  chiefs  severally  &  at  different  times,  said  they  hoped  we 
were  yet  friends,  &  we  begged  them  not  to  doubt  of  it. 


1798-1800]  of  James  McHenry  447 

"I  had  taken  my  leave  of  those  with  whom  I  was  best 
acquainted  &  never  expected  to  see  one  of  them  again  :  In  the 
evening  Bloody  Fellow  &  Doublehead  came  together  to  our 
house,  saying  they  did  not  like  the  way  in  which  we  parted 
and  that  they  came  to  spend  the  evening  with  us  in  friend 
ship.  They  began  with  some  advice  to  Mr.  Steel,  respecting 
his  rout  to  Xatches,  by  putting  him  on  his  guard  against  a 
danger  to  which  he  was  exposed,  in  passing  thro'  the  Indian 
country  as  he  had  intended,  &  offered  to  conduct  him  a  safe 
way  by  water. 

"Doublehead  asked  if  I  should  return  to  the  treaty,  I 
said  I  should  not,  at  which  he  seemed  sorry  (for  he  had  de 
clared  himself  my  friend)  I  expressed  my  sorrow  at  leaving 
them  in  such  ill  temper  towards  our  people  &  desired  him  to 
think  well  on  what  I  had  several  times  mentioned  to  him,  in 
our  private  conversations;  he  said  he  had  been  doing  it,  & 
that  he  &  Bloody  fellow,  had  come  on  purpose  to  let  us  know 
it ;  that  they  had  been  deceived ;  Had  they  known  at  first  what 
they  then  did,  they  believed  things  would  have  been  other 
wise;  that  they  had  wished  to  meet  again  (which  before  they 
seemed  not  inclined  to  do)  &  they  hoped  the  treaty  would  be 
happily  concluded.  We  talked  over  the  subject  of  the  bound 
ary,  &  I  understood  the  treaty  made  is,  in  this  respect,  exact 
ly  what  those  two  Indians  seemed  willing  to  agree  to. 

"I  am  perplexed  with  the  Bloody  fellow's  story  to  you, 
because  by  that,  it  seems,  they  believed  the  United  States  were 
desirous  to  purchase  their  land  &  water  too.  Yet  he  did  re 
peatedly  express  his  doubts  of  our  Mission  —  required  the 
Commissions  to  be  shown  and  read.  After  they  were  read 
some  of  them  said  the  white  people  could  write  anything  & 
impose  on  the  Indians,  who  could  not  read;  they  then  examin 
ed  the  seals  —  &  Dinsmore  and  Col.  Butler  were  called  on  to 
vouch  for  the  authenticity  of  the  Commissions  —  an  argument 
too  was  drawn,  from  Col  Butler's  attending  us  with  the  fed 
eral  troops  —  all  this  did  not  entirely  dispel  their  doubts,  for 
after  this,  Bloody  fellow  said,  we  did  not  speak  the  language  of 
the  President,  but  of  'those  men'  (pointing  to  the  Tennessee 
Commissioners)  some  notice  being  taken  of  this,  he  said,  h^ 
did  not  mean  those  men,  but  others,  pointing  towards  Knox- 
ville. 

"Doublehead,  in  a  conversation,  which  I  did  not  choose 
to  trust  to  any  other  interpreter  than  his  own  Nephew,  inti 
mated  his  suspicions  that,  the  Commissioners  were  but  lab- 


448  Life  and  Correspondence  [CHAP,  xv 

curing  for  their  own  particular  interest;  that  some  of  them 
had  larger  claims  on  the  Indian  lands.  I  answered  for  my 
self  that,  I  neither  had,  nor  intended  to  have,  a  foot  of  land 
in  that  country  &  I  believed  my  colleagues  were  equally  clear ; 
he  shook  his  head  &  pointed  to  Mr.  Walton  and  said  he  came 
from  Georgia :  I  told  him  he  was  wrong,  but  he  retained  his 
opinion  &  said  the  President  did  not  want  to  buy  the  land.  I 
asked  who  informed  him  of  these  things  —  he  said  my  ear 
could  not  receive  anything  from  his  mouth  &  this  secret  he 
would  not  intrust  even  to  his  Nephew. 

"I  have  not  a  paper  with  me  relative  to  the  Treaty  of 
Jellico  &  may  have  forgot  some  other  facts,  but  these  con 
vinced  me,  that  the  Indians  had  been  misled,  respecting  our 
Mission.  How  and  by  whom,  this  has  been  done,  you  earnestly 
inquire.  I  am  unable  to  answer:,  at  least  in  the  way  that 
might  assist  your  researches  &  satisfy  my  inclinations.  I  will 
do  the  best  I  can. 

' '  On  my  way  to  the  treaty  I  heard  repeatedly  that  Govr. 
Sevier  ought  to  have  been  a  Commissioner  &  that  he  was  im 
properly  neglected  by  the  federal  Government :  some  added 
that  Mr  Blount  should  have  been  appointed,  on  account  of  his 
great  experience  in  Indian  affairs  &  his  personal  influence  over 
the  Cherokees.  At  Knoxville  I  conversed  with  both  these 
gentlemen  £  Mr.  Blount  told  me  the  Indians  would  sell  the 
land  which  has  since  been  purchased.  I  believe  the  Gov.  said 
nearly  the  same  thing  &  believe  both  told  me  they  had  seen  & 
talked  with  some  of  the  chiefs. 

"It  was  said  a  Col.  or  Major  somebody  (I  forget  his 
name)  was  seen  at  times,  among  the  Indians  &  that  he  was 
sent  by  the  Govr.  &  Mr.  Blount,  it  was  said  that  Watts  had 
been  with  Mr.  Blount  &  had  reed,  from  him  a  good  deal  of 
money,  but  this  was  mere  report. 

"Commissioners  were  sent  to  the  Treaty,  to  watch  over 
the  particular  interest  of  the  State  of  Tennessee.  I  under- 
etood  it  was  done  by  the  Govr.  They  furnished  us  with  sev 
eral  lengthy  memorials,  which  we  supposed  were  intended  to 
embarrass  us.  They  often  and  at  improper  times,  as  we  were 
told,  had  the  Indians  with  them.  One  of  their  Commissioners 
was  a  gentleman  from  Georgia  very  recently  removed  to  Ten 
nessee.  The  secretary  to  that  Commission,  was  also  a  Geor 
gian  adventurer  with  Mr.  Coxe,  &  left  intrusted  very  confi 
dentially  with  the  managment  of  his  affairs. 

"As  the  schemes  of  Mr.   Coxe  &  his  companions  were 


1798-1800]  of  James  McHenry  449 

altogether  desperate,  while  peace  remained  &  as  something 
might  be  hoped  for  from  war  &  disturbance,  their  all  seemed, 
therefore,  to  depend  on  things  being  brought  to  this  condition 
to  answer  good  purposes  in  the  treaty  a  more  improper  person 
could  not  have  been  selected,  to  fill  the  place  of  Secretary. 

"I  am  at  a  loss  to  point  my  suspicions.  Coxe's  people 
may  have  proved  conspirers  for  their  own  interests.  The 
Govr.  may,  at  least,  have  been  pleased  to  see  the  treaty  fail  in 
our  hands ;  so  it  may  have  been  with  Mr.  Blount  —  many 
others  in  Tennessee  had  views  no  way  suited  to  peaceful  com 
pacts  with  the  Indians  —  be  assured  they  want  all  the  land 
and  not  a  part.  A  militia  Captain,  his  name  I  believe  is  Cox, 
being  asked  what  would  satisfy  the  people,  said  that,  for  the 
present  they  wanted  all  the  land  to  the  Tennessee  River:  but 
said  he,  to  be  candid,  I  dont  believe  that  will  do  long;  we 
shall  force  the  Indians  over  the  Mississippi  &  perhaps  may 
follow  them  there.  Captain  Cox  is  not  singular  in  these  senti 
ments  —  they  are  not  inspired  by  influential  men ;  no  man  will 
have  influence  there,  who  does  not  entertain  them,  or  some 
thing  like  them  —  in  this  they  see  their  exaltation  and  a 
means  of  gratifying  ambition  &  avarice ;  hence  springs  the 
under  current  which  crosses  your  purposes. 

"The  Federal  Government  overshadows  their  firm  pros 
pects  with  a  dark  &  deadly  gloom ;  while  peace  remains,  scarce 
a  ray  of  hope  appears  to  comfort  them  :  their  policy  is  to  alien 
ate  the  United  States  from  the  Indians  &  they  will  not  be  too 
scrupulous  in  the  means. 

"Whoever  shall  have  the  address  to  effect  this,  will  rise 
high  in  the  estimation  of  his  countrymen  —  the  very  desire 
to  do  this  attacks  their  confidence  and  affection.  War  is  de 
sirable;  add  only  the  money  of  the  United  States  to  carry  it 
on  and  nothing  more  remains  to  be  asked  for,  at  least  for  the 
present. 

"You  will  not  understand  me  to  speak  thus  without  any 
exception ;  doubtless,  there  are  many  who  differ  widely  from 
those  I  have  described;  but  these  are  the  active,  enterprising 
men,  they  possess  the  energies  of  the  state  and  will  govern  it 
—  among  such  numbers  and  with  such  motives  to  thwart  our 
negotiation,  I  know  not  where  to  look  for  such  an  accumula 
tion  of  circumstances  as  will  mark  out  &  distinguish  particular 
offenders. 

"You  have  commanded  me,  Sir,  to  write  confidentially  to 
you  &  I  have  done  so ;  this  letter  has  insensibly  grown  beyond 


450  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xv 

my  expectations :  I  have  to  regret  that  other  duties  call  me  off 
without  leaving  me  time  to  correct  or  make  it  more  intelligible, 
if  further  explanation  should  be  required,  you  have  only  to 
speak  &  shall  be  obeyed. 

"Should  it  be  thought  that,  for  a  Commissioner,  I  have 
failed  in  acquiring  necessary  information,  my  apology  will 
be  found  in  the  peculiarity  of  my  situation.  Ignorant  of  the 
Indian  language,  the  Indians  ignorant  of  mine,  not  an  inter 
preter  to  be  trusted  on  either  side  &  abstracted  from  every 
white  man  who  might  be  able  &  willing  to  give  me  intelligence 
—  such  was  my  situation,  from  the  first  moment  I  heard  of 
any  attempt  to  counteract  us  until  the  treaty  adjourned. 

"What  you  injoin  respecting  military  appointments  for 
the  eventual  army,  shall  be  obeyed:  for  that  army  you  can 
have  whom  you  please.  I  shall  soon  see  Govr.  Davie  &  will 
talk  with  him  on  the  subject. 

' '  With  very  great  respect  I  am  Sir 
"Your  most  obt.  sevt. 
"ALFRED  MOORE" 

Hamilton  l  felt  that  a  passion  for  building  permanent 
forts  existed  and  should  be  restrained.  Wilkinson  had  al 
ready  spent  $80,000  on  Loftus  Heights,  which  was  started  im 
properly  and  without  submission  to  the  president  before  Ham 
ilton  became  major-general.  McHenry  would  have  advocated 
a  smaller  fort  there  and  did  not  believe  in  large  forts.  Ham 
ilton  thought,  however,  that  McHenry  was  too  exacting,  in 
wishing  all  plans  submitted  before  they  are  carried  out,  and 
wrote,2  "I  cannot  adopt  the  opinion  that  every  measure,  in 
all  circumstances,  which  may  involve  considerable  expendi 
ture,  should  be  submitted  through  the  Secretary  of  the  ap 
propriate  department  to  the  President  for  his  approval  and 
that,  without  such  approval  formally  and  explicitly  announc 
ed,  no  act  leading  to  its  execution  should  take  place.  A  precise 
rule  for  distinguishing  the  different  cases  is  impracticable;  it 
must  be  a  matter  of  sound  discretion  and  of  fair  confidence 
on  all  sides." 

McHenry  stood  his  ground  3  and  felt  that  too  much  had 

1  November    10    W.    S.    Smith    wrote    Hamilton    on    religious    services 
among  the  troops.     He  had  the  minister  of  the  parish  in  which  his  regi 
ment  is  encamped  preach  last  Sunday  and  wishes  to  employ  him  regularly. 
He  will  preach  cheaply  and  render  the  employment  of  any  other  chaplains 
unnecessary. 

2  Hamilton,  v,   360,  371  ;  Lodge,  vii,  170. 

3  .See  Hamilton,   v,    401.     February   21,    1800.     Letter   to   McHenry   on 
the  Western  army. 


1798-1800]  of  James  McHenry  451 

been  spent  on  Loftus  Heights  and  that  every  act  involving 
considerable  expenditure  should  be  transmitted  to  the  presi 
dent  for  approval  and  without  this  approval  no  act  should  take 
place.  To  Hamilton's  claim  that  exceptions  were  necessary, 
McHenry  answered,  "True,  in  the  active  scenes  of  a  cam 
paign  amidst  the  hurried  operations  of  war,  in  which  success 
often  depends  upon  promptitude  and  when  the  general  quoad 
hoc  is  the  centre  of  information,  the  rule  must  be  often  dis 
pensed  with  and  so,  in  a  degree,  upon  a  sudden  or  imminent 
well  grounded  expectation  of  attack,  using  a  sound  discretion 
and  upon  the  responsibility  of  the  officer  or  commissioner." 

In  October.  Hamilton  suggested  that  the  number  of  west 
ern  posts  be  reduced.  McHenry  agreed  to  this,  provided,  (1) 
we  keep  possession  of  those  which,  in  the  hands  of  foreign 
power  might  be  disputed  as  our  right;  (2)  we  keep  up  our 
influence  with  Indians  and  in  case  of  war  check  them  and  cov 
er  the  settlements;  (3)  we  keep  enough  to  observe  operations 
of  and  in  war  be  barrier  and  annoyance  to  white  neighbors; 
(4)  we  secure  the  allegiance  and  obedience  of  citizens  remote 
and  exposed  to  the  insinuations  of  foreign  emissaries  and  mis 
guided  or  treacherous  citizens;  (5)  we  protect  the  passage  at 
the  confluence  of  great  rivers,  both  with  military  view  and 
to  afford  facilities  to  and  excite  trading  enterprise. 

Just  before  leaving  office,  McHenry  made  a  report  to  the 
house  of  representatives,  in  which  he  discussed  the  subject  of 
Indian  rations  which  are  given  from  the  army  stores, l  rec 
ommending  a  separate  arrangement  and  treating  the  ques 
tions  of  the  visits  of  Indians  to  the  seat  of  government,  which 
McHenry  had  tried  to  render  less  frequent.  He  also  tried  to 
establish  more  resident  agents  and  discussed  the  cost  of  trans 
porting  the  Indian  annuities. 

1  May  20,  1799,  he  wrote  Winthrop  Sargent,  governor  of  Mississippi 
Territory,  that  the  federal  government  would  reimburse  him  for  his  ex 
penses  for  an  interpreter  and  for  provisions  for  the  Indians,  but  McHenry 
wishes  him  to  keep  a  careful  account  and  not  be  wasteful. 


CHAPTER  XVI 

THE  FEDERALISTS  IN  THE  PRESIDENTIAL  CAMPAIGN  OF  1800 

AS  Adams's  presidential  term  drew  towards  its  close,  the 
Federalists  in  congress  held  a  secret  caucus  in  the 
senate  chamber,  at  which  it  was  agreed  that  they  would 
support  the  president  for  reelection  and  would  vote  also  for 
General  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney  of  South  Carolina.  It 
was  intended  that  Pinckney  should  be  the  vice  president,  but 
the  federal  constitution  at  that  time  provided  that  each  elec 
tor  should  vote  for  two  persons  for  president.  The  person 
receiving  the  highest  number  of  votes  became  president  and 
the  one  receiving  the  second  number  vice  president.  Thus  it 
was  possible  for  either  nominee  to  succeed  to  the  presidency, 
if  the  party's  representatives  in  the  electoral  college  did  not 
vote,  unanimously,  for  both  nominees. 

The  Federal  enthusiasm  produced  by  the  X.  Y.  Z.  let 
ters  had  cooled,  the  alien  and  sedition  acts  were  unpopular, 
the  lack  of  sympathy  between  the  president  and  Hamilton  be 
came  more  marked,  especially  after  the  death  of  Washing 
ton.  In  the  cabinet,  Pickering  and  Wolcott  were  unfriendly 
to  Adams  and  leant  towards  Hamilton.  McHenry  was  so 
upright  that,  though  he  was  Hamilton's  dearest  friend,  Adams 
could  make  no  charge  of  underhand  dealing  against  him. 
But  the  fact  that  he  was  Hamilton's  friend,  tended  to  make 
him  more  and  more  distasteful  to  Adams.  In  the  early  days 
of  May, 1  came  news  that  the  election  in  New  York  had  been 
lost  to  the  Federalists.  This  still  more  aroused  Adams's  hos 
tility  to  Hamilton,  whom  he  thought  to  have  contributed  to 
the  defeat,  because  of  enmity  towards  him.  It  was  also  sug 
gested  that  Adams  thought  that  a  breach  with  Hamilton  and 
his  friends,  from  whom  he  could  now  gain  nothing,  would 
help  him  in  the  South  and  rumors  spread  that  Adams  would 
try  to  secure  his  own  reelection  with  Jefferson  as  vice  presi- 

1  See  Hildreth,  v,  370;  J.  Adams  Works,  i,  566;  Hamilton's  works,  1, 
edited  by  J.  C.  Hamilton,  714  ;  Lodge's  Hamilton,  vii,  349. 


1800]  of  James  McHenry  453 

dent.  l  Then  too  Adams  must  have  felt  that  he  wished  ad 
visers  who  would  sympathize  more  closely  with  his  views  as 
to  the  reduction  of  the  military  system. 

Adams  had  "learned  to  cherish  some  regard"  for  Mc 
Henry  "in  his  personal  intercourse,"  but  felt  that  it  was  to 
Hamilton  that  the  secretary  of  war  "habitually  deferred  as 
the  arbitrator  of  his  official  administration.  To  him,  he  looked 
and  not  to  Mr.  Adams  as  the  guide  of  his  political  system." 

Yet  on  the  morning  of  May  5,  when  Adams  sent  this  note 
to  McHenry,  "The  P.  requests  Mr.  McHenry 's  company  for 
one  minute,"  there  was  no  new  cause  for  a  breach  with  him 
and,  but  for  Adams's  failure  to  control  his  temper,  that  inter 
view  might  have  passed  as  many  previous  ones. 

In  a  letter  written,  on  May  20,  to  his  nephew,  John  Mc 
Henry,  at  The  Hague, 3  McHenry  stated  that  he  had,  ' '  with 
the  privity  of  the  President,  taken  a  house  in  Georgetown  a 
few  weeks  previous  to  the  event  &  made  arrangements  for 
the  removal  of  my  family  thither."  The  cabinet  had  been 
"disjointed"  ever  since  Pickering,  Wolcott,  and  McHenry  had 
opposed  the  president,  thinking  that  "the  mission  to  France 
might  have  been  happily  dispensed  with, ' '  while  Stoddert  and 
Lee  agreed  with  Adams.  McHenry  thought  he  had  perceived  a 
"new  set  of  principles"  introduced  and  that  the  "acts  of 
administration  were,  as  far  as  practicable,  to  be  made  sub 
servient  to  electioneering  purposes.  Every  day  increased 
Adams's  alarm  on  this  subject  and  his  distrust  of  those  gentle 
men  near  him  who  did  not  constantly  feed  him  with  news  or 
hopes,  flattering  to  his  election.  At  times  he  would  speak  in 
such  a  manner  of  certain  men  and  things,  as  to  persuade  one 
that  he  was  actually  insane.  For  my  own  part,  I  had  never 
taken  a  single  step  to  depreciate  his  character,  or  prevent  his 
election,  or  expressed  any  public  disapprobation  of  the  mis 
sion."  The  arrangement  that  both  Adams  and  Pinckney 
should  be  supported  equally  for  the  presidency,  increased 


1  On  July  17,  C.  C.  Pinckney  wrote  to  Hamilton  asking  if  these  rumors 
were  true.  See  Pickering's  Examination  of  Adams  and  Cunningham's 
letters,  93. 

.2  Adams,  i,  566.  I  have  found  no  proof  of  C.  F.  Adams's  statements 
that  McHenry's  conduct  was  "subject  to  vacillation  and  change,  under 
the  disturbing  force  applied  from  time  to  time  by  the  will  of  the  President 
himself.  The  effect  was  to  present  to  the  world  an  appearance  of  irreg 
ularity  and  uncertainty,  which  materially  contributed,  to  shake  confidence 
in  the  system  of  the  administration.  These  symptoms  became  more  per 
ceptible,  as  the  difference  between  the  President  and  Mr.  Hamilton  became 
more  wide,"  or  that  McHenry's  "Deference  to  the  wishes  of  Adams  became 
cold,  reluctant  and  dilatory." 

3  Gibbs.     Administration  of  Washington  and  Adams,  ii,  346. 


454  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xvi 

Adams's  apprehensions,  as  he  feared  it  was  ''an  abandon 
ment  of  his  interest." 

When  McHenry  came,  Adams  spoke  first  of  business,  in 
connection  with  the  purveyor  of  supplies,  and  when  that  was 
disposed  of,  the  president,  smarting  under  the  fresh  news  of 
the  New  York  defeat, ' '  was  led  on  to  say  many  unguarded  and 
some  harsh  things,  that  might  have  been  omitted. ' '  It  was  a 
long  and  stormy  conversation,  in  which  Adams  seemed  to 
McHenry  ' '  indecorous  &  at  times  outrageous. ' '  Adams  charg 
ed  McHenry  with  influencing  Washington  to  place  Hamilton 
before  Knox  on  the  list  of  generals,  with  eulogizing  Washing 
ton  at  Adams's  expense,  with  failing  to  appoint  to1  a  captaincy 
in  the  army  a  North  Carolina  elector  who  had  voted  for  Adams, 
and  with  attempting,  in  a  report  to  the  house  of  representa 
tives,  to  eulogize  Hamilton,  who  contributed  to  the  loss  of  the 
election  in  New  York  out  of  ill  will  to  Adams.  Further,  Mc 
Henry  had  joined  with  the  other  secretaries  in  signing  a  let 
ter  to  Adams,  concerning  the  suspension  of  the  mission  to 
France.  How  should  he  or  they,  presumptuously,  intermeddle 
or  pretend  to  know  anything  of  diplomatic  affairs.  McHenry 
had  best  resign.  It  was  a  pitiful  exhibition  of  rage  and 
spleen  and  Adams  afterwards  regretted  that  he  had  ' '  wounded 
the  feelings"  of  McHenry.  The  latter  promptly  resigned,1 
sending  his  letter  of  resignation  on  the  sixth,  and  asking  that 
he  might  remain  in  office  for  a  few  days  to  complete  unfinished 
business.  This  resignation  Adams  accepted  in  the  following 
note  of  the  7th  of  May: 

"Sir 

"I  have  received  the  Letter  you  did  me  the  honor  to 
write  on  the  sixth  day  of  this  month,  and  consider  the  re 
quests  contained  in  it  as  very  reasonable. 
"They  are  readily  agreed.     I  am  Sir 

"with  much  esteem,  your  most 
"obedient  and  humble  Servant 
"JOHN  ADAMS" 

Brown  well  sums  up  McHenry 's  official  career  in  the 
war  office 2  in  these  words :  ' '  His  management  of  it  was 
marked  more  by  fidelity  &  industry,  than  by  any  conspicuous 

1  May  7,   Sedgwick  wrote  Hamilton  that  Marshall  had  been  nominat 
ed  as  secretary  of  war  but  would  not  accept.     "He  was  never  consulted  & 
had  no  intimation  that  McHenry  was  to  retire."     Hamilton,  vi,  438. 

2  Life  of  McHenry,  p.  35. 


1800]  of  James  McHenry  455 

talent  for  conducting  the  complicated  affairs  of  a  great  de 
partment."  McHenry 's  letter  of  resignation  to  the  president 
concluded  thus :  ' '  Having  discharged  the  duties  of  Secretary 
of  War  for  upwards  of  four  years  with  fidelity,  unremitting 
assiduity,  &  to  the  best  of  my  abilities,  I  leave  behind  me  all 
the  records  of  the  department,  exhibiting  the  principles  & 
manner  of  my  official  conduct,  together  with  not  a  few  difficul 
ties  I  had  to  encounter.  To  these  written  documents,  I  cheer 
fully  refer  my  reputation  as  an  officer  &  a  man. ' ' l 

In  his  tract,  entitled  the  "Public  Character  of  John 
Adams  Esq.,  President  of  the  IT.  S.,"  printed  six  months 
later,  Hamilton  wrote  the  "ill  treatment  of  Mr.  McHenry 
cannot  fail  to  awaken  the  sympathy  of  every  person  well  ac 
quainted  with  him.  Sensible,  judicious,  well  informed,  of 
an  integrity  never  questioned,  of  a  temper,  which,  though  firm 
in  the  support  of  principles,  has  too  much  moderation  & 
amenity  to  offend  by  the  manner  of  doing  it  —  I  dare  pro 
nounce  that  he  never  gave  Mr.  Adams  cause  to  treat  him,  as 
he  did,  with  unkindness.  If  Mr.  Adams  thought  that  his 
execution  of  his  office  indicated  a  want  of  the  peculiar  quali 
fications  required  for  it,  he  might  have  said  so  with  gentle 
ness  &  he  would  have  only  exercised  a  prerogative,  entrusted 
to  him  by  the  Constitution,  to  which  no  blame  could  have 
attached,  but  it  was  unjustifiable  to  aggravate  the  deprivation 
of  office,  by  humiliating  censures  &  bitter  reproaches." 

Between  McHenry 's  resignation  and  his  retirement,  s 
Adams  and  Wolcott  were  together  and  the  former  introduced 
McHenry 's  name  into  the  conversation,  stating  that  he  con 
sidered  him  a  "gentleman  of  agreeable  manners,  of  extensive 
information,  &  of  great  industry:  that  he  verily  believed"  Mc 
Henry 's  "hands  were  pure;"  that  he  was  "happy  in  under 
standing"  that  McHenry 's  "circumstances  were  affluent"  and 
that  the  loss  of  his  office  would  not  distress  his  family;  "if 
any  suitable  office  should  become  vacant,"  Adams  said  "he 
would  with  pleasure  confer  it  upon"  the  late  secretary  of  war. 

Adams 's  attack  on  Hamilton  was  unwise,  for  the  latter  4 
recently  had  written  Sedgwick  "To  support  Adams  &  Pinck- 
ney  equally  is  the  only  thing  that  can  possibly  save  us  from 
the  fangs  of  Jefferson.  It  is,  therefore,  essential  that  the 


1  Unfortunately  they  were  burned  within  the  year,  see  note  on  page 
476. 

2  Hamilton,  vii,  717. 
SGibbs,  ii.  395,  409,  410. 
4  Hamilton,  vi,    436. 


456  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xvi 

federalists  l  should  not  separate  without  coming  to  a  distinct 
&  solemn  concert  to  pursue  this  course  bona  fide." 

On  May  7,  Hamilton  urged  on  Governor  Jay2  that 
the  New  York  federal  state  legislature  be  called,  before  it  was 
succeeded  by  the  anti-federal  one  just  elected  so  as  to  pass  a 
law  for  ' '  the  choosing  of  the  electors  by  the  people  in  districts, 
a  measure  which  he  believed  would  secure  a  majority  of  elec 
tors  in  the  country"  for  a  Federal  candidate.  He  feared  that 
Pinckney  would  not  be  supported  by  the  Adams  men  and 
wrote  that,  if  both  are  ''upheld  in  the  East  with  entire  good 
faith,  on  the  ground  of  uniformity,  I  will,  wherever  my  influ 
ence  may  extend,  pursue  the  same  plan.  If  not,  I  will  pursue 
Mr.  Pinckney  as  my  sole  object."3 

Just  at  this  time,  on  May  7,  Pickering  wrote  to  William 
Smith  at  Lisbon  telling  him  of  the  Jeffersonian  victory  in 
New  York,  whose  twelve  electoral  votes  will  probably  be  cast 
for  the  Republican  candidate.  "This  will,  doubtless,  turn 
the  scale  of  the  Union  in  favor  of  Mr.  Jefferson.  The  only 
chance  for  a  Federal  president  will  be  by  the  election"  of 
General  Pinckney.  He  will  be  "voted  for  in  the  Carolinas  with 
Jefferson  and  will  be  elected,  if  the  New  England  states  keep 
him  on  their  votes.  There  is  some  danger  that  part  of  the 
Massachusetts  votes  may  omit  General  Pinckney,  unless  the 
train  of  information  between  this  time  and  the  election  of 
president  should  convince  them  of  the  impropriety  of  contin 
uing  Mr.  Adams.  Here  we  see  the  beginning  of  a  plot, 
which  was  considered  all  through  the  campaign  and  might 
have  succeeded,  if  Pinckney  would  have  lent  himself  to  it. 

Adams,  having  begun  his  attack  on  Hamilton's  friends, 
continued  it  by  asking  Pickering  for  his  resignation  and, 
when  he  refused  to  give  it,  promptly  dismissed  him.  The 
news  of  MeHenry's  resignation  came  as  a  surprise  to  all.  On 
hearing  of  it,  Chase  wrote  him  on  May  12  from  Annapolis: 

"Dear  Sir, 

"I  was  surprised  to  see  in  the  Papers  your  Resignation. 
I  imagine  this  Resolution  was  suddenly  taken,  at  least  it  was 
to  Me  very  unexpected.  I  am  really  sorry  for  it,  and  feel  a 
Wish  to  know  the  Cause.  I  also  see  in  Fenno  that  the  Anti- 
federal  Ticket  has  prevailed  in  N.  York,  &  his  opinion  that 

1  i.  e.  those  in  congress. 

2  Hamilton,  vi,    438. 

3  Hamilton,   vi,    441.     Letter  to   Sedgwick,    May   10. 


1800]  of  James  Me  Henry  457 

this  event  ascertains  that  Mr.  Jefferson  will  be  elected.  I 
wish  you  would  give  Me  your  Idea,  and  the  State  of  the 
Votes  as  You  expect  it  will  be  in  each  State  —  I  expect  to 
close  the  Session  of  this  Court  on  Saturday  next  —  direct  to 
Me  —  Baltimore,  &  if  I  am  gone,  I  shall  direct  it  to  follow  Me 
to  Richmond  —  I  hope  you  can  justify  your  Resignation,  at 
this  Time." 

The  nobility  of  McHenry 's  character  is  clearly  shown  in 
the  letter  he  sent  to  Hamilton  l  on  May  13,  conveying  the 
news  of  his  resignation :  "I  have  the  honour  to  communicate 
to  you  that,  on  the  6th.  instant,  I  requested  of  the  President 
of  the  United  States  permission  to  resign  my  office  of  Secre 
tary  for  the  Department  of  War.  To  the  above  request,  I 
added  a  proposition  that  my  resignation  be  considered  as  to 
take  place  on  the  first  of  June  next,  in  order  that  I  might 
be  for  a  short  time,  in  a  convenient  situation  to  explain  to 
him,  or  to  my  successor,  any  of  the  measures  taken  by  me  as 
Secretary  of  War  that  might  require  elucidation  &  also  the 
inducing  motives  to  some  of  them,  which  were  known  to  my 
self.  The  President  answered  that  my  requests  were  reason 
able  &  readily  agreed.  I  am  making  my  arrangements  for  the 
removal  of  myself  &  family  to  Baltimore  &  shall  not  continue 
in  an  official  station  longer  (if  so  long)  than  the  1st.  of  June. " 
Such  a  letter  naturally  mystified  Hamilton,  who  answered  2 
it  from  New  York  on  the  15th: 

"If,  My  Dear  McHenry,  your  retreat  is  from  any  cir 
cumstances  painful  to  yourself,  I  regret  it  Avith  all  the  Sin 
cerity  of  a  real  friend ;  otherwise,  I  congratulate  you.  It  is 
impossible  that  our  public  affairs  can  proceed  under  the  pres 
ent  chief  or  his  Anti  federal  rival  without  loss  of  reputation 
to  all  the  Agents  —  Happy  those  who  are  released  from  the 
fetter. 

''But  my  friend  we  are  not  to  be  discouraged.  Zeal  and 
fortitude  are  more  than  ever  necessary.  A  new  and  a  more 
dangerous  Era  has  commenced.  Revolution  and  a  new  order 
of  things  are  avowed  in  this  quarter.  Property,  Liberty,  and 
even  life  are  at  stake.  The  friends  of  good  principles  must 

1  He  wrote  him  on  May  10th  saying  nothing  of  his  resignation,  but 
stating  that  he  still  hoped  for  the  establishment  of  a  military  academy. 
If  not  at  present,  at  any  rate,  at  the  next  session  of  congress. 

1  Hamilton,  vi,  442.  A  letter  from  Hamilton  to  McHenry  dated  May 
5,  1800,  and  treating  of  Col.  Taylor's  case  is  printed  in  Lodge's  Hamilton, 
vii,  208. 


458  Life  and  Correspondence          [CHAP,  xvi 

be  more  closely  linked,  more  watchful  and  more  decided  than 
they  have  been.     Of  this  enough  for  the  present. 

' '  More  hereafter  —  Cannot  we  see  each  other,  without  my 
coming  to  Philadelphia,  before  you  go  to  Maryland. 

"Yrs.  Affecty. 

"A.  HAMILTON." 

On  the  19th,  Hamilton  wrote  again,  urging  payment  of 
the  troops  before  they  are  finally  discharged  and  stating  that 
he  will  defer  disbanding  them  until  they  are  paid,  unless  posi 
tively  ordered  to  the  contrary. l  By  the  23d,  however,  he 
must  have  known  the  cause  of  McHenry 's  resignation,2  from 
the  brief  note  he  dispatched  from  the  camp  at  Scotch  Plains. 

"Dr.  Sir 

"The  letter  with  the  enclosed  came  to  hand  preceding 
my  leaving  the  City  for  this  place.     The  hurry  of  the  first 
moments  here  prevented  my  sending  it  sooner. 
"Oh  mad,   !  mad,   !  mad,   ! 
"Yrs.  Affecty. 
"A.  H." 

On  June  1,  Stoddert  took  charge  of  the  war  department 
temporarily,  soon  to  be  succeeded  by  Samuel  Dexter,  and 
McHenry  returned  to  Baltimore,  resolved  to  retire  to  private 
life,  from  which,  indeed,  he  never  again  emerged. 

There  were  still  some  hopes  that  the  New  York  electoral 
vote  might  be  saved  for  the  Federalists  and  Robert  Goodloe 
Harper  wrote  to  Hamilton,  on  June  5,  inquiring  of  the  pros 
pects.  In  Maryland, 3  he  thinks,  the  Federal  party  have  the 
entire  management  of  affairs  and  warmly  support  Pinckney 
and  Adams.  Most  would  be  wrell  satisfied  to  see  Pinckney 
president  and  even  desire  it,  but  feel  that  no  direct  attempt 
can  be  made  to  supersede  Adams.  "It  would  create  uncer- 
tainity,  division,  &  defeat."  Therefore,  let  both  men  be  up- 

1  Hamilton,  v,  429.     The  letters  on  pp.  435  and  437  are  wrongly  stat 
ed   to   have   been  written   to    McHenry ;    they  were  addressed    to   his   suc 
cessor.     Lodge's  Hamilton,  vii,  215.     Lodge  in  the  letters  on  pages  221  and 
224  makes  the  same  mistake  as  J.   C.   Hamilton. 

2  Sedgwick   had   written   him    on   the    15th    telling   him   Pickering  and 
McHenry  were  sacrificed  as  a  peace  offering.     Pickering  wrote  W.   Smith 
at  Lisbon  on  May  28  telling  him  of  McHenry's  resignation  and  in  a  letter 
to  Goodhue  on  the  26th  he  said,   McHenry  had  been  put  out  of  office  be 
cause   thought  "too   subservient   to   the  views   of   Pickering  and   Wolcott." 

3  July    17,    C.    C.    Pinckney   wrote   to    Hamilton    that    Maryland   might 
change  her  manner  of  voting. 


1800]  of  James  McHenry  459 

held,  till  the  electors  come  to  vote,  and  then  let  those  who 
think  Mr.  Adams  unfit  to  be  president  drop  him  silently. 
Harper  suspects  not  a  few  will  pursue  this  conduct  and  would 
do  so  himself,  if  an  elector,  ' '  f or  I  am  so  thoroughly  impressed 
with  Mr.  Adams's  incapacity  &  with  the  mischief  that  must 
result  from  an  administration  systematically  &  ably  opposed 
&  too  weak  &  versatile  to  be  supported  by  men  of  sense  & 
principle,  that  I  could  never,  under  any  circumstances,  give 
him  my  vote."  Pinckney's  own  position,  however,  was  de 
cidedly  against  this  intrigue,  as  was  shown  by  two  letters  sent 
McHenry  from  the  camp  at  Shepherdstown,  Va. 

The  first  of  these  was  headed  private  and  dated  June 
10th,  1800. 

"DearSr. 

"Your  private  letters  of  the  19th  ultimo  &  1st  instant 
came  safely  to  hand,  for  both  of  which  I  am  very  much 
obliged  to  you. 

"Mrs.  Pinckney  was  last  week  attacked  with  the  Ague 
&  Fever  owing  to  some  very  unreasonable  cold  weather  we 
have  lately  had.  I,  therefore,  cannot  carry  her  to  Carolina 
during  the  Summer  I  shall  set  out  with  her  in  September, 
be  part  of  October  in  North  Carolina,  in  Georgia  the  begin 
ning  of  November,  &  in  South  Carolina  from  the  middle  of 
November  during  the  whole  winter.  I  shall,  in  the  mean 
while,  know  as  well,  as  if  I  was  present,  what  is  going  on  in 
those  States.  I  shall  be  at  Mount  Vernon  about  the  20th. 
of  next  Month  for  a  few  days,  but  shall  return  to  this  place 
&  be  principally  here  or  in  this  Valley  during  the  summer. 
From  what  I  have  heard  of  the  character  of  Mr :  A,  I  am  not 
surprised  at  the  very  unworthy  &  indecorous  treatment  Mr. 
Pickering  £  you  have  received  at  his  hands.  If  the  Federal 
ists  will  act  with  decision,  energy,  &  union  I  have  no  doubt 
but  they  will  gain  a  complete  victory  at  the  ensuing  Election 
over  the  Jacobinical  party,  notwithstanding  the  untoward  re 
sult  of  the  Election  at  New  York  and  the  tergiversation  of 
Mr:  A—  Can  the  accounts  I  have  heard  be  possibly  true 
that  he  is  endeavouring  to  coalesce  with  Jefferson,  and  that 
he  stigmatizes  the  Federalists  with  the  odious  appellation  of  a 
British  Party,  and  that  he  declares  that  he  and  Jefferson  will 
convince  the  federal  junto  of  their  joint  power? 

"With  regard  to  the  conduct  of  the  Southern  States  at 
the  ensuing  Election,  I  think  they  are  bound  fairly  &  candidly 


460  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xvi 

to  act  up  to  their  agreement  entered  into  by  the  federal  party 
at  Philadelphia,  with  out  the  Eastern  States  should  be  con 
vinced  of  Mr:  A's  abandonment  of  federal  principles,  his 
attempt  to  form  a  party  with  Jefferson,  and  his  unfitness  to 
be  President,  and  on  these  accounts  or  some  of  them,  should 
consent  to  substitute  another  Candidate  in  his  stead.  This 
Event  I  do  not  think  impossible,  &  his  conduct  &  the  critical 
situation  of  our  Country  may  require  it.  But  to  preserve 
the  Union,  this  must  originate  to  the  Eastward  —  The  Middle 
States  can  then  take  it  up,  &  the  Southern  ones  with  propriety 
follow. 

"Marshall  with  reluctance  accepts,  but  you  may  rely  on 
his  federalism,  &  be  certain  that  he  will  not  unite  with  Jef 
ferson  &  the  Jacobins.  I  expected  more  firmness  &  decision 
from  Stoddart.  I  had  no  idea  of  his  wavering.  As  you  have 
now  leisure  time  on  your  hands,  Do  sometime  favour  me  with 
a  line  —  You  are  in  the  centre  of  politics,  I  am  out  of  them 
here.  Have  you  heard  lately  from  our  friend  Murray.  Do 
remember  me  to  him,  wrhen  you  write. 

' '  Mrs  Pinckney  unites  with  me  in  respectful  Compliments 
to  Mrs.  McHenry,  &  I  am  with  great  regard  &  esteem 
"Yrs.  truly 

' '  CHARLES  COTESWORTH  PINCKNEY.  ' ' 

The  second  letter  was  sent  on  June  19th,  1800. 

"Dear  Sr. 

"I  am  very  much  obliged  to  you  for  the  perusal  of  your 
exquisite  Dialogue,  which,  agreeably  to  your  desire,  I  return 
in  this  enclosure.  I  had  not  an  opportunity  of  availing  my 
self  of  your  permission  to  communicate  it  to  your  friend 
Brigr.  Genl.  Washington,  as  he  had  left  the  place  before  I 
received  it.  He  proceeded  to  the  City  of  Washington,  &  I 
gave  him  a  letter  for  you,  in  case  he  should  meet  you,  if  he  did 
not,  it  was  to  be  put  in  the  post  for  Baltimore.  It  was  dated 
the  same  day  as  yours  the  10th  instant.  I  refer  you  to  that 
for  my  opinion  of  what  I  think  the  conduct  of  the  Federalists 
should  be  respecting  the  ensuing  election.  If  any  alteration 
should  take  place  in  the  agreement  entered  into  by  the  Feder 
alists  at  Philadelphia,  it  should  originate  and  be  sanctioned  in 
the  Eastern  States:  otherwise  we  shall  be  inevitably  divided, 
and  the  Anti-federalists  obtain  that  success  which  I  am  sure 
they  will  not,  if  the  Federalists  are  united,  active  and  ener- 


1800]  of  James  McHenry  461 

getic.  I  am  told  Mr.  A  denies  the  coalition  with  Mr.  J  - 
stated  in  an  article  under  the  Trenton  head.  I  should  be  glad 
to  know,  if  there  is  any  ground  for  such  a  supposed  Union. 
He  certainly  used  to  speak  very  slightingly  of  J's  political 
talents  and  in  the  Dialogue,  (and  I  have  heard  on  many  other 
occasions)  now  speaks  handsomely  of  him,  as  the  Man  in  the 
United  States  fittest  for  President,  excepting  always  I  pre 
sume  himself.  I  shall  certainly  inform  you  of  my  move 
ments,  but  at  present  have  no  thoughts  of  quitting  this  place 
till  the  middle  or  20th  of  next  Month,  when  I  shall  visit  Mrs. 
"Washington  at  Mount  Vernon. 

"Mrs.  Pinckney  unites  with  me  in  best  respects  to  Mrs. 
McHenry  &  I  always  am  with  great  regard  &  esteem 
"Yrs  very  sincerely 

"CHARLES  COTESWORTH  PINCKNEY." 

In  spite  of  this,  the  intrigue  went  on.  On  June  18, 
Jonathan  R.  Wilmer  wrote  Hamilton  from  Baltimore,  stating 
that  the  district  system  in  Maryland  will  give  Jefferson  several 
votes  and  that,  if  New  York  goes  Republican,  the  governor  of 
Maryland  thinks  of  calling  the  general  assembly  together  to 
afford  an  opportunity  of  changing  the  system. 

By  July  1,  Hamilton 's  opposition  to  Adams  had  increased, 
he  still  doubted  the  support  of  Pinckney  in  New  England, 
wrote  Carroll :  that  "  it  is  not  advisable  that  Maryland  should 
be  too  deeply  pledged  to  the  support  of  Mr.  Adams,"  for 
"if  he  is  supported  by  the  federal  party,  his  party  must  in 
the  issue  fall  with  him."2  He  had  already  conceived  the 
idea  of  publishing  a  pamphlet  showing  Adams's  unfitness  for 
reelection. 

A  month  later,  on  July  18,  Wolcott,  who  still  held  the 
secretaryship  of  the  treasury,  though  busily  intriguing  against 
the  president,  wrote 3  McHenry  of  the  campaign.  ' '  The 

1  Hamilton,  vi.   444. 

2  Oibbs,  ii,  390,  ff.  contains  a  correspondence  about  a  "sportive  effu 
sion,"   which   Listen,   the   British   minister  to  the  United   States,   wrote  on 
July  19,  1798,  to  James  Buchanan  of  Baltimore  stating  that  he  "must  now 
endeavour  to  lead  Mr.  Adams  by  the  nose"  and  has  no  need  to  exert  him 
self  in  holding  "conferences  with  my  bosom  friend  the  Secretary  of  State, 
or  keeping  Oliver  Wolcott  &  McHenry  right,"  for  "they  are  all  so  staunch 
that  I  have  now  no  occasion  to  look  after  them,"  etc.     Buchanan  showed 
the   letter   in    London,    where    Rufus    King,    the    minister   from    the   United 
States,    secured  a  copy  and,   thinking  the  letter   a   serious  one,   sent   it  to 
Pickering.      He   showed   it  to   McHenry  who   pronounced   it  a   "mere  piece 
of   sportive   irony"   using   terms   copied    from    the   Aurora,    the   opposition 
paper.     However,  to  make  the  matter  sure  he  showed  the  letter  to  Listen, 
who  pronounced  it  "mere  badinage." 

SGibbs,   ii,   381. 


462  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xvi 

Adamites"  think  they  will  carry  all  New  England  but  Con 
necticut,  whose  loss  they  attribute  to  Wolcott.  "If  you  will 
but  do  your  part,  we  shall  probably  secure  Gen.  Pinckney's 
election.  At  any  rate,  the  prospect  is  almost  certain  that  the 
country  will  be  freed  from  the  greatest  possible  curse,  a 
Presidential  administration,  which  no  party  can  trust,  which 
is  incapable  of  adhering  to  any  system,  in  connection  with 
which  no  character  is  safe. ' ' 

The  high-minded,  honorable  McHenry  revolted  from  such 
reasoning  and  answered  "Wolcott  on  July  22,  four  days  later. 
"Have  our  1  party  shown  that  they  possess  the  necessary  skill 
and  courage  to  deserve  to  be  continued  to  govern?  What 
have  they  done?  They  did  not  (with  a  few  exceptions), 
knowing  the  disease,  the  man  &  his  nature,  meet  it,  when  it  first 
appeared,  like  wise  &  resolute  politicians ;  they  tampered  with  it 
&  thought  of  palliations  down  to  the  last  day  of  the  late  session 
of  Congress.  Nay,  their  conduct,  even  now,  notwithstanding 
the  consequences  full  in  view,  shall  the  present  chief  be  re- 
elected,  in  most  if  not  all  of  the  States,  is  tremulous,  timid, 
feeble,  deceptive,  &  cowardly.  They  write  private  letters. 
To  whom?  To  each  other.  But  they  do  nothing  to  give  a 
proper  direction  to  the  public  mind.  They  observe,  even  in 
their  conversation,  a  discreet  circumspection  ill  calculated  to 
diffuse  information  or  to  prepare  the  mass  of  the  people  for 
the  result.  They  meditate  in  private.  Can  good  come  out  of 
such  a  system?  If  the  party  recover  its  pristine  energy  & 
splendor,  shall  I  ascribe  it  to  such  cunning,  paltry,  indecisive, 
back  door  conduct?  Certainly  I  shall  not,  but  to  a  kind  & 
watchful  Providence  alone,  who  will  not  punish  the  many  for 
the  faults  of  the  few,  who  bears  with  our  mistakes,  who  winks 
at  our  weak  schemes,  who  overlooks  our  feebleness  &  follies, 
&  who  guides  unerringly,  &  according  to  the  end  he  has  or 
dained,  all  the  government  of  the  world.  I  carry,  you  see, 
my  religious  principles  into  my  politics." 

McHenry  doubts  of  the  possibility  of  electing  Pinckney 
president,  since  the  caucus  decision  that  both  Adams  and  he  be 
equally  supported  has  been  promulgated  to  the  people  and  it 
is  doubtful  if  all  the  Eastern  electors  will  support  Pinckney. 
McHenry  refers  to  the  proposition  to  summon  the  next  legis 
lature  of  Maryland,  if  it  be  Federalist,  and  have  it  choose 
electors.  These  wrould,  doubtless,  vote  for  both  Adams  and 


1  Gibbs,  ii,  384. 


1800]  of  James  McHenry  463 

Pinckney;  but,  if  the  people  elect  by  districts,  there  will  be 
three  or  four  Republicans  chosen.  In  his  bitterness  against 
Adams,  McHenry  charges  him  with  bringing  the  "peace  & 
prosperity  of  the  country"  into  jeopardy  ''for  electioneering 
purposes;"  with  trying,  "in  the  government,  to  be  everything 
&  do  everything  himself;"  with  lacking  "the  prudence  &  dis 
cretion  indispensable  to  enable  him  to  conduct  with  propriety 
&  safety,  even  the  colloquial  intercourse  permitted  between  a 
President  &  foreign  ministers;"  with  being  "incapable  of  ad 
hering  to  any  system"  and,  consequently,  "forever  bringing 
disgrace  upon  his  agents  &  administration;"  with  possessing 
"foibles,  passions,  &  prejudices,"  which  "must  expose  him  in 
cessantly  to  the  intrigues  of  foreigners  £  the  unprincipled  & 
wickedly  ambitious  men  of  either  party."  Therefore,  "the 
high  &  dearest  interests  of  the  United  States  cannot  possibly 
be  safe  under  his  direction."  l 

Wolcott  replied:  "I  think  that  the  elements  are  fer 
menting  &  that  you  will  see  sport  presently. ' ' 2 

In  August,  the  plotting  continued  in  the  federalist  ranks. 
Cabot  believed  that  we  are  pledged  to  give  Adams  the  "full 
chance  of  the  United  vote  concerted  at  Philadelphia,"  that 
"we  are  not  strong  enough  to  break  up  a  new  form,  in  the 
face  of  our  enemy, ' '  and  acknowledged  that  the  party  at  large 

1  An  unpublished  letter  of  John  Rutledge,   Jr.,  written   from  Newport 
July    17,    1800,    to    Hamilton,    is   of   considerable   interest.     He    states    that 
Adams  is  very  strong  in  Rhode  Island,  where  it  is  charged  that  Hamilton 
is  trying  to  produce  a  plurality  of  suffrages  for  Pinckney ;  that  the  New 
York  election  was  lost  through  Hamilton,  whose  private  pique  at  not  suc 
ceeding  to  Washington's  rank  in  the  army  is  the  cause  of  his  opposition ; 
and   that   he   supported    Pinckney,    because   the    latter   will   administer   the 
government  to   please   him.     Rutledge   is   trying   to   induce   all    Federalists 
to  support  both  candidates  and  thinks  this  will  be  done  in  South  Carolina, 
where  the  affection  felt  for  Pinckney  by  all   classes   is  such  that  he  may 
be  voted  for,  even  in  the  event  of  an  antifederal  legislature.     It  is  doubt 
ful  whether  all  of  Rhode  Island  votes  will  be  cast  for  Pinckney.     Champ- 
lin  said,   if  anything  would  justify  Adams's  friends  passing  by  Pinckney, 
it   would   be    the  plot   Hamilton   had   contrived   for   excluding   Adams.     To 
this  Rutledge  answered  that  the  electors  should  support  principles   rather 
than    men.         In    Massachusetts,    the    "Middlesex     lukewarm     federalists 
Adams's  private  friends,"  such  as  Dexter,  Otis,  Gushing,  and  Gerry  try  to 
get  Pinckney  omitted,   but  "the  Essexmen,  who  proceed  upon  true  federal 
principles,  such  as  Ames,  Sedgwick,  Cabot,  &  Goodhue  will  outwit  them  & 
see    that    both    are    supported.     Adams    has    begun    a    hot    canvass    &    by 
civility  &  condescension  is  trying  to  have  the  Jacobins'   support  him  with 
Jefferson,  but  his  countrymen  are  too  cunning  to  be  duped  by  him.     Ham 
ilton's  plan  for  prevailing  on  the  Maryland  electors  to  discard  Adams  will 
not   be  practicable,    in   spite    of   Charles    Carroll's    influence,    for    Stoddert, 
Craik,  &  Chase,  are  attached  personally  to  Adams,  while  General  Samuel 
Smith,  &  Dent,   though  Democrats,  will   support  him  to  exclude  Pinckney. 
But    the    plan    can    be   carried   out    in    Pennsylvania,    where    Ross    dislikes 
Adams  &  likes  Pinckney,  or  in  Delaware  where  Bayard  would  follow  this 
course,   if  he  knew   what  Hamilton   told   Rutledge  about   McHenry 's   dis 
missal." 

2  August  2,   Gibbs,   ii,   395. 


464  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xvi 

preferred  Adams  to  Pinckney.  1  Fisher  Ames  supported 
Cabot's  view  and  said5  to  Hamilton  with  admirable  wisdom: 
4 '  Sincerity  will  do  much  to  extricate  us.  Where  is  the  incon 
sistency  of  saying  Pres.  Adams  has  not  our  approbation  of 
some  of  his  measures,  nor  do  we  desire  his  reelection,  but 
many  federalists  do,  &  the  only  chance  to  prevent  the  triumph 
of  the  jacobins  is  to  unite  &  vote,  according  to  the  compromise 
made  at  Philadelphia  for  the  two  candidates?  I  am,  there 
fore,  clear  that  you  ought  not  with  your  name,  nor,  if  prac 
ticable  in  any  way  that  will  be  traced  to  you,  to  execute  your 
purpose  of  exposing  the  reasons  for  a  change  of  the  Execu 
tive." 

Harper  wrote  from  Baltimore  that  Pinckney  may  count 
on  the  unanimous  vote  of  Maryland  and  the  Carolinians  will 
support  both  candidates. 3  Stockton  hoped  that  New  Jersey 
would  be  federal  and  was  sure  that  the  electors  would 
vote  for  Pinckney  and  another  federalist  at  any  rate  and, 
probably,  for  Adams.  Bayard  wrote  Hamilton  that  Delaware 
was  safe.  4 

Meanwhile  McHenry  remained  in  quiet  in  Baltimore, 
whither  Dr.  Benjamin  Rush  wrote  him  on  August  12  from 
Philadelphia : 

"Dear  Sir 

"The  bearer  has  been  unfortunate  in  business  in  our 
City,  owing  chiefly  to  his  Connection  with  a  Man  from  whom 
he  expected  better  things.  He  wishes  to  try  his  fortune  in 
Baltimore,  and  has  therefore  applied  to  me  for  a  letter  to  you 
to  advise  him  what  to  do.  A  subordinate  place  in  your  Cus 
toms  —  or  the  Oversight  of  a  farm  would  suit  him.  He  has 
physical  energy  and  mind  eno'  for  either  of  the  above  situa 
tions. 

"Permit  me  to  congratulate  you  upon  your  recovering 
your  freedom  &  independance  by  retiring  to  private  life. 
Public  measures,  &  public  men  appear  very  differently  to  per 
sons  who  see  them  at  a  distance,  from  what  they  appear  to 
persons  who  are  Actors  in,  or  under  them.  If  your  feelings 
are  like  mine  in  this  relation  to  politics,  you  would  not  give 
your  present  abstraction  from  them  to  be  the  President  of 
the  United  States.  While  children  dispute,  and  fight  about 

1  Hamilton,  vi,   459,   46-2;  Gibbs,  ii,  408. 

2  Hamilton,  vi,   464. 

3  Letter  to  Hamilton,  August  9,   1800. 

4  Hamilton,  vi,  456. 


1800]  of  James  McHenry  465 

gingerbread,  and  nuts,  and  Party  men  about  posts  of  honor,  — 
the  pleasure  of  one  evening's  successful  investigation  of  a 
moral  &  physical  truth  —  or  an  hour  spent  in  literary  or  philo 
sophical  Society,  will  more  than  outweigh  all  that  ambition 
even  conferred  upon  her  Votaries. 

"You  carry  into  retirement  the  love  and  esteem  of  all 
good  Men.  To  me  you  have  ever  been  very  dear,  and  never 
more  so  than  at  the  moment  I  subscribe  myself  your  ever 
affectionate  friend 

"BENJA.  RUSH" 

McHenry  asked  l  Wolcott  on  August  2,  to  write  down 
what  Adams  had  said  of  him  after  his  resignation,  to  provide 
himself  "with  such  means  of  defence  against  possible  future 
attacks  upon  my  character."  On  the  24th,  he  wrote  again, 
regretting  Wolcott 's  illness,  so  inopportune,  when  the  enemy 
are  marshaling  their  forces,  and  complaining  that  his  succes 
sor  Dexter  had  opened  a  letter  Murray  sent  him  from  Hol 
land.  Samuel  Chase  thinks  the  game  is  doubtful.  His  cousin, 
Judge  J.  T.  Chase  of  Annapolis,  may  have  an  eye  on  the  fed 
eral  bench,  so  they  have  said  much  of  one  and  little  of  the 
other  candidate  in  their  speeches,  but  the  former  will  vote  for 
both  candidates  if  chosen  elector.  2 

On  August  26,  "Wolcott  answered  the  letter,  sending  an 
account  of  his  conversation  with  Adams,  but  stating  that  Mc 
Henry  could  never  appeal  to  Adams's  declarations  in  support 
of  his  character.  He  thinks  no  improper  use  was  made  of 
Murray's  letter.  Adams's  personal  friends  are  trying,  rather 
unsuccessfully,  to  form  a  new  party  —  the  constitutionalists. 
Probably  Jefferson  will  be  elected  and,  certainly,  the  Chases 
will  be  disappointed  in  any  expectation  from  the  administra 
tion.  Wolcott  will  "do  all  in  my  power,  consistent  with  truth 
&  integrity,  to  promote  the  election  of  General  Pinckney. 
The  consequence  must  be  that  I  must  resign  next  winter,  un 
less  I  shall  be  previously  removed.  Perhaps  all  our  exertions 
will  not  secure  General  Pinckney 's  election ;  you  can,  however, 
when  you  please,  secure  us  against  the  caprice  of  Mr.  Adams, 
by  making  known  the  circumstance  which  attended  your  resig 
nation. "  s 


1  Gibbs,   ii,  395,   408,   409,   410. 

2  On  September  3,  in  a  letter  to  Philemon  Dickinson,   McHenry  says 
Samuel   Chase  will  vote  for  Pinckney. 

3  He  slurs  Stoddert's  conduct.     "Cunning  like  murder  will  out."     Mc 
Henry  never  made  public  any  statement  as  to  his  resignation. 


466  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xvi 

Late  in  August  Hamilton  wrote  as  follows,  in  answer  to 
a  lost  letter  of  McHenry  's : l 

"New  York.  Aug.  27.  1800. 

"Indeed,  My  Dear  Mac  —  I  have  not  enough  the  gift 
of  second  sight  to  forsee  what  N.  England  will  do  —  The  mass 
of  the  people  there  are  attached  to  Adams  and  the  leaders  of 
the  second  class  pretty  generally.  The  leaders  of  the  first 
class  pretty  generally  promote  the  joint  support  of  Adams  & 
Pinckney  either  because  they  dislike  Adams  or  hate  &  fear 
Jefferson.  Upon  the  whole  I  believe,  though  not  with  per 
fect  assurance,  that  Pinckney  will  have  almost  all  the  votes 
of  N.  E.  —  Adams  will  have  all. 

' '  The  state  of  New  Jersey  is  more  uncertain  than  I  could 
wish.  Parties  will  be  too  nicely  balanced  there.  But  our 
friends  continue  confident  of  a  favourable  result.  If  the 
Electors  in  this  State  are  Federal  they  will  certainly  vote  for 
Pinckney  and  I  rather  think  will  do  with  respect  to  Mr.  Adams 
wrhat  may  be  thought  right. 

' '  In  New  York  there  is  no  chance  for  any  Federal  Candi 
date. 

"I  think,  at  all  events,  Maryland  had  better  choose  by 
the  Legislature  If  we  have  a  majority  of  Federal  votes 
throughout,  we  can  certainly  exclude  Jefferson  &,  if  we  please, 
bring  the  question  between  Adams  &  Pinckney  to  the  House 
of  Representatives. 

' '  We  fight  Adams  on  very  unequal  ground  —  because  we 
do  not  declare  the  motives  of  our  dislike  —  The  exposition  of 
these  is  very  important  but  how?  I  would  make  it  &  put 
my  name  to  it  but  I  cannot  do  it  without  its  being  conclusively 
inferred  that,  as  to  my  material  facts,  I  must  have  derived  my 
information  from  members  of  the  Administration.  Yet  with 
out  this,  we  have  the  air  of  mere  cabal lers  &  shall  be  com 
pletely  run  down  in  the  public  opinion. 

"I  have  written  a  letter  of  which  I  shall  send  a  copy  to 
you  another  to  Wolcott.  If  I  am  not  forbidden,  Col  Ogden 
will  commit  it  to  the  News  Papers 

"Yrs  truly  &  Affecy. 

"A.  H. 

"P.  S.     I  have  concluded  to  send  the  enclosed  to  you 
instead  of  Major  Jackson" 


1  Lodge's  Hamilton,  x,  388. 


1800]  of  James  Me  Henry  467 

Three  days  after  Hamilton 's  letter  was  written,  McHenry 
wrote  Wolcott  as  follows :  1 

"Dear  Sir, 

"I  have  reeieved  your  letter  of  the  26th  inst.,  in  answer 
to  the  request  contained  in  mine  of  the  2d,  and  thank  you  for 
communicating  to  me  the  favourable  things  which  the  Presi 
dent,  Mr.  Adams,  was  pleased  to  say  of,  and  his  kind  inten 
tions  towards  me,  so  immediately  after  insulting  me  in  the 
grossest  manner,  by  the  mean  and  despicable  mode  he  adopted 
to  effect  my  resignation.  I  beg  you  will  not  conclude  from 
the  desire  I  have  expressed  to  ascertain  a  circumstance  so 
marked,  as  it  is,  with  candour  or  abject  duplicity  upon  his 
part,  that  I  ever  can  consider  my  official  character  in  any 
respect  dependent  upon  his,  then  opinion  of  it  or  of  me.  I 
merely  presumed  that,  in  the  infinite  vicissitudes  of  affairs, 
it  might  not  be  improper  for  me,  or  my  family,  to  possess  the 
fact  authenticated  by  a  person  whose  veracity  no  man  can 
question. 

"It  was  as  you  well  know,  my  constant  endeavour  to 
conduct  the  business  of  the  War  Department  with  economy, 
and  to  render  its  important  expenditures  of  permanent  utility 
to  the  United  States.  I  dislike  the  system  of  expediency,  or 
providing  for  every  public  want  and  necessity,  as  they  origi 
nated.  I  laboured  therefore,  incessantly,  to  introduce  every 
where  a  different  system,  and  to  lay  at  a  small  expense,  cer 
tain  military  foundations,  capable  of  producing,  in  seasons 
which  must  occur  to  all  nations,  the  most  decisive  effects.  It 
has  so  happened,  however,  that  some  necessary  allowances  and 
expense  authorized  by  me,  were  misunderstood,  or  distorted; 
that  very  few  of  the  gentlemen  in  Congress  were  disposed  to 
an  examination  requisite  to  enable  them  to  form  just  opinions 
on  these  expenditures:  and  that  still  fewer  of  them  were 
qualified,  from  military  experience,  or  knowledge  of  the  sub 
ject,  to  appreciate  the  merit  or  utility  of  my  arrangements, 
and  propositions :  or  if  qualified  were  either  prejudiced  against 
me,  or  too  much  occupied  with  their  own  systems,  or  specula 
tions,  to  attend  to,  or  support  mine. 

"When,  I  look  back  on  the  past,  I  lament  only,  that  I 
did  not  leave  the  office  when  Gen.  Washington  retired  from 
the  Presidencv.  I  should  at  least  have  saved  mvself  from  a 


IGlbbs,   ii,   413. 


468  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xvi 

most  mortifying  scene,  and  insults  which  I  shall  never  for 
get.  I  console  myself,  however,  with  the  idea,  that  most  of 
what  I  have  either  done,  or  proposed,  during  my  administra 
tion  of  the  department  of  war,  will  bear  the  strictest  scrutiny ; 
and  one  day  or  other  (perhaps  a  day  of  trial  or  misfortune 
to  the  United  States,)  be  duly  estimated  and  considered,  and 
that  no  successor  can  administer  it  well,  and,  at  the  same  time, 
more  economically.  :  I  am  dear  sir,  with  real  friendship  and 
attachment,  your  ob't  serv't, 

' ;  JAMES  MCHENRY.  ' ' 


A  second  letter  from  McHenry  to  Wolcott  followed  two 
days  later,  2  attacking  Adams  for  his  inaccurate  statement 
that  Adams's  term  of  ambassador  to  England  was  limited  to 
three  years,  because  the  Pinckneys  wanted  the  place.  Mc 
Henry  had  been  in  the  confederation  congress  when  the  lim 
itation  was  made  and  had  voted  for  it. 3  He  speaks  of 
Adams's  "Low  ambition,  envy,  &  ridiculous  vanity"  and 
cries  out,  "Will  any  friends  remain  to  him,  after  so  plain  & 
clear  an  exposure  by  himself  of  his  character!"  Wolcott  had 
asked  whether  Carroll  of  Carrollton  supported  Adams.  "No," 
answered  McHenry,  for  he  "considered  him  totally  unfit  for 
the  office  of  President  &  would  support,  as  much  as  he  could, 
the  election  of  General  Pinckney. "  This  was  proved,  by  a 

1  In  this  connection,  the  testimony  of  Gibbs   (vol.  2,  p.  358),  may  be 
cited,   "Mr.    McHenry's  abilities  &  merits  have,  it  is  fully   believed,   been 
greatly  underrated.     No  man,  without  transcending  the  limits  of   lawful 
authority,    could,    during   the    time,    have    more    successfully    managed    his 
office,  under  the  disadvantages  with  which  he  labored.     His  personal  char 
acter  was  not  only  without  reproach,    but  was  worthy  of  all  admiration. 
No   public   man   of   his   day   possessed,    more   implicitly,    the  confidence   & 
affection  of  his  friends  than  he  did." 

2  Gibbs,  ii,  414.     See  p.   424. 

3  Adams  had  written  a  letter  to  Tench  Coxe  concerning  this  matter 
in  May,  1792,  and  the  Aurora,  the  opposition  newspaper,  now  obtained  a 
copy  and  published  it.     In  a  letter  to  Philemon  Dickinson  on  September  3, 
McHenry   wrote   that   the    letter   showed   a   small    mind   and   was   a   proof 
not  of  British  influence  but  of  "the  eternal  vanity  of  its  writer,  his  inex 
tinguishable   thirst  for  office  &  deadly  enmity  to  every  man   likely  to  be 
come  his  rival  or  competitor."     While  McHenry  was  in  congress,  he  knew 
that  there  existed  an  opinion  that  Adams  was  not  "qualified  from  certain 
foibles  &  defects   in   character   to   manage,   unaided   &   alone,   prudently   & 
successfully  the  interests  of  the  United   States.     Than,  in  the  letter  is  it 
possible   for   low   ambition,    envy,   and   ridiculous  vanity   to   go    further   in 
associating  and   combining   malignant   suspicions   to  wound   the   character 
of  a  fellow  citizen?"     It  is  only  fair  to  say  that  Adams  apologized  hand 
somely  to  Pinckney   for  writing  the  letter    (Gibbs,   ii,    425).     Hildreth,   v, 
378,    states    that    Adams,    during    "Washington's    first    administration,    was 
inveigled   into  confidential  tx>rrespondence   with   Tench    Coxe,    "a   mousing 
politician  and  temporizing  busy  body  though  a  man  of  considerable  finan 
cial  knowledge  and  ability,  who  held,   at  that  moment,   the  place  of  As 
sistant   Secretary  of  the  Treasury." 


1800]  of  James  McHenry  469 

letter  Carroll l  wrote  to  Hamilton  about  this  time,  though 
Carroll  there  strongly  expressed  himself  as  favoring  the  re 
election  of  Adams  with  Pinckney,  as  the  only  means  to  de 
feat  the  Republicans.  Carroll  hoped  the  Maryland  legisla 
ture  would  be  Federal  and  choose  the  electors,  but  feared  con 
tinuance  of  the  district  system,  in  which  at  least  three  of  the 
state's  electors  would  be  Republican. 

McHenry  wrote  to  Philemon  Dickinson  on  September  3, 
that  the  Maryland  electors  would  vote  probably  for  both  fed 
eral  candidates,  but  that  the  "growing  lukewarmness"  towards 
Adams  might  continue  the  district  system  and  lose  the  Feder 
alists  four  votes.  He  has  hopes  that  Pinckney  will  get  a  num 
ber  of  Carolina  votes.  Just  before  this,  on  August  30,  Ed 
ward  Carrington  wrote  to  Hamilton  not  to  calculate  upon  the 
issue  of  a  congressional  election  of  president.  "The  Fed 
eralists  have  one  plain  &  easy  thing  to  do,  unite  on  Adams 
&  Pinckney,  leaving  the  issue  between  them  to  fate."  It 
would  be  lamentable  should  opposition  win  through  our  di 
visions.  Maryland  is  more  agitated,  than  ever  before  over 
an  election.  Every  federal  elector  in  the  South  will  vote  for 
Adams  and  no  anti-Federal  one  will  vote  for  Pinckney,  save 
possibly  in  South  Carolina,  so  well  organized  are  the  Repub 
licans.  It  will  require  a  unanimous  vote  in  the  East  for 
the  election  of  either  Adams  or  Pinckney.2 

The  divisions  of  the  Federalists  were  their  destruction. 
Wolcott  still  remained  in  office,  though  he  wrote  3  Hamilton : 
"The  most  flagrant  outrage  on  decency  attended  the  demand 
of  Mr.  MeHenry's  resignation."  Hamilton's  rage  against 
Adams  was  still  increased  by  the  latter 's  discourteous  failure 
for  two  months  to  answer  his  letter,  asking  if  Adams  had 
charged  him  with  being  a  member  of  a  British  faction.  4  Wol 
cott  was  now  in  communication  with  Hamilton  over  the  word 
ing  of  his  ill-advised  attack  on  the  president.  5  McHenry  had 
an  attack  of  intermittent  fever  in  September  and,  on  his  recov 
ery,  wrote  Wolcott  that  he  feared  the  East  would  not  vote  for 
Pinckney.  It  rests  on  Connecticut  "to  give  us  Adams  or 
Pinckney  for  our  next  President."6  The  Chases  support 
Adams,  because  they  think  he  will  win. 

1  Hamilton,  yi,  467. 

2  If  Connecticut  vote  against  Adams  will  not  New  Hampshire  against 
Pinckney? 

3  Gibbs,   ii,   415. 

4  Hamilton,  vi,  449,  470. 

5  Hamilton,  vi,  470,  471. 

6  Gibbs.  ii,  419.     September  23. 


470  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xvi 

Politics  did  not  entirely  occupy  McHenry's  letters  to 
Wolcott  and  he  asked  him  to  have  the  manufacturers  of  Con 
necticut  cider  send  some  properly  bottled  to  Maryland,  to  see 
whether  it  could  not  be  used  as  a  substitute  for  imported 
wines.  1  In  the  same  letter,  McHenry  asks  when  trade  will 
be  opened  with  Haiti  and  blames  the  South  for  the  ratifica 
tion  of  the  treaty  which  Barlow  made  with  Tripoli.  That 
treaty  declared  that  "the  government  of  the  United  States  is 
not  in  any  sense,  founded  on  the  Christian  religion."  Mc 
Henry's  strong  faith  led  him  to  exclaim:  "What  else  is  it- 
founded  on  ?  This  act  always  appeared  to  me  like  trampling 
upon  the  cross.  I  do  not  recollect  that  Barlow  was  ever  repri 
manded  for  this  outrage  upon  the  government  &  religion." 
The  Haitian  matters  were  touched  on  by  McHenry's  letter  2 
of  October  4.  Fearing  an  attack  on  the  conventions  made 
with  Great  Britain  and  with  Toussaint,  he  asks  Wolcott  to 
take  copy  of  all  such  papers,  before  he  leaves  the  depart 
ment. 

The  discord  of  the  Federalists  increased.  Cabot  wrote  3 
Woicott  on  October  5,  that  the  engagement  to  support  "both 
candidates  should  be"  sacredly  respected,  "but  is  strongly 
inclined  to  believe  *  *  *  *  we  should  do  as  \vell  with  Jef 
ferson  for  President  &  Mr.  Pinckney  for  Vice  President,  as 
with  anything  that  we  can  now  expect,"  and  he  felt  that 
"such  an  issue  to  the  election,  if  fairly  produced,  is  the  only 
one  that  will  keep  the  federal  party  together."  On  October 
12,  McHenry  sent  word  4  to  AVolcott  that  Maryland  had  pro 
bably  an  anti-Federalist  majority  in  her  house  of  delegates, 
so  that  the  plan  of  choosing  electors  by  the  legislature  must 
be  given  up.  McHenry  had  hoped  for  six  or  seven  votes  from 
the  state  for  the  Federal  candidates.  Now  he  expects  four 
or  five  only.  "There  is  every  symptom  of  languor  &  inactiv 
ity,  with  some  exceptions,  among  the  well  informed  federalists, 
which  every  new  recurrence  to  the  conduct  &  character  of  the 
chief  seems  rather  to  increase  than  diminish.  Mr  Charles 
Carroll  of  Carrollton  did  not  go  down  to  Annapolis  from  his 
country  residence  to  aid  in  the  election  of  members  for  our 
legislature.  I  also  know  many  others  who  did  not  vote  on  the 
occasion. ' ' 

In   October,   McHenry  received   two   interesting  letters 

1  Gibbs,  ii,  420.     September  26. 

2  Gibbs,  ii,  423. 

3  Gibbs,   ii,   433. 

4  Gibbs,  ii,   433. 


1800]  of  James  Me  Henry  471 

from  Philemon  Dickinson,  who  was  then  living  in  retirement 
near  Trenton,  New  Jersey. 

The  first  letter  was  dated  Hermitage,  October  7,  1800. 


"Dear  Sir 

"Not  withstanding  the  unremitted  exertions  of  the  op 
posite  party,  which  greatly  exceed  all  their  former  endeav 
ours,  we  have  a  well  formed  hope  that  we  shall  have  a  very 
handsome  majority  —  In  which  case,  Genr.  Pinckney  will  get 
every  vote  in  this  State. 

' '  The  Quakers  in  general,  are  in  strong  motion  —  altho. 
we  have  some  hike-warm  Federalists,  as  we  stile  them,  we 
have  a  great  number  of  active  decided  ones,  to  whom  much 
merit  is  due.  Our  Election  commences  this  day  To 
night,  the  moment,  the  returns  are  reed,  you  shall  hear 
from  me  —  You  must  have  your  Electors  chosen  by  your 
Legislature,  to  ensure  a  complete  vote  —  Our  Friends  here, 
are  anxious  to  know  your  expectations  generally  thro,  the 
Union  —  on  all  great  occasions,  despondency  should  be  ban 
ished,,  as  we  ought,  so  I  trust  we  shall,  succeed  in  the  elec 
tion  of  the  Man  we  wish  —  You  must  at  all  events,  secure  to 
the  Genr.  a  majority  in  Cong,  it  may  there  be  done  with 
safety,  his  success,  depends  on  the  accomplishment  of  this 
measure.  You  know  a  friend  of  ours  who  can  arrange  this 
necessary  business  with  the  most  perfect  suavity  —  I  am 
well  informed  that,  tho  the  Legislature  of  Pennsl.  will  be 
summoned,  as  soon  as  elected,  it  will  probably  end  in  a  dis 
trict  law,  this  will  give  us  a  few  votes  —  but  it  would  be 
more  favourable  to  our  wishes,  that  no  law  should  pass  — 
Col.  Burr  is  their  object  for  Vice  President  —  who,  tis  said, 
is  &  has  been  very  active  —  Give  me  your  calculation  in  your 
next.  I  think,  you  put  down  Jersey. 
"I  am 

"Dear  Sir 
"With  Sentiments  of  Esteem  & 

real  regard 
"Yours  Sincerely 

"P.  DICKINSON." 


The  second  letter  was  sent  from  the  same  place  on  Oc 
tober  31. 


472  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xvi 

''Dear  Sir 

"We  have  chosen  seven  Federal  Electors.  No  doubt  is 
now  entertained  of  Vermont,  &  strong  hopes  of  success  in 
Rhode  Island.  The  other  Eastern  States  are  too  strongly 
impressed  with  the  necessity  of  united  measures,  at  this  im 
portant  period,  to  hesitate  a  moment,  taking  this  for  granted, 
&  judging  from  Southern  representations,  I  look  forward 
with  full  confidence,  to  the  accomplishment  of  our  wishes  — 
It  is  expected,  the  Federalists  in  your  State,  will  make  the 
most  vigorous  exertions,  to  aid  the  common  cause  —  Once 
more  let  me  request  that  you  will  strongly  impress  on  the 
minds  of  certain  Eastern  Friends,  the  absolute  necessity  of 
obtaining  a  majority  (if  it  should  only  be  a  single  vote)  in 
Cong,  to  favor  the  man  who  interests  us  most  —  there  it  may 
be  done  with  safety  even  to  a  greater  extent. 

"Hamilton's  publication,  no  doubt  you  have  seen,  hope 
it  will  produce  the  desired  effect  —  When  our  friend  W. 
returns,  I  will  give  you  particulars  —  If  I  do  not  in  time, 
pray  inform  me  —  I  feel  myself  deeply  interested,  in  the 
issue  of  this  business. 

"I  am  Dr  Sir 
' '  truly  yours 

' '  PHILEMON  DICKINSON  ' ' * 

A  part  of  Hamilton's  letter  attacking  Adams  had  ap 
peared,  being  published  from  a  copy  secured  by  Burr.  Ham 
ilton  then  published  it  in  full,  and,  though  he  urged  the  sup 
port  of  both  candidates,  the  arraignment  of  Adams  could  not 
fail  to  injure  the  party's  cause.  Shortly  thereafter  Carroll 
of  Carrollton  wrote  the  following  very  interesting  letter  to 
McHenry : 

1  Dickinson    appended    the    following  calculations    of    the    probable 
electoral  vote  for  his  party : 

Federal    Votes 

Vermont  4 

X    Hampshire 6 

Massa   16 

Conn 9 

Jersey   7 

Delaware    3 

Maryld    6 

N.    Car 7 

S.    Car 7 

Geor    2 

Tenn    2 

R.   Isld f 4 

73 
Penn  will  give  usual  Votes 

if  in  districts  — 
not  reckoned  —  a  moderate  calculation 


1800]  of  James  McHenry  473 

"Annapolis  4th  Nov.  1800 
"Dear  Sir 

"I  regret  my  absence  from  this  city  when  Mr.  Caldwell 
brought  your  letter  of  the  21st  inst,  as  it  deprived  me  of 
showing  those  attentions  &  that  civility,  to  which  his  char 
acter  &  his  near  connection  with  you  justly  entitled  him. 

"I  hoped  to  have  had  the  pleasure  of  a  visit  from  you 
at  the  Manor;  I  wished  much  to  see  you  to  discourse  on  a 
variety  of  subjects  &  particularly  on  the  present  critical  situ 
ation  of  this  country.  The  President  remarks  that  we  are 
fallen  upon  evil  times ;  I  fear  a  great  part  of  the  evil  may  be 
attributed  to  his  shifting  conduct,  his  passions,  his  indiscre 
tion,  vanity  &  jealousy  —  I  had  a  high  opinion  of  Mr.  Adams, 
and  I  still  believe  him  to  be  an  honest  man,  but  his  integrity 
can  not  compensate  for  his  weaknesses,  which  unfit  him  for 
his  present  station.  Were  a  competition  for  places  and  power 
between  the  friends  and  opposers  of  the  administration  the 
only  object  of  the  contest,  it  would  be  a  matter  of  indifference 
to  me  by  what  party  the  governt.  should  be  administered :  If 
Mr.  Adams  should  be  reelected,  I  fear  our  constitution  would 
be  more  injured  by  his  unruly  passions,  antipathies,  &  jeal 
ousy,  than  by  the  whimsies  of  Jefferson :  I  am  not  acquainted 
with  ye  characters  of  the  leaders  of  the  opposition,  but  it  is 
to  be  apprehended,  that  to  obtain  &  retain  power,  they  might 
sacrifice  the  true'  interest  &  real  independance  of  this  country 
to  France.  Judge  Duvall  says  that  no  well  informed  man 
can  doubt  of  there  being  a  british  faction  among  us,  wishing 
to  establish  a  monarchy  in  lieu  of  a  Republican  govent;  if  he 
writes  the  truth,  I  own  I  am  not  of  the  number  of  the  well 
informed.  I  know  of  no  such  faction ;  if  it  exists  &  is  en 
deavouring  to  effect  such  a  change,  its  attempt  should  be 
crushed.  If  our  country  should  continue  to  be  the  sport  of 
parties,  if  the  mass  of  the  People  should  be  exasperated  & 
roused  to  pillage  the  more  wealthy,  social  order  will  be  sub 
verted,  anarchy  will  follow,  succeeded  by  Despotism;  these 
changes  have,  in  that  order  of  succession,  taken  place  in 
France :  yet  the  men,  so  far  as  I  am  informed,  who  stile  them 
selves  republicans  very  generally  wish  success  to  France;  in 
other  wrords  the  friends  of  freedom  here  are  the  friends  of 
Buonaparte,  who  has  established  by  a  military  force  the  most 
despotic  governt.  in  Europe :  how  are  we  to  reconcile  this  con 
tradiction  of  their  avowed  principles?  is  their  aversion  to 
the  English  constitution  the  cause  of  this  inconsistency,  do 


474  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xvi 

they  consider  the  naval  power  of  that  nation  as  the  strongest 
barrier  to  yr  revolutionary  arts,  by  wh  all  the  rulers  of 
France,  each  in  their  turn,  have  endeavoured  &  are  endeav 
ouring  to  weaken  &  subvert  all  other  governments,  that  France 
may  establish  an  influence  over  all,  &  thus  become  all-power 
ful  ?  They  dare  not  avow  the  sentiments,  yet  their  wishes 
&  their  conduct  point  to  it  —  I  wish  the  british  to  retain  the 
empire  of  the  seas,  while  the  rulers  of  France  are  actuated  by 
such  motives :  the  decided  naval  superiority  of  Britain  is  ye 
only  effectual  check  to  ye  ambition  of  that  soi-disant  Repub- 
lick:  the  true  interests,  &  independence  of  this  country  re 
quire,  that  those  rival  nations  should  be  balanced. 

"If  the  people  of  this  country  were  united,  it  would 
have  nothing  to  fear  from  foreign  powers ;  but  unhappily  this 
is  not  the  case;  many  of  the  opposers  of  ye  present  admin 
istration,  I  suspect  want  change  of  the  federal  constitution ; 
if  that  should  be  altered,  or  weakened  so  as  to  be  rendered  a 
dead  letter,  it  will  not  answer  the  purposes  of  its  formation 
and  will  expire  from  meer  inanity:  other  confederacies  will 
start  up  &  ye  scene  of  ye  Grecian  States,  after  an  interval 
of  more  than  two  thousand  years,  will  be  renewed  on,  this 
continent,  &  some  British  or  Buonaparte  will  melt  the  whole 
of  them  into  one  mass  of  despotism. 

' '  These  events  will  be  hastened  by  the  pretended  Philoso 
phy  of  France:  divine  revelation  has  been  scoffed  at  by  the 
Philosophers  of  the  present  day,  the  immortality  of  the  soul 
treated  as  the  dreams  of  fools,  or  the  invention  of  knaves,  & 
death  has  been  declared  by  public  authority  an  eternal  sleep: 
these  opinions  are  gaining  ground  among  us,  &  silently  sap 
ping  the  foundations  of  a  religion  the  encouragement  of  ye 
good,  the  terror  of  evil  doers,  and  the  consolation  of  the  poor, 
the  miserable,  and  the  distressed.  Remove  the  hope  and  dread 
of  future  rewards  &  punishments,  the  most  powerful  restraint 
on  wicked  actions,  &  ye  strongest  inducement  to  virtuous  ones 
is  done  away.  Virtue  may  be  said  is  its  own  reward ;  I  believe 
it  to  be  so  and  even  in  this  life  the  only  source  of  happiness; 
and  this  intimate  &  necessary  connection  between  virtue  &  hap 
piness  here  and  between  vice  and  misery  is  to  my  mind  one  of 
the  surest  pledges  of  happiness  or  misery  in  a  future  state  of 
existence  —  But  how  few  practice  virtue  for  its  own  reward ! 
some  of  happy  disposition  &  temperament,  calm  reflecting 
men,  exempt  in  a  great  degree  from  the  turbulence  of  pas 
sions  may  be  virtuous  for  virtue's  sake:  small,  however,  is 


1800]  of  James  McHenry  475 

the  number  who  are  guided  by  reason  alone,  &  who  can 
always  subject  their  passions  to  its  dictates?  he,  who  can 
thus  act,  may  be  said  to  be  virtuous;  but  reason  is  often 
inlisted  on  the  side  of  the  passions,  or  at  best,  when  most 
wanted,  is  weakest  —  Hence  the  necessity  of  a  superior  motive 
for  acting  virtuously ;  now,  what  motive  can  be  stronger  than 
ye  belief,  founded  on  revelation,  that  a  virtuous  life  will  be 
rewarded  by  a  happy  immortality?  without  morals  a  republic 
cannot  subsist  any  length  of  time;  they  therefore  who  are 
decrying  the  Christian  religion,  whose  morality  is  so  sublime 
&  pure,  wh  denounces  against  the  wicked  eternal  misery,  & 
insures  to  the  good  eternal  happiness  are  undermining  the 
solid  foundation  of  morals,  the  best  security  for  the  duration 
of  free  governments. 

"If  there  be  force  in  this  reasoning,  what  judgt.  ought 
we  to  form  of  our  pretended  republicans,  who  admire  & 
applaud  the  proceedings  of  revolutionary  France! 

"These  declaimers  in  favor  of  freedom  &  equality  act  in 
such  a  questionable  shape  that  I  cannot  help  suspecting  their 
sincerety. 

"This  is  a  long  preaching  letter:  &  I  fear  tedious  &  dull 
one ;  but  you  wished  to  know  my  sentiments  about  the  present 
parties  &  impending  fate  of  our  country,  and  I  could  not 
give  them,  without  developing  the  reasoning  of  my  opinion  — 
you  see  that  I  almost  despair  of  the  commonwealth  —  The 
end  of  every  legitimate  Government  is  the  security  of  life, 
liberty  &  property:  if  this  country  is  to  be  revolutionised, 
none  of  these  will  be  secured.  Perhaps  the  leaders  of  the 
opposition,  when  they  get  into  office,  may  be  content  to  let 
the  constitution  remain  as  it  is,  &  may  pursue  the  policy  & 
measures  of  Washington's  administration:  but  what  will  be 
come  in  that  case  of  their  consistency?  Patriots,  you  will 
say,  are  not  always  consistent;  granted;  yet  other  patriots 
&  opposers  will  arise  to  arraign  this  inconsistency,  &  the  storm 
once  raised  who  will  stop  its  fury? 

"Celui  qui  met  un  pein  a  la  fureur  des  flots, 

"Soit  aussi  des  medians  arreter  les  complots. 

"My  only  hope  is  in  that  Being,  who  educes  good  out  of 
evil :  may  he,  in  his  abundant  mercy,  incline  the  hearts  of  our 
countrymen  to  peace,  justice,  &  concord. 

"I  have  read  Mr.  Hamilton's  pamphlet;  the  drift  of 
its  publication  at  this  time  I  conjecture  was  not  so  much  with 
a  view  of  vindicating  his  character,  as  to  prevent  the  electors 


476  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xvi 

in  Massachusetts  from  scattering  their  votes  in  order  to  se 
cure  the  election  of  Mr.  Adams  in  preference  to  Mr.  Pink- 
ney.  All,  with  whom  I  have  conversed,  blame,  however,  Mr. 
Hamilton  &  consider  his  publication  as  ill-timed;  altho'  I  pay 
a  deference  to  the  opinions  of  others,  whose  motives  I  know 
to  be  good,  yet  I  can  not  help  differing  from  them  in  this 
instance.  The  assertions  of  ye  pamphlet,  I  take  it  for  granted, 
are  true;  and  if  true,  surely  it  must  be  admitted  that  Mr. 
Adams  is  not  fit  to  be  President,  and  his  unfitness  should  be 
made  known  to  the  Electors  &  ye  Publick;  I  conceive  it  a 
species  of  treason  to  conceal  from  the  Publick  his  incapacity. 

" Altho'  your  remaining  rather  a  spectator  of  than  an  ac 
tor  in  the  passing  scenes,  is  founded  on  a  proper  motive,  yet 
you  will  find  it  impossible  to  retain  a  neutral  character,  nor  do 
I  think  it  fit  you  should:  we  ought  all,  each  in  our  several 
spheres,  to  endeavour  to  set  the  public  mind  right,  &  to  admin 
ister  antidotes  to  the  poison  that  is  widely  spreading  through 
the  country. 

"Excuse  the  interlineations,  &  the  incoherence  of  this 
letter.  I  write  currente  calamo,  I  have  not  time  to  arrange 
&  methodise  my  thoughts,  or  to  copy.  I  am  in  the  sentiments 
of  real  regard  and  esteem 

"Dr.  Sir 

' '  Yr.  most  hum.  Servt 
"On.  CARROLL  of  Carrollton" 

On  the  evening  of  November  8,  the  war  office  building  in 
Washington  *  burned,  the  fire  destroying  ' '  every  paper  & 

1  Gibbs,  ii,  446.  In  the  General  (Aurora)  Advertiser,  for  November 
12,  1800,  appeared  the  following  item: 

WAR    OFFICE    BURNT 

The  following  note  was  received  yesterday  morning  by  Colonel  Patton, 
esq.,  Postmaster  at  Baltimore : 

"Baltimore,  Nov.  9. 

"The  War-Office  at  Washington  City,  was  destroyed  by  fire  last  eve 
ning,  and  all  the  papers  belonging  to  it,  except  the  accountant's." 

We  have  seen  a  letter  dated  Washington,  Nov.  8,  12  o'clock  at  night, 
confirming  the  above.  It  states,  "That  two  small  engines  and  about  fifty 
buckets  of  various  kinds,  with  a  bad  supply  of  water  was  all  the  means 
they  possessed  here  to  quench  it  —  that  the  accountant  saved  the  greater 
part  of  his  papers,  but  all  the  rest  were  burnt —  One  house  and  the  only 
one  adjoining  it  was  burnt ;  it  was  owned  by  Jonathan  Jackson,  who 
died  but  six  hours  previous  to  the  fire —  his  body  was  let  out  of  the 
window —  his  children  and  furniture  were  saved."  The  writer  says,  "the 
fire  exhibited  a  dreadful  scene,  as  it  raged  without  control ;  all  their 
efforts  being  ineffectual. 


Extract  of  a  letter  from  Washington  City,  dated  November  8. 
About  7  o'clock  this  evening,  I  was  alarmed  by  fire  in  this  city.     We 
all  ran  as  usual,   and  behold  it  proved   to  be   the   War-Office.     Before   I 


1800]  of  James  McHenry  477 

record  of  the  Secretary's  office,"  so  that  we  can  not  go  to  the 
department  files  for  a  record  of  McHenry 's  administration. 
The  next  day,  McHenry  wrote  1  to  Wolcott,  telling  him  that 
"Tomorrow,  the  electors  of  this  State  are  to  be  chosen  by  the 
people  in  their  respective  districts  here.  We  shall  make  little 
or  no  exertions  for  the  federal  candidate ;  not  from  any  indif 
ference  to  the  good  old  cause,  but  from  a  kind  of  conviction 
that  our  labour  would  be  lost  &  an  opinion  generally  imbibed 
by  the  utter  unfitness  of  one  of  the  federal  candidates  to  fill 
the  office  of  President.  Indeed,  almost  every  well  informed 
man,  whose  sentiments  I  have  been  able  to  ascertain,  has  but 
one  way  of  thinking  respecting  the  present  chief.  Whether 
he  is  sportful,  playful,  witty,  kind,  cold,  drunk,  sober,  angry, 
easy,  stiff,  jealous,  cautious,  confident,  close,  open,  it  is  almost 
always  in  the  wrong  place  or  to  the  wrong  person.  For  such 
a  chief  who  has  not  the  wisdom  'stultitia  caruisse, '  who  can 
contend  or  encourage  others  to  contend  ?  In  truth  I  cannot. ' ' 
Dickinson  still  wrote  hopefully  on  November  10: 

"Dear  Sir 

"From  the  best  information  reed,  the  Legislature  of 
Pennsylvania  will  have  a  concurrent  vote  in  the  choice  of  their 
Electors,  for  President  &  Vice  President.  This  you  will  deem 
favorable  to  the  Federal  interests  —  if  you  can  secure  six 
votes  in  your  State,  &  we  should  not  be  disappointed  in  our 
Southern  expectations,  we  may,  with  a  little  management,  suc 
ceed  in  the  election  of  the  man  we  wish. 

"I  did  not  see  our  Friend  W.  on  his  return,  he  can  give 
you  more  accurate  information  respecting  Eastern  politics, 
than  I  possess;  from  what  I  hear  Massachusetts  will  give  to 
Mr.  Adams,  a  majority  of  2  or  3  Votes.  Connecticut  must  at 
all  events,  give  to  Genr.  Pinckney  a  majority,  without  which, 

got  there  all  was  involved  in  uncontrolable  flames.  It  fortunately  hap 
pened  that  the  office  had  been  kept  in  a  house  not  adjoining  any  others ; 
for  had  there  been  an  hundred  they  must  all  have  gone.  The  account 
ant's  department  was  in  the  same  building ;  but  he  had  the  good  fortune 
to  save  the  greatest  part  of  his  papers :  —  the  books  and  papers  in  the 
war-office  were  entirely  consumed.  How  it  originated  nobody  knows  — 
but  it  is  presumed,  that  the  experience  which  we  have  had  in  this  case  of 
the  want  of  engines,  buckets,  &c.  will  induce  those  whom  it  concerns  to 
provide  against  the  recurrence  of  such  distressing  calamities.  We  had 
but  too  small  engines,  illy  provided  with  water,  and  about  30  house- 
buckets. 

See  also  Am.  State  Papers,  Claims,  p.  249;  Misc.,  i,  232.  Ann.  of 
Cong.,  Sixth  Cong.,  Second  Session,  vi,  1357  to  1376. 

(This  note  is  due  to  the  courtesy  of  J.  W.  Cheney,  librarian  of  the 
war  department.) 

1  Gibbs,   ii,   445. 


478 


Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xvi 


he  stands  no  chance  for  the  presidency  —  let  me  hear  from  you 
within  the  next  ten  days  —  as  I  am  going  a  journey. 

"I  amDr  Sir, 
"  Truly 

"Yours 

"PHILEMON  DICKINSON 
"P.  S.     Our  Electors  tis  believed  will  vote 
for  Adams  &  Pinckney. " 

Hamilton,  for  some  strange  reason,  seems  to  have  written 
nothing  to  McHenry  until  November  13,  when  he  sent  him  the 
following  l  letter : 

"Dr.  Sir 

"You  have  seen  my  letter.  You  would 
think  the  close  of  it  temporising.  But 
the  Federal  Stomach  would  not  bear  a 
stronger  dose.  I  regret  that  my  early 
opinion  was  not  pursued.  All  would 
then  have  stood  better 

"The  press  teems  with  answers  to  my 
pamphlet.  I  may  have  to  reply.  If  so, 
I  shall  reinforce  my  position  by  new 
facts.  Assist  me  with  such  as  you  may 
possess. 

"Did  you  yourself  see  the  letter,  in 
which  he  declared  that  a  single  visit  to 
the  opposition  would  hurl  the  british 
Ministry  from  their  thrones.  Give  me 
a  precise  account  of  it? 

"Is  not  your  letter  to  the  President 
recapitulating  your  last  conversation  on 
the  files  of  the  War  Office? 
"Yrs  truly 
"A.  H." 

To  Hamilton's  letter,  McHenry  answered  that  he  has 
read  Hamilton's  attack  upon  Adams.  "Although  I  am  not 
pleased  with  the  facts  attached  to  my  name  *  *  *  having  been 

1  He  wrote  a  similar  letter  to  Pickering  on  the  same  day.  Ham 
ilton,  vi,  477.  See  Goodhue's  letter  of  November  15,  Hamilton,  vi,  478. 

The  statement  made  by  Cunningham  in  his  letter  to  Adams  (p.  147) 
is  false  and  too  foolish  to  need  refutation,  that  the  latter's  expressions  cen 
suring  General  Hamilton,  which  occasioned  ham  to  write  his  most  famous 
letter,  were  uttered  confidentially  to  Pickering  and  McHenry  and  "by  the 
latter,  as  you  supposed,  dishonorably  betrayed  to  Hamilton. 


"To  prevent  a  mor 
tal  seism  among  the 
Federalists,  lie 
must  be  voted  for 
by  them  every 
where. 


1800]  of  James  McHenry  479 

brought  into  public  view,"  without  consulting  me,  "I  can 
conceive,  nevertheless,  what  might  have  prevented  you  from 
not  acquainting  me  with  your  purpose. 

' '  The  chief  will 1  destroy  himself  fast  enough  without 
such  exposures.  Can  it  happen  otherwise  to  a  man  (as  I 
wrote  the  other  day  to  Mr.  Wolcott)  who,  whether  sportful, 
playful,  witty,  kind,  cold,  drunk,  sober,  angry,  easy,  stiff, 
jealous,  careless,  cautious,  confident,  close  or  open,  is  almost 
always  in  the  wrong  place  to  the  wrong  persons. 

"My  great  fear  is  that  while  he  is  destroying  himself,  he 
will  destroy  the  government  also. 

"Those  among  the  federalists  in  this  State,  I  mean  those 
within  my  observation,  the  most  anxious  for  the  election  of 
Mr.  Adams,  pretend  to  consider  the  publication  of  your  letter 
rather  calculated  to  distract  than  to  do  good.  Carroll  of 
Carrollton.  however,  approves  of  it.  Let  this  console  you 
from  one  of  the  wisest,  most  prudent,  &  best  men  in  the  Unit 
ed  States. 

"The  statement  of  my  last  conversation  with  the  Presi 
dent  \vas  made  official  and  entered  in  the  letter  book  appro 
priated  to  record  communications  with  him.  I  presume  the 
book  containing  it  has  been  burned  with  the  other  records  of 
the  department.  I  wish  the  remembrance  of  it,  which  harass 
es  my  feelings,  could  have  been  destroyed  also.  The  folly, 
madness,  &  insatiable  vanity  of  this  man  is  excited  by,  and 
descends  to,  things  the  most  trifling. 

"A  few  days  after  my  dialogue  with  the  President.  Tou- 
sard  came  &  told  me.  '  Well,  I  have  at  last  seen  the  President 
—  a  very  extrordinary  conversation  with  which  he  has  favor 
ed  me.  You  must  not  tell,  however,  that  /  have  seen  him.' 
I  replied  I  would  not,  as  it  belonged  to  valets  de  chambre 
only  to  see  great  men,  Among  other  things  the  President  com 
plained  in  a  violent  passion  that  he  was  neglected  by  every 
officer,  for  that  forts  had  been  named  Pickering,  Hamilton  & 
McHenry,  and  that  not  one  of  them  had  been  named  Adams, 
except  perhaps  a  diminutive  work  at  Rhode  Island.  The  sup 
ple  Frenchman  no  doubt  satisfied  the  angry  chief,  for  Tousard 
informs  me,  that  before  his  leaving  him,  he  put  his  hand  on 
his  shoulder,  &  mildly  assured  him  he  should  be  appointed 
colonel  of  the  second  regiment  of  Artillery  &  engineers  in  a 
few  days. 

"When  I  employed  Tousard  on  the  fortifications  to  the 

1  Hamilton,   vi,    479. 


480  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xvi 

Eastward,  the  President  wrote  me  a  surly  letter  upon  the 
subject, l  which  made  it  necessary  for  me  to  reply  that  Tou- 
sard  was  employed,  because  I  could  find  no  other  person  quali 
fied  to  send  on  the  business.  This  pacified  the  madman,  & 
Tousard  was  permited  to  remain." 

McHenry's  letter  received  instant  reply  from  Hamilton. 

"New  York  Nov.  22,  1800. 
' '  My  Dear  Mac 

' '  I  am  sorry  that  you  were  not  pleased  with  my  not  having 
consulted  you  before  I  used  your  name  in  my  publication.  It 
was  my  intention  to  have  done  it  —  but  finding  myself  pressed 
in  point  of  time  I  concluded  to  wave  it  and  on  this  resoning. 

"The  nature  of  the  transaction  is  such  as  dispensed  Mr 
McHenry  from  any  obligation  of  delicacy  to  conceal  any  part 
of  it.  No  blame  can  therefore,  attach  upon  him  for  the  dis 
closure.  By  putting  it  on  the  files  of  the  War  Office,  he  has 
made  the  whole  conversation  a  public  document  liable  to  pub- 
lie  discussion  by  any  body  that  can  get  at  the  contents.  Ex 
tracts  from  it  of  the  most  exceptionable  parts  have  been  in 
free  circulation  and  have  been  seen  by  many.  My  knowledge 
of  it  comes  from  a  variety  of  persons  who  have  seen  the  docu 
ment  itself  and  the  extracts.  The  subject  has  been  matter 
of  conversation  at  various  tables.  Thus  circumstanced,  the 
thing  is  in  possession  of  the  public  &  in  no  wise  to  be  regard 
ed  as  a  confidential  communication  to  me.  I  am,  therefore, 
at  liberty  to  use  it.  And  upon  the  whole  —  it  is  perhaps  best 
for  Mr.  McHenry  in  point  of  delicacy,  if  there  be  any  such 
point,  that  I  should  publish  without  than  with  his  special 
permission. 

"The  information  as  to  facts  which  involve  some  official 
delicacy  came  to  me  from  another  not  from  you.  Here  I 
thought  it  indispensable  to  consult  &  did  so. 

' '  Moreover  in  some  of  your  letters  to  me,  you  had  declar 
ed  the  opinion  that  Mr.  Adams  was  to  be  openly  attacked? 
How  was  this  to  be  done  with  success,  but  by  the  disclosure 
of  similar  facts.  About  the  expediency  of  certain  measures, 
there  would  be  an  endless  diversity  of  opinion,  but  all  candid 
sensible  men  will  agree  in  the  conclusion  to  arise  from  the 
particular  anecdotes  showing  the  character  of  the  man. 

1  Probably  Adams's  letter  of  September  4,  1798. 


1800]  of  James  McHenry  481 

' '  You  do  not  tell  me  how  your  election  is  going  nor  what 
your  electors  will  do. 

"Yrs.  truly  &  Affecty 
"A.  H." 

On  November  8,  Wolcott  resigned  from  the  post  which  he 
ought  to  have  left  months  before.  On  the  19th,  McHenry 
wrote  him  l  lamenting  the  burning  of  the  war  office,  not  only 
from  the  national  but  also  from  the  individual  standpoint, 
fearing  that  it  will  enable  "calumniators"  to  say  and  insin 
uate  "words  which  can  not  longer  be  refuted."  He  also  says 
that  Hamilton  thinks  of  answering  some  of  the  replies  to  his 
letters  and  asks  Wolcott  to  get  Griswold  or  Dana  to  obtain 
information  from  the  state  department,  as  to  one  of  Adams's 
letters  while  minister  to  England.  Wolcott  at  once  answered, 
stating  that  members  of  congress  can  no  longer  consult  the 
state  department  files  and  hoping  that  Hamilton  will  not  an 
swer  at  present. 

On  December  2,  McHenry  wrote  2  Wolcott  that  he  had 
"pointedly  advised  Hamilton  against  an  answer  &  thinks  he 
will  postpone"  writing  one.  McHenry  knows  that  members 
of  congress  consult  the  state  department  files  in  spite  of  Wol 
cott 's  letter,  &  wrote,  as  to  the  latter 's  resignation:  "Let  us 
rejoice  that  your  conduct  &  administration  bids  defiance  to 
the  strictest  scrutiny  &  that  your  retiring  from  the  office  you 
have  so  long  filled  will  not  lose  you  one  of  your  real  friends. 
As  for  the  rest,  take  leave  of  them  all  kindly.  I  insist  on 
your  eating  dinner  with  me  in  Baltimore  on  your  way  home 
&  wish  you  so  to  arrange  the  time  &  company  that  2  or  3  of  our 
Connecticut  friends  in  Congress  may  accompany  you.  You 
must  not  deny  me  this  favor." 

There  seems  never  to  have  been  ground  for  the  rumors 
which  Hugh  Williamson  heard  that  McHenry  and  "Pickering 
proposed  a  publication  versus  the  President,  as  soon  as  the 
Election  is  over."  McHenry 's  letter  of  December  1,  to  Ham 
ilton  shows  his  position  in  regard  to  Hamilton's  use  of  his 
name,  "What  is  past  &  cannot  be  amended  between  friends 
had  better  be  forgotten.  Let  it  be  so,  if  you  please,  I  am 
content."  He  urged  Hamilton  that  nothing  further  be  writ 
ten  by  him  on  the  subject,  till  all  answers  are  in.  "You  can 
not  now  make  more  forcible  impression  nor  prevent  the  elec- 

1  Gibbs,  ii,  447. 

2  Gibbs,  ii,   455. 


482  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xvi 

tion, ' '  in  which  opinion  Wolcott  agreed.  Maryland  had  already 
chosen  electors,  five  for  each  party,  but  it  was  not  certain 
until  the  last  moment  that  all  of  the  federal  five  would  vote 
for  Pinckney. 

By  December  12,  it  was  evident  that  the  Federalists  had 
failed  and  Wolcott  wrote  bitterly,  ''So  much  for  the  conse 
quences  of  diplomatic  skill. ' ' l  Ten  days  later,  Dickinson 
wrote  McHenry  as  follows : 

"  Dear  Sir 

"The  event  of  the  Election,  has  proved  very  different 
from  our  expectations,  the  consequences  that  may  follow,  time 
must  discover.  The  new  President  will  commence  his  career 
with  an  overflowing  treasury,  having  in  it  at  present,  at  least, 
two  million  &  a  half  of  dollars.  Is  it  supposed  that  the  most 
distant  attempts  wrill  be  made,  to  impair  the  contracts  already 
entered  into  by  the  Government?  great  changes  are  expected 
&  probably  will  take  place,  from  various  causes  —  but  I  am 
strongly  inclined  to  believe,  there  will  be  no  deviation,  from 
the  strict  &  honorable  line  of  Conduct  heretofore  pursued,  re 
specting  all  Government  engagements.  Has  the  change  made 
any  impression  on  the  Friends  with  you?  I  am  informed 
some  British  agents  in  Phila.  have  taken  the  alarm  —  but. 


1  Gibbs,  ii,   4;57.     About  this  time  Stoddert  wrote: 

Geo   Town  —  8.    Deer.    1800. 
Dr.  Sir 

I  have  requested  Mr  Campbell  to  sell  to  you  Town  lots  In  Baltimore 
they  are  the  same  about  which  I  sometimes  spoke  to  you  in  Philadelphia  — 
They  were  taken  many  years  ago  by  F  &  S  in  payment  of  a  bill  —  & 
have  been  Idle  on  their  hands  ever  since  —  That  they  may  be  no  longer 
so  I  have  desired  Mr.  Campbell,  to  take  for  them  what  you  will  give. 
I  know  you  like  a  good  bargain  —  but  I  know  too  there  is  a  monitor 
with  you,  which  will  prevent  your  making  too  good  a  bargain,  &  there 
fore  scruple  not  to  let  you  know  the  price  of  the  lots  will  be  in  your 
own  power. 

There  is  no  ascertaining  absolutely  whether  Jefferson  —  or  Burr 
will  be  President  —  I  think  however  the  chances  are  in  favor  of  the 
former  —  as  to  my  own  particular,  I  cannot  be  affected  except  as  a 
mere  citizen  —  for  I  have  long  determined  to  quit  office  I  should  have 
done  it  before  March,  had  Mr.  A  —  been  re-elected,  so  that  he  might 
have  appointed  a  successor  for  me  —  My  affairs  —  but  still  now  my 
health  requires  a  different  mode  of  life  from  that  which  I  have  persued 
for  the  last  30  years  — 

The  Senate  I  imagine  will,  after  a  great  deal  of  consideration,  take 
the  Treaty  with  France,  Just  as  it  is they  talk  of  conditional  rat 
ification  but  I  am  inclined  to  think  it  ought  to  be  taken  as  it  is,  or  totally 
rejected,  carrying  a  condition  would  be  to  give  out  of  our  hands,  to 
France,  to  determine  6  Mo's  hence  whether  there  should  be  peace  or 
War 

Mrs.  S  joins  in  respect  &  good  wishes  to  Mrs  McHenry  —  Ann  — 
Daniel  —  John,  &  little  Margaretta,  Dr  Sir  Yr  Friend  &C 

BEN.    STODDERT. 

We  know  not  who  is  to  be  Sec.  of  War  —  Mr  Dexter  has  taken,  the 
Treasury  Dept. 


isoo]  of  James  Me  Henry  488 

should  suppose  without  any  real  cause.  No  Country  on  earth, 
ever  had  it  more  in  its  power  to  discharge  its  debts,  than 
America.  I  hope  the  rulers  will  not  want  inclination,  possess 
ing  such  abundant  means.  Our  Election  begins  tomorrow,  & 
will  continue  two  days,  I  entertain  no  doubt  of  the  issue  — 
we  shall  unquestionably,  be  decidedly  Federal.  When  at 
leisure  give  me  your  sentiments  on  the  present  situation  of 
our  affairs." 

It  was  soon  found  that  Jefferson  and  Burr  were  tied  in 
the  electoral  vote  and  the  situation  is  well  described  in  a  letter 
Uriah  Tracy  wrote  McHenry  from  the  city  of  Washington  on 
December  30: 

"My  Dear  Sir.  - 

"This  day  the  Honble.  Saml.  Dexter  has  been  nominated 
Secy  of  the  Treasy  in  room  of  Olivr.  Wolcott  Esq:  resigned. 
Who  is  to  be  Secy,  at  War  in  room  of  Mr.  Dexter  I  know  not. 
Arthur  St.  Clair  is  nominated  Govr.  of  the  North  Western 
Territory  —  and  it  is  now  officially  ascertained  that  Jefferson 
&  Burr  have  each  73  votes  for  Prest.  &  vice  Prest.  and  that  the 
Democrats  are  in  a  sweat  —  is  also  ascertained,  but  not  offi 
cially,  unless  you  consider  my  assertion  as  official.  They  are 
in  the  most  violent  state  of  apprehension,  for  fear  Burr  will 
be  chosen,  or  at  any  rate  that  Jefferson  will  not.  The  calcu 
lation  now  is  —  N.  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island, 
Connecticut,  Delaware,  &  Carolina,  in  favor  of  Burr,  \rermont, 
&  Maryland  divided.  This  leaves  but  8  States,  to  vote  for 
Jefferson,  &  the  probability  is  that  N.  Jersey  will  be  for  Burr 
—  if  so ;  it  makes  7  for  Burr  &  7  for  Jefferson,  &  two  divided. 
This  you  know,  is  as  yet,  conjecture  only.  But  the  conjecture 
is  founded  on  a  probable  state  of  things,  which  will  be  on  the 
2d.  Wednesday  of  Feb.  next.  Burr  has  written  to  Ge.nl.  Smith, 
I  see  by  a  publication  in  the  Baltimore  paper  —  &  made  him 
a  proxy,  to  say  that  Burr,  will  not  stand  in  the  way  of  Jeffer 
son  &c.  You,  who  know  Burr,  can  perfectly  understand  this. 
Burr  is  a  cunning  man.  If  he  cannot  outwit  all  the  Jefferson- 
ians,  I  do  not  know  the  man. 

"It  is  really  pleasant  to  see  the  Democrats  in  such  a  rage 
for  having  acted  with  good  faith,  they  swear  they  will  never 
do  it  again,  &  mutually  criminate  each  other  for  having  done 
so  now.  Each  declaring,  if  they  had  not  had  full  confidence 
in  the  treachery  of  the  others,  they  would  have  been  treacher- 


484  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xvi 

ous  themselves ;  and  not  acted,  as  they  promised,  to  act  —  at 
Philada.  last  winter,  (viz)  all  vote  for  Jefferson  &  Burr. 

"The  Federalists  say,  they  like  not  either  of  the  Candi 
dates,  but  as  the  anti's  have  brought  them  forward,  they  will 
take  the  least  of  two  evils. 

"How  this  momentous  affair  will  terminate,  must  be  left 
to  time. 

' '  present  me  respectfully  to  Mrs.  McHenry  - 
"&  believe  me  yr.  Friend  &  obedt.  Servt. 
"URIAH  TRACY" 


Hamilton  had  written,  as  early  as  December  16,  urging 
the  Federalists  in  congress  to  support  Jefferson,  rather  than 
Burr,  and  to  McHenry  he  gave  strong  reasons  for  such  con- 
duet  and  a  scathing  denunciation  of  Burr  in  two  letters,  one 
dated  New  York,  January  4,  1801,  and  the  other,  without  date, 
but  from  internal  evidence  written  shortly  afterwards.  1 

The  first  of  these  reads  thus : 

"My  Dear  Mack, 

"By  yesterday's  post  I  received  your  letter  of  the  31  of 
December.  I  was  just  about  to  write  to  you  on  the  principal 
subject  of  it. 

"Nothing  has  given  me  so  much  chagrin  as  the  Intelli7 
gence  that  the  Federal  party  were  thinking  seriously  of  sup 
porting  Mr".  Burr  for  President.  I  should  consider  the  exe 
cution  of  the  plan  as  devoting  the  country  and  signing  their 
own  death  warrant.  Mr.  Burr  will  probably  make  stipula 
tions,  but  he  will  laugh  in  his  sleeve  while  he  makes  them  and 
he  will  break  them  the  first  moment  it  may  serve  his  purpose. 
But  will  not  his  interest  govern  him  ?  It  doubtless  will,  as  he 
understands  it.  But  stable  power  and  great  wealth  being  his 
object  and  these  being  unattainable  by  means  that  the  sober 
part  of  the  Federalists  will  countenance,  he  will  certainly  de 
ceive  and  disappoint  them.  A  H  —  Lee  &c  &c  may  find  their 
account  in  it  but  good  men  or  the  Country  never  will.  At 
least  such  ought  to  be  the  calculation;  from  a  profligate,  a 
bankrupt,  a  man  who  laughing  at  democracy  has  played  the 

1  As  early  as  February  1,  1792,  relations  had  become  strained 
between  Hamilton  and  Burr,  John  Ledyard  then  wrote  Hamilton  that  he 
saw  Burr,  found  him  friendly  to  Hamilton  and  recommends  him  to  be 
supported  for  governor,  and  two  days  before  this,  Gen.  Philip  Schuyler 
wrote  Hamilton  that  there  is  no  use  to  hold  resentment  against  Burr  for 
the  part  he  took  last  winter. 


1800]  of  James  McHenry  485 

whole  game  of  Jacobinism  nothing  better  ought  to  be  expected. 
Nor  should  a  mere  chapter  of  accidents  be  hazarded ;  it  ought 
to  be  enough  for  us  to  know  that  he  is  certainly  one  of  the 
most,  unprincipled  men  in  the  U.  States. 

"Very  different  ought  to  be  our  game.  Under  the  uncer 
tainty  of  the  event  we  ought  to  seek  to  obtain  these  assurances 
from  Mr.  Jefferson  as  the  motive  of  our  cooperation  in  him. 
1.  The  support  of  the  present  federal  system.  2.  An  ad 
herence  to  the  present  neutral  plan.  3.  The  preservation  and 
gradual  increase  of  the  Navy.  4.  The  keeping  in  office  all 
our  Federal  Friends  except  in  the  Great  Departments.  There 
and  in  other  matters  he  ought  to  be  free. 

"Be  assured,  You  cannot  better  serve  your  Country  than 
by  exerting  your  influence  with  your  friends  to  detach  them 
effectually  from  the  idea  of  supporting  Mr.  Burr. 
"Adieu  Yrs  truly 

"A.  HAMILTON. 
"Private  &  Confidential" 

On  the  cover  of  the  letter  is  written  in  McHenry 's  hand 
writing  : 

"As  well  might  be  expected  to  measure  a  strait  line  with 
a  crooked  rule  as  to  find  public  virtue  in  the  private  profligate. 

Prostrate  the  beauteous  ruin  lies  and  all 

That  shared  its  shelter,   perish  in  its  fall. — Burk. 

"He  trembled  at  the  apprehension  of  his  losing  the  Pres 
idency,  and  he  sacrificed  every  thing  to  secure  it." 

The  second  letter  is  more  extended: 

"My  Dr.  Sir 

"I  was  at  Albany  when  your  letter  got  here.  I  have 
snatched  the  first  hour  from  my  avocations  to  sketch  to  you 
my  thoughts  in  a  rude  shape. 

"Yrs.  Affecty. 

"A.  H. 

"Very  Confidential. 

"He  is  inx-very  sense  a  profligate;  a  voluptuary  in  the 
extreme,  with  uncommon  habits  of  expence;  in  his  profession 
extortionate  to  a  proverb ;  suspected  on  strong  grounds  of  hav 
ing  corruptly  served  the  views  of  the  Holland  Company,  in  the 
Capacity  of  a  Member  of  our  Legislature  (He  cooperated  in 
obtaining  a  law  to  permit  Aliens  to  hold  and  Convey  lands)  & 


486  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xvi 

now  is  supposed  to  have  been  largely  remunerated,  and  he  is 
understood  to  have  been  guilty  of  several  breaches  of  probity 
in  his  pecuniary  transactions.  His  very  friends  do  not  insist 
upon  his  integrity. 

' '  2.  He  is  without  doubt  insolvent  for  a  large  deficit. 
All  his  visible  property  is  deeply  mortgaged,  and  he  is  known 
to  owe  other  large  debts  for  which  there  is  no  specific  Security. 
Of  the  number  of  these  is  a  judgment  in  favour  of  Mr.  Ang- 
ersteen  for  a  sum  which  with  interest  amounts  to  about  80,000 
Dollars. 

"3.  The  fair  emoluments  of  any  station  under  our  gov 
ernment  will  not  equal  his  expences  in  that  station ;  still  less 
will  they  suffice  to  extricate  him  from  his  embarrassments  and 
he  must,  therefore  from  the  necessity  of  his  situation,  have 
recourse  to  unworthy  expedients.  There  may  be  a  bargain 
and  sale  with  some  foreign  power,  or  combination  with  public 
agents  in  projects  of  gain  by  means  of  the  public  monies; 
perhaps  and  probably,  to  enlarge  the  sphere  —  a  War. 

"4.  He  has  no  pretentions  to  the  station  from  services. 
He  acted  in  different  capacities  in  the  last  war,  finally  with 
the  rank  of  Lt.  Col.  in  a  Regiment,  and  gave  indications  of 
being  a  good  officer ;  but  without  having  had  the  opportunity 
of  performing  any  distinguished  action.  At  a  critical  period 
of  the  war,  he  resigned  his  commission,  assigning  for  cause 
ill  health,  and  went  to  reside  at  Paramus  in  the  state  of  New 
Jersey.  If  his  health  was  bad,  he  might  without  difficulty 
have  obtained  a  furlough  and  was  not  obliged  to  resign.  He 
was  afterwards  seen  in  his  usual  health.  The  circumstances 
excited  much  jealousy  of  his  motives.  In  civil  life,  he  has 
never  projected  nor  aided  in  producing  a  single  measure  of 
important  public  utility. 

"5.  He  has  constantly  resided  with  the  party  hostile  to 
federal  measures  before  and  since  the  present  constitution  of 
the  United  States.  In  opposing  the  adoption  of  this  Consti 
tution  he  was  engaged  covertly  and  insidiously ;  because,  as  he 
said  at  the  time  'it  was  too  strong  and  too  weak,'  and  he  has 
been  uniformly  the  opposer  of  the  Federal  Administration. 

"6.  No  Mortal  can  tell  what  his  political  principles  are. 
He  has  talked  all  around  the  compass.  At  times,  he  has  dealt 
in  all  the  Jargon  of  Jacobinism;  at  other  times,  he  has  pro 
claimed  decidedly  the  total  insufficiency  of  the  Federal  Gov 
ernment  &  the  necessity  of  changes  to  one  far  more  energetic. 
The  truth  seems  to  be  that  he  has  no  plan  but  that  of  Getting 


1800]  of  James  McHenry  487 

power  by  any. means  and  keeping  it  by  all  means.  It  is  prob 
able  that,  if  he  has  any  theory,  'tis  that  of  a  simple  despotism. 
He  has  intimated  that  he  thinks  the  present  French  Constitu 
tion  not  a  bad  one. 

"7.  He  is  of  a  temper  bold  enough  to  think  no  enter- 
prize  too  hazardous  and  sanguine  enough  to  think  none  too- 
difficult.  He  has  censured  the  leaders  of  the  federal  party  as 
wanting  in  vigour  and  enterprize,  for  not  having  established 
a  strong  Government,  when  they  were  in  possession  of  the 
power  and  influence. 

"8.  Deseerning  men  of  all  parties  agree  in  ascribing  to 
him  an  irregular  and  inordinate  ambition.  Like  Cataline  he 
is  indefatigable  in  courting  young  men  and  profligates,  he 
knows  well  the  weak  sides  of  human  nature  and  takes  care  to 
play  in  with  the  passions  of  all  with  whom  he  has  intercourse. 
By  natural  disposition,  the  haughtiest  of  men,  he  is  at  the 
same  time  the  most  creeping  to  answer  his  purposes.  Cold 
and  collected  by  nature  or  habit,  he  never  loses  sight  of  his 
object  and  scruples  no  means  of  accomplishing  it.  He  is  art 
ful  and  intriguing  to  an  inconceivable  degree.  In  short,  all 
his  conduct  indicates  that  he  has  in  view  nothing  less  than 
the  establishment  of  supreme  Power  in  his  own  person.  Of 
this  nothing  can  be  a  surer  index  than  that  having  in  fact 
high-toned  notions  of  Government,  he  has  nevertheless  con 
stantly  opposed  the  federal  &  courted  the  popular  party.  As 
he  never  can  effect  his  wishes  by  the  aid  of  good  men,  he  will 
court  and  employ  able  and  daring  scoundrels  of  every  party 
and,  by  availing  himself  of  their  assistance  and  of  all  the  bad 
passions  of  Society,  he  will,  in  all  likelyhood,  attempt  an  usur 
pation. 

"9.  Within  the  last  three  weeks  at  his  own  table,  he 
drank  three  toasts  successively.  1.  The  French  Republic. 
2.  The  Commissioners  on  both  sides  who  negotiated  the  Con 
vention.  3.  Buonaparte.  4.  La  Fayette  and  he  counten 
anced  and  seconded  the  positions  openly,  advanced  by  one  of 
his  guests,  that  it  was  the  interest  of  this  country  to  leave  it 
free  to  the  Belligerent  Powers  to  sell  their  prizes  in  our  ports 
and  to  build  and  equip  ships  for  their  respective  uses,  a  doc 
trine  which  evidently  aims  at  turning  all  the  naval  resources 
of  the  United  States  into  the  channel  of  France ;  and  by  mak 
ing  these  states  the  most  pernicious  enemy  of  G.  Britain,  to* 
oblige  her  to  go  to  war  with  us. 

"10.     Though  possessing  infinite  art,  cunning  and  ad- 


488  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xvi 

dress,  he  is  yet  to  give  proofs  of  great  or  solid  abilities.  At  the 
bar  he  is  more  remarkable  for  dexterity  than  sound  judgment 
or  logic.  From  the  character  of  his  understanding  and  heart, 
it  is  likely  that  any  innovations,  which  he  may  effect  will  be 
such  as  to  serve  the  turn  of  his  own  power  rather  than  such  as 
will  issue  in  establishments  favourable  to  the  permanent  secur 
ity  and  prosperity  of  the  Nation,  founded  upon  the  principles 
of  a  strong,  free  and  regular  Government." 

Pickering  doubted  the  advisability  of  electing  Burr  1  & 
Gouverneur  Morris  wrote  Hamilton  several  times,  stating  that 
he  would  not  support  Burr,  though  some  Federalists  favored 
him  as  a  vigorous,  practical  man. 2  The  Republicans  want 
Jefferson  and  they  are  the  majority  of  the  people.  Among 
the  suggestions  made  by  the  Federalists,  was  the  wild  one  that 
they  "  should  prevent  any  election  &  thereby  throw  the  gov 
ernment  into  the  hands  of  a  President  of  the  Senate,"  going 
even  ' '  so  far  as  to  cast  about  for  the  person. ' '  The  Federalists 
felt  that  they  must  choose  ' '  among  rotten  apples, ' ' 3  but  Ham 
ilton  had  no  hesitation  in  his  choice.  >He  wrrote  again  and 
again  to  Sedgwick,  Rutledge,  Marshall,  and  Bayard,  urging 
support  of  Jefferson. 4  In  this,  there  was  no  selfishness.  He 
felt :  "If  there  be  a  man  in  the  world  I  ought  to  hate,  it  was 
Jefferson.  With  Burr  I  have  always  been  personally  well. 
But  the  public  good  must  be  paramount  to  every  private  con 
sideration. "  This  noble  stand  caused  the  election  of  Jeffer 
son.  The  majority  of  the  Federalists  favored  an  attempt  to 
make  a  bargain  with  Burr,  but  some  wavered.  McHenry,  at 
first,  was  inclined  to  remain  neutral,  as  is  shown  by  Uriah 
Tracy 's  letter  to  him  on  January  15 : 

"My  Dear  Sir. 

' '  Your  favor  of  the  5th.  inst.  —  puts  me  in  mind  of  the 
man,  who  being  a  lodger  only,  in  a  house  on  fire,  refused  to  get 
out  of  his  bed,  when  informed  of  it,  because  being  a  lodger, 
it  was  nothing  to  him.  I  would  not,  certainly,  were  I  in  your 
place,  fatigue  myself  much  about  politics;  but  as  one  of  the 
community,  can  you  be  so  indifferent  about  public  affairs? 
You  say  'you  can  neither  prevent  nor  amend  existing  evils.' 
What  if  all  men  should  say  the  same  ?  Are  there  not  duties, 

1  Gibbs,  ii,  461. 

2  Hamilton,  vi,   494,   503,   516. 

3  Hamilton,  vi,  492,  Green  to  Hamilton. 

4  Hamilton,  vi,  499. 


1800]  of  James  McHenry  489 

incumbent  upon  all,  &  each;  when  all  have  the  power  of  gov 
ernment  in  their  hands?  I  think  I  know  too  much  of  your 
goodness  of  heart,  to  believe  you  a  perfect  Stoic.  The  high 
Destinies,  as  they  are  called,  of  this  United  and  enlightened 
people,  are  up;  not  at  auction,  but  for  speculation.  Jefferson 
or  Burr,  is  the  question,  and  a  question  of  speculation;  the 
llth  of  February  decides  it,  or  rather  begins  the  decision,  how 
soon  it  will  end  I  know  not,  and  as  to  this  event,  I  am  quiet 
about  it,  for  go  which  way  it  may,  it  is  a  diabolical  Jacobin 
trick  to  force  either  of  them  upon  us.  Either  will  be  bad,  and 
it  is  difficult  to  find  causes  of  preference.  I  am,  upon  a  com- 
prehendsive  view  of  the  subject,  in  favor  of  Burr :  principally, 
because,  I  think  a  paralytic  complaint  is  most  to  be  shunned, 
by  a  popular  Government. 

"Govr  Jay  has  refused  the  office  of  Chief  Justice,  who 
will  have  it  now  is  uncertain  —  and  yet  uncertain  who  will  be 
Secy  at  War. 

"Remember  me  respectfully  to  Mrs.  McHenry,  &  believe 
me  respectfully 

"yr.  obedt.  servt. 
" URIAH  TRACY" 

After  Hamilton's  scathing  denunciations  of  Burr  reached 
McHenry,  he  seconded  Hamilton's  efforts  and  it  is  probable 
that  it  was  partly  due  to  him  that  the  Marlyland  Federalists 
finally  abstained  from  voting  and  permitted  the  Republican 
members  from  that  state  to  cast  the  ballot  for  Jefferson.  The 
interest  McHenry  took  in  the  matter  is  shown  by  a  letter  writ 
ten  him  on  January  17,  from  Washington,  by  William  Hind- 
man,  one  of  Maryland's  Federal  representatives: 

"My  dear  Friend 

"Your  Favor  of  the  10th  came  to  Hand,  when  I  was  too 
unwell  to  pay  any  Attention  to  Business,  I  am  now  barely 
able  to  go  to  the  Senate  Room. 

"I  Find  that  You  &  our  Friend  Genl:  Hamilton  are 
bitterly  opposed  to  Burr's  Elevation  to  the  Presidental  Chair, 
&  I  must  acknowledge  that,  your  Reasons  are  very  cogent,  & 
merit  serious  Consideration ;  there  is  one  Point  on  which  You 
are  unquestionably  mistaken,  which  is,  that  the  general  Opin 
ion  is  in  Favor  of  Mr :  Jefferson ;  the  Federalists,  almost  with 
one  Mind  from  every  Quarter  of  the  Union,  say  elect  Burr, 
with  a  few  Exceptions  in  New  York  &  some  other  Places.  I 


490  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xvi 

observe  You  have  considered  only  one  side  of  the  Question, 
You  are  silent  with  Respect  to  Mr :  Jefferson,  the  Federalists 
will  tell  You  that  They  must  be  disgraced  in  the  Estimation 
of  the  People,  if  They  vote  for  Jefferson,  having  told  Them 
that  He  was  a  Man  without  Religion,  the  Writer  of  the  Letter 
to  Mazzei,  a  Coward  &c  &c.  Burr  is  but  little  known  to  the 
People,  the  Antis  can  say  Nothing  against  Him,  as  their  votes 
have  placed  Him  where  He  is.  I  shall  be  silent  as  to  his  Virtues 
or  His  Vices.  He  is  a  Soldier  &  a  Man  of  Energy  &  Decision, 
&  as  Europe  is  now  plunged  into  a  dreadful  War,  of  which 
We  may  perhaps  participate,  I  will  ask  You  whether  it  would 
not  be  wise  to  have  such  a  Character  at  the  Head  of  our 
Affairs.  I  believe,  moreover,  that  He  would  support  the  Fed 
eral  Cause,  as  the  Jeffersonians  would  become  his  bitter  im 
placable  Enemies. 

"I  lament  that  there  should  be  any  Diversity  of  Senti 
ment  among  the  Federalists  of  this  Subject. 

"The  Treaty  is  not  gone  thro',  it  is  now  in  the  Hands  of 
a  Committee  for  Report." 

While  the  country  waited  the  action  of  the  house  of 
representatives,  Adams  nominated  to  the  vacant  office  of  chief 
justice,  John  Jay,  and,  on  his  declination,  John  Marshall,  the 
secretary  of  state,  with  whose  confirmation  by  the  senate  began 
the  most  brilliant  judicial  career  in  the  nation 's  history.  Just 
after  Jay 's  nomination,  McHenry  wrote  Wolcott 1  on  Jan 
uary  22 : 

"My  Dear  Sir, 

"I  think  your  last  letter  to  me,  is  dated  the  29th  ultimo, 
and  you  are  still  at  Washington. 

"I  have  presumed  that  one  of  two  causes,  or  perhaps  both 
of  them  combined,  may  detain  you.  1st.  The  tardiness  of 
the  committee  which  was  appointed  to  report,  respecting  trans 
actions  in  the  Treasury  Department.  2d.  That  your  co-oper 
ation,  or  rather  assistance  for  a  time,  was  indispensable  to 
your  successor.  I  am  anxious  to  hear  from  you  the  true  case. 
Although  I  have  made  up  my  mind,  upon  the  propriety  of 
remaining  as  much  as  it  is  possible,  a  quiet  and  indifferent 
spectator  to  passing  events*  and  have  determined  never  to 
appear  in  a  public  character,  either  under  the  authority  of  a 
State,  or  the  United  States,  I  reserve,  notwithstanding,  to  my- 

1  Gibbs,    ii,    468. 


1800]  of  James  McHenry  491 

self  the  entire  privilege  of  feeling  a  proper  concern  for  those 
of  my  friends  who  may  be  engaged  in  public  scenes  as  actors 
or  sufferers,  and  of  making,  and  communicating  to  my  friends, 
my  own  comments  upon  public  occurences.  Thus  far,  it  ap 
pears  to  me,  I  may  indulge  in  public  affairs,  without  disturb 
ing  the  tenor  of  my  life,  or  that  tranquility  of  mind  which  I 
aim  at,  and  which  I  consider  an  essential  ingredient  in  human 
happiness.  I  knowr  not  what  you  think  of  the  late  nomination 
of  Mr.  Jay,  to  be  Chief  Justice,  so  immediately  after  he  had 
publicly  declared  it  to  be  his  intention  to  spend  the  remainder 
of  his  life  as  a  private  citizen.  The  nomination  excited  the 
idea,  that  Mr.  Adams  considered  such  declarations  were  al 
ways  made  without  sincerity,  and  meant  to  be  disregarded. 
It  pleased  me,  of  course,  to  see  Mr.  Jay  act  as  a  consistent  and 
I  think  a  sincere  part,  in  refusing  an  appointment  thus  un 
seasonably  if  not  under  the  existing  circumstance,  indecor 
ously  offered. 

' '  Mr.  Adams,  it  strikes  me,  has  committed  another  blund 
er,  but  it  is  true  one  not  altogether  so  rare ;  I  mean  in  reward 
ing  dear  friends,  and  neglecting  old  ones.  Here  it  was  ex 
pected  by  every  body,  that  he  would  have  named  Mr.  Patter 
son  to  the  vacant  seat  on  the  bench,  except  by  Mr. ,  who 

thought  he  should  have  been  appointed,  and  by  me,  who 
thought  the  President  should  have  appointed  himself. 

"I  am  told  that  some  of  our  statesmen  have  conceived  a 
project  to  convert  a  Jacobin  of  the  first  water,  into  a  sound 
federalist;  and  to  convince  this  Jacobin,  who  is  known  to.  be 
well  skilled  in  the  powers  of  numbers,  that  his  weight  alone, 
will  make  the  lighter  scale  the  heavier,  and  like  a  charm  recov 
er  for  them  the  public  opinion  which  has  been  lost  by  the  half 
measures  of  Congress,  and  false  measures  of  the  President.  I 
certainly  do  not  breakfast  upon  such  chimeras.  I  cannot  per 
suade  myself  that  public  opinion  is  to  be  regained  by  such 
means,  much  less  that  it  is  to  be  forced.  A  different  course 
must  be  pursued  to  recover  what  has  been  alienated,  and  to 
gain  upon  the  quiet  good  sense  of  the  well-disposed  part  of  the 
community.  For  this  purpose,  time  is  required  —  a  new  series 
of  events ;  and  to  these,  the  slow  process  of  wisdom,  patience, 
and  prudence  operating  upon  the  errors  and  mistakes  of  those 
who  may  govern.  If  a  shorter  shall  be  attempted  by  our 
statesmen,  I  wish  them  a  good  journey,  but  I  do  not  expect 
thev  will  arrive  at  the  goal. 


492  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xvi 

' '  Let  me  hear  from  you,  and  the  news  that  may  be  afloat. 
Yours,  aff 'ly. 

' '  JAMES  MCHENRY.  ' ' 

When  the  balloting  for  president  began  on  February 
11,  Stoddert  wrote:  "It  is  now  three  o'clock  &  the  doors  of 
the  Capitol  shut,  which  seems  to  show  that  the  first  ballot  could 
not  determine  the  great  question."  Mcllenry  seems  to  have 
made  special  arrangements  with  his  friend  Tracy  of  Connecti 
cut  to  have  daily  bulletins  of  the  balloting  sent  him  and  these 
show  clearly  the  progress  of  events. 

"Washington  llth.  Feby  1801 
"My  Dear  Sir 

' '  The  votes  for  Prest.  have  this  day  been  opened  &  count 
ed,  73  for  Jefferson  &  Burr,  &  65  &  64  for  Adams  &  Pinckney, 
with  one  for  Jay.  The  House  of  Reps,  are  now  at  the  busi 
ness  of  electing  from  these  two ;  they  have  8  or  9  trials,  alike 
in  result,  8  States  for  Jefferson,  6  for  Burr  &  2  divided. 

' '  They  have  passed  a  vote  not  to  separate  till  a  President 
is  chosen  —  both  parties  are  apparently  unyielding  —  this  is 
y2  past  5  P.  M.  what  will  be  done,  time  must  discover. 

"Yrs  respectfully 
"URIAH  TRACY" 


"City  of  Washington  12th.  Feby.  1801. 
"My  Dear  Sir 

* ' '  This  is  one  o  'clock  P.  M.  The  House  of  Reps,  have  this 
moment  voted,  I  believe  the  30th.  or  31th.  time,  &  at  every 
time  come  out  alike,  8  states  for  Jef rs.  6  for  Burr,  &  2  divided. 
Maryland  &  Vermt.  divided  —  4  New  England  States,  Dela 
ware  &  So  Carolina  for  Burr,  &  the  residue  for  Jefferson.  They 
(the  House)  have  been  at  it  all  night,  &  have  now  postponed 
the  next  ballot  to  tomorrow  noon —  (13th.) 

' '  The  Feds,  to  a  man  vote  for  Burr,  &  the  opposition  to  a 
man  for  Jefferson. 

"Yrs  respectfully 
"URIAH  TRACY" 

"1801 
' '  Feby.  13th.        Friday  15  minutes  past  one  —  P.  M 

' '  House  of  Reps  —  have  this  moment  closed 


1800]  of  James  McHenry 

the  2d.  ballot  for  to-day,  &  come  out  ut  supra  &  have  post 
poned  the  next  ballot  to  noon  of  to-morrow  Saturday. 

"yrs.  respectfully 
"U.  TRACY" 

"City  of  Washington  16th.  Feby.  1801. 
"My  Dear  Sir 

' '  This  is  !/>  past  12  o  'clock  —  on  Monday,  the  House  of 
Reps  have  this  moment,  taken  another  ballot  and  remain  as 
before,  8,  6,  2.  They  have  postponed  their  next  ballot  to 
tomorrow  noon.  (Tuesday  17th). 

"yrs  respectfully 
"URIAH  TRACY" 

"City  of  Washington  17th.  Feby.  1801. 
"My  Dear  Sir 

' '  This  moment  %  past  one  —  we  are  informed  the  House 
on  a  second  ballot  this  day,  have  elected  Thomas  Jefferson 
Esqr.  Prest.  10  States  voting  for  him.  They  had  one  ballot 
at  noon,  and  were  as  before,  but  on  this  ballot  —  4  Maryland 
members,  one  Vermont  member,  &  the  one  member  from  Dela 
ware  did  not  vote.  Of  course  Lyon  carried  Vermt.  and  Mary 
land  was  carried  by  its  four  Democrats  for  Jefferson  &  gave 
him  10  states. 

"yrs  respectfully 
"URIAH  TRACY 

"  N  B.  James  A  Bayard  the  member  from  Maryland  i 
is  this  moment  nominated  by  the  Prest.  to  the  Senate,  Minister 
Plenipo.  to  France!" 

The  long  struggle  was  over,  the  Federalist  party  had  fal 
len  from  power  forever,  but  they  had  so  established  the  charac 
ter  of  the  government  that  Jefferson  was  to  begin  a  period 
which  has  well  been  styled  a  "Republican  administration  of 
Federalist  principles." 

During  the  whole  summer  of  1800,  the  negotiations  of  the 
American  commissioners  continued  at  Paris  and  two  letters 
from  Murray  to  McHenry  are  preserved. 

The  earlier  one  was  sent  from  Paris  on  the  18th  of  May, 
1800: 

"My  dear  Friend, 

"An  opportunity  arises  wh.  enables  me  to  thank  you  for 


1  A  mistake  for  Delaware. 


494  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xvi 

a  few  lines  wh.  have  escaped  from  you  to  me  by  way  of  intro 
duction  of  some  of  our  countrymen  —  young  G.  Mr  R  's  friend 
I  have  reed,  with  the  cordiality  due  to  one  honoured  by  your 
recommendation. 

"For  mature  information  respecting  the  state  of  things 
between  U.  S.  &  F.  &  a  tableau  of  things  generally  as  having  a 
bearing  on  the  great  questions  now  before  the  European  world, 
I  refer  you  to  our  correspondence  with  the  Secty.  of  State  — 
you  will  be  charmed  with  it.  Condense  —  Condense  —  you 
told  me  some  time  since.  The  almanach's  &  court-records 
style  ever  were  to  me  matters  of  decided  aversion ;  —  &  I  have 
great  consolation,  while  my  plumage  is  plucked  —  to  hear 
even  Mr  A  [dams] 's  letters  (from  Berlin)  acknowledged  to 
be  at  least  Long  letters!  !  !  believe  me  I  do  not  compare  mine 
to  his,  wh.  to  me  are  masterly  diplomatic  pieces  —  but  it  eases 
me  respecting  criticism. 

"A  scrap  of  a  news  paper  now  &  then  falls  in  our  way 
from  Philad.  McK[ean]  governor  —  &  fed's  divided  on  the 
eve  of  an  election  of  P.  —  !  !  in  truth,  I  know  nothing  equal 
to  this  but  what  is  before  us  here  not  a  single  speck  of  wisdom 
in  a  crumbling  but  victorious  coalition  —  disputes  on  collat 
eral  points  —  Russia  absolutely  withdrawn  —  &  those  who  re 
main  agt.  F.  uncertain  of  each  others  plans  &  objects  even! 
My  dear  Sir,  the  Fedl.  men  must  unite  in  supporting  the  P.  — 
the  honour  of  the  country  requires  it  —  as  far  as  exterior 
reputation  is  concerned,  —  as  to  the  interior  motives,  you 
know  better  than  I  do.  There  could  not  be  a  more  triumphant 
event  for  F.  than  an  abandonment  of  the  P.  by  the  Fedl.  party. 
The  sting  which  wounds  him  must  rejoice  the  enemies  of  the 
U.  S.,  at  least  those  who  have  been  mortify 'd  by  the  only 
blow  which  has  been  given  to  them  in  the  U.  S.  during  the 
present  war. 

"I  send  you  a  news  paper.  Their  accounts  from  the 
Rhine  are  to  be  read  with  due  reserve  —  they  are,  however, 
lucky  in  one  or  two  affairs.  In  Italy,  Massena's  fate  must  be 
decided  by  the  15  inst.  —  the  day  in  wh.  B.  declared  he  wd. 
relieve  him  —  B.  with  his  usual  precision  &  velocity  lately  set 
off  for  Geneva  with  the  army  of  reserve  —  he  will  try  to  turn 
Milan  —  if  he  do,  Italy  will  be  in  Jeopardy.  Garrisons  in 
Piedmont  wd.  greatly- weaken  the  austrian  army.  B's  exer 
tions  have  been  immense  &  his  conduct  wise  since  he  came  into 
power.  He  negociated,  till  he  quelled  at  least  60,000  chouans 
—  &  pacify 'd  them  —  thus  liberating  50,000  seasoned  troops 


1800]  of  James  Me  Henry  495 

for  the  frontier  —  while  G.  B.  neglected  those  intrepid  & 
organised  bauds  &  he  has  raised  in  two  months  4  miiln.  Ster 
ling  every  shilling  of  which  has  been  devoted  to  the  armies  & 
to  equipments.  It  is  believed  that  so  exactly  has  the  new 
raised  money  been  directed  to  those  objects  that  a  great  part 
of  the  functionaries  in  the  Govt.  have  but  pay  from  one  quar 
ter  of  a  month  to  another  at  a  time.  It  is  true,  however,  that 
this  severity  ill  agrees  with  such  a  people  &  the  real  spirit  of 
the  times. 

' '  I  take  the  liberty  of  inclosing  some  letters  —  some  were 
given  to  me  by  Mr.  D.  from  Mr.  E.  Mr.  E  believing  I  had 
some  opportunity. 

' '  John  is  well  &  we  all  prefer  Holland  to  France  —  my 
health  is  almost  a  wreck  —  though  the  air  here  is  better  than 
that  of  H.  —  but  I  was  acclimated  there,  &  the  sudden  change 
has  shaken  me  terribly. 

' '  N.  B.  I  rather  suspect  that  a  certain  gentleman  is  more 
satisfy 'd  with  the  policy  of  the  measure  now,  than  when  it 
was  made  in  Feb.,  99." 

The  later  letter  is  dated  Paris,  October  3,  1800,  and  reads 
thus : 

"My  dear  Sir, 

"At  the  same  time  that  the  appearance  of  Mr  John  Mc- 
Henry  surprises  you,  it  will  be  explained  by  himself.  Ever 
since  your  letter  to  him  of  May,  he  has  expressed  a  wish  to 
return  —  he  says  en  bonne  foi  to  study  law.  I  have  recom 
mended  him  to  study  merchandising,  as  the  surest  road  to 
wealth.  We  part  with  mutual  regret  —  his  candour,  good 
sense,  &  good  manners  have  made  him  a  greater  favorite  at 
the  hague  than  any  youth  of  our  country  has  had  the  good 
fortune  to  be.  He  quits  Mrs.  M.  &  myself  with  our  highest 
esteem  &  I  do  hope  will  remember  us  with  pleasure.  He  has, 
throughout  in  all  situations,  acted  with  absolute  propriety - 
&  is  a  most  estimable  young  man.  I  think  you  will  do  me  the 
justice  to  say  that  he  is  improved  —  &  I  know  &  he  knows  that 
you  love  him  paternally. 

"We  have  signed  a  convention.  They  apply  the  principle 
of  free  bottoms  free  goods  from  the  signature  for  tho  purpose 
of  extricating  a  great  number  of  our  ships,  uncondemned. 
The  Sea  Letter  alone  &  certificates  of  cargo  (as  relatively  to 
contraband)  any  reglement  an  contraire  Free  ship  &  cargo. 

' '  I  am  so  tired  with  being  engaged  day  &  night  for  twelve 


496  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xvi 

days  past  I  can  scarcely  write.  I  have  less  inclination,  too  — 
because  your  nephew  will  tell  you  all  he  ought  about  every 
thing. 

"I  set  off  the  10th.  for  the  Hague.  I  the  less  opposed 
John's  wish  to  return,  because  in  the  Spring  I  shall  probably 
be  recalled  —  &  he  gets  his  passage  in  the  Portsmouth  free. 
I  shall  be  lazy  then  also.  Your  hint  having  much  abridged 
what  was  really  a  fault  —  length  of  letters !  ! 

' '  Do  not  fear  Jacobin  principles  by  contact  with  the  pres 
ent  Govt.  of  France.  I  wish  we  had  a  little  more  of  the  non 
resistance  principle  wh  our  folks  may  learn  here,  &  as  to 
Jacobinism  it  is  detested.  I  give  you  my  word,  I  wish  we  were 
as  quiet  as  they  are  here ! 

"Pray  my  dear  Sir  drop  me  a  line  at  the  Hague  now  and 
then  —  &  believe  me  affectionately 

"&  respectly  always 
"Yrs  WM.  V.MURRAY" 

The  long  perseverance  of  the  American  commissioners  was 
on  the  point  of  being  rewarded.  On  October  11,  Ellsworth 
wrote  Wolcott  from  Havre,  "You  will  see  our  proceedings 
and  their  result.  Be  assured,  more  could  not  be  done  without 
too  great  a  sacrifice,  &,  as  the  reign  of  Jacobinism  is  over  m 
France  &  appearances  are  strong  in  favor  of  a  general  peace 
I  hope  you  will  think  it  was  better  to  sign  a  convention  than 
to  do  nothing."  He  sent  a  similar  letter  to  Hamilton  and,  in 
truth,  the  envoys  had  agreed  to  a  treaty  which  removed  all 
present  danger  of  a  war  with  France. 


CHAPTER  XVII 

RETIREMENT  AND  DEFENSE  OF  HIS  ADMINISTRATION-  OF  THE 
WAR  OFFICE 

1801-1803 

McHEXRY  was  now  a  man  of  about  fifty  years  of  age 
and  had  retired  from  business  and  politics,  John 
McHenry,  his  nephew,  wrote  of  l  him :  ' '  Although 
he  was  fond  of  leisure,  there  was  nothing  slothful  in  his  tem 
perament.  While  in  office,  he  was  indefatigable  in  his  offi 
cial  duties  and,  after  his  retirement  from  office,  he  spent  most 
of  his  time  in  reading  and  keeping  pace  with  the  train  of 
political  events  in  this  country  and  Europe."  He  possessed 
an  ample  competency  and  had  built  himself  a  country  seat 
which  he  called  Fayetteville,  after  his  French  friend.  The 
house  was  situated  on  a  tract  of  95  acres,  bought  in  1792 
from  the  Ridgeleys,  part  of  a  tract  known  as  Ridgeley's 
Delight,  about  a  mile  west  of  Baltimore  as  it  then  was,  in 
the  neighborhood  of  the  present  Baltimore  and  Fremont 
Streets.  A  part  of  the  tract  is  now  comprised  in  Alexandroff- 
sky,  the  residence  of  Mr.  Gaun  M.  Hutton.  There  he  spent  the 
remaining  fifteen  years  of  his  life  in  dignified  repose,  broken 
only  by  summer  visits  to  the  Virginia  Springs,  2  or  by  longer 
stays  in  Youghiogheny  Glades  in  Allegany  County,  where  his 
eldest  son,  Daniel  William  McHenry,  settled.  He  had  few 
enemies  and  his  relations  to  his  friends  were  close,  as  may  be 
seen  from  a  letter  to  his  brother-in-law,  John  Caldwell : 

''Baltimore  2  May  1801 
"Dear  Jack 

"I  reed  yesterday  evening  a  letter  from  you  upon  which 
you  will  permit  me  to  remark. 

"I  observe  that  between  us,  there  can  be  no  motive  for 

1  Brown's   McHenry,   41. 

2  March    15,    1S<H.     T.    Lewis    wrote    him    about    accommodation    at 
Sweet   Springs   for   the  summer. 


498  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xvn 

corresponding  by  letters,  so  long  as  there  remains  to  us  the 
opportunity  of  talking  freely  with  each  other  every  day  and, 
if  we  please,  every  hour  of  every  day,  and  especially  too,  as  we 
ought  to  be  sensible  what  we  may  say  to  each  other  of  each 
other  will  and  should  always  be  taken  by  us  respectively  in 
good  part.  Now  to  your  letter,  you  seem  to  say :  1.  That  under 
circumstances  it  was  improper  for  me  to  be  seen  in  the  play 
house  in  the  same  box  with  Mr.  &  Mrs.  McCurdy  as  such  a 
public  appearance  with  Mr  McCurdy  must  injure  you  in  the 
estimation  of,  the  people  of  Baltimore,  2  that  your  councels  are 
disregarded  by  me.  3.  that  you  cannot  be  an  underling.  4.  that 
I  can  afford  to  play  with  the  sentiments  I  have  expressed  in 
writing,  meaning  I  suppose  that  I  can  be  seen  with  a  man  for 
wrhom  I  should  have  no  regard.  5.  that  being  seen  with  this 
man  in  a  box  in  the  play  house  must  injure  you  in  the  eyes  of 
the  people  of  Baltimore.  6.  that  I  may  treat  Mr.  McCurdy 
with  attention  and  politeness  in  private  life,  but  not  in  public. 
"  As  to  the  first.  I  do  not  ask  Mr.  McCurdy  to  the  play, 
nor  did  he  sit  in  the  box  with  me.  The  compliment  was  paid 
to  Grace  &  Jane,  who  were  asked  to  partake  of  our  ticket. 
But  I  must  observe  that  I  should,  in  my  humble  opinion,  have 
done  nothing  to  injure  your  interest  had  I  ever  asked  Mr. 
McCurdy.  I  consider  it,  connected  as  I  am  with  the  man,  to 
do  nothing  that  may  tend  to  widen  the  breach  between  you 
and  him,  on  the  contrary,  to  leave  a  door  open  for  a  renewal 
of  a  good  undestanding  between  you  &  him,  or  at  least  to  the 
common  intercourse  usual  between  persons  so  connected.  I 
judge  of  Mr.  McCurdy 's  conduct  as  I  do  of  every  other  man's, 
and  as  I  wish  to  have  my  own  considered  —  with  grains  of 
allowance  for  few  of  the  weaknesses  incident  to  human  nature 
generally  and  the  particular  prejudices,  foibles,  or  infirmities 
of  the  individual  concerned.  Right  or  wrong,  he  has  conceiv 
ed  that  you  have  treated  him  rudely  and  in  his  own  house. 
He  acts  under  this  impression,  which  time  only  and  informa 
tion  gradually  acquired  can  remove.  I  do  not  think  I  should 
serve  you  or  any  body  else  by  aggravating  this  misunderstand 
ing,  or  by  coming  myself  to  an  open  rupture  with  him  on  that 
account.  Take  an  example.  There  is  scarcely  an  injury, 
within  their  power,  which  Gen.  Smith  and  his  brother  Robert 
Smith,  and  this  is  -well  known  to  the  whole  city,  have  not 
attempted  to  do  me.  Besides  the  latter  in  particular  has,  in 
print  with  his  name  to  it,  called  Mr.  Oliver,  for  whom  I  have 
a  sincere  friendship  &  to  whom  I  am  under  great  obligation,  a 


1801-1803]  of  James  McHenry  499 

thief,  and  it  is  believed,  by  their  misrepresentations  incited 
Cap.  Graybil  to,  beat  and  abuse  Mr.  Oliver  in  a  most  shameful 
manner.  Has  all  this  prevented  your  accepting  an  invitation 
to  dine  with  Mr.  Robert  Smith?  Have  I  ever  desired  that  it 
should  prevent  your  being  on  speaking,  and  if  you  pleased, 
visiting  terms  with  him  or  his  connections?  To  return,  I  yet 
hope,  that  you  will  find  the  intercourse  with  Mr.  McCurdy  may 
be  reestablished  without  any  improper  or  disgraceful  con 
descensions  on  your  part.  To  forget  and  forgive  is  not  only 
a  Christian  duty  —  but  calculated  to  promote  individual  inter 
ests  and  general  happiness.  Independent,  however,  of  all 
such  considerations  how  could  my  having  Mr  McCurdy  in  the 
same  box  with  me  by  invitation  injure  you?  Be  assured, 
you  and  I  are  not  of  such  consequence  as  to  attract  public 
conversation  from  so  trifling  an  incident.  But  if  it  did, 
would  not  my  going  to  his  house,  and  talking  with  him  at  his 
door  produce  the  same  effect.  And  if  known  that  you  and  he 
had  disagreed  upon  any  point,  so  as  to  prevent  your  sitting  in 
the  same  box  together  in  a  play  house,  would  not  a  knowledge 
of  that  circumstance  alone  account  for  my  being  seen  with 
you,  at  one  time,  and  writh  him,  at  another,  without  any  preju 
dice  resulting  from  it  to  you  or  I  hope  to  me. 

"As  to  the  second,  that  your  counsels  are  disregarded  by 
me,  I  do  not  know  what  instances  you  allude  to.  It  is,  how 
ever,  to  speak  generally,  to  require  too  much  to  expect,  that 
our  respective  counsels  should  always  be  embraced,  we  ought 
indeed  be  willing  to  give  and  receive  advice  or  counsel.  I 
believe  it  best  that  we  should  be  left  reciprocally  to  exercise 
in  all  cases  our  own  judgement  and  to  follow  or  not  the  advice 
or  counsel,  without  giving  offence. 

"As  to  the  3.  that  you  cannot  be  an  underling.  Indeed, 
my  friend  and  brother,  you  will  never  be  placed  by  me  in  so 
degraded  a  character.  We  must  neither  of  us  be  underlings. 
We  are  equals  and  I  trust  we  shall  continue  equal. 

"As  to  the  4th.  If  it  is  to  be  understood  as  I  have  ex 
pressed  it  —  I  do  not  consider  my  present  intercourse  with 
Mr  McCurdy,  if  it  can  be  called  intercourse,  at  variance  with 
any  sentiments  or  opinions  I  have  expressed  respecting  him  or 
with  propriety. 

"As  to  the  5th.  I  can  see  no  difference,  when  it  is  known 
that  you  and  he  are  not  on  terms,  between  appearing  with  Mr. 
McCurdy  in  a  play  house  or  in  public,  as  in  his  own  house. 
If  the  one  condemns,  the  other  cannot  justify  you.  The  fact 


500  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xvn 

is  my  behaviour  to  the  man,  has  and  can  have  no  influence  up 
on  the  opinion  the  public  or  individuals  may  form  of  you. 
This  must  principally  depend  not  upon  my  conduct  as  it 
respects  Mr  McCurdy  or  any  other  person  but  upon  your  own. 
"And  now  let  me  close  this  letter  by  assuring  you,  that  I 
shall  continue  to  love,  respect,  and  aid  you  as  far  as  in  my 
power,  in  the  full  expectation  that  you  will  endeavour  to  think 
on  common  subjects  and  occurrences  in  life  like  the  general 
ity  of  men ;  that  you  will  make  allowances  for  human  frailties, 
&  cease  to  torment  yourself  by  inspecting  too  minu.tely,  or  re- 
f  ering  too  metaphisically  to  the  acts  of  those  who  may  be  dis 
posed  and  who  are  in  a  situation  to  befriend  you  in  your  pro 
fession  and  above  all  that  you  will  labour  to  aid  yourself,  with 
out  which  the  services  of  your  best  friends  must  prove  unavail 
ing. 

"Your  sincere  friend  and  brother 
' '  JAMES  MCHENRY  ' ' 

A  letter  written  by  McHenry  from  Baltimore  on  the  8th 
of  April,  1801,  to  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton,  gives  an 
interesting  estimate  of  Albert  Gallatin,  Jefferson's  secretary 
of  the  treasury: 

"Dear  Sir. 

"I  now  send  you,  in  conformity  -with  my  promise,  Mr. 
Gallatin 's  'sketch  of  the  finances  of  the  U.  S.'  published^  in 
1796.  This  gentleman  has  lately  favoured  the  public  with 
another  production,  calculated,  as  I  understand,  to  support 
some  of  his  estimates  in  Congress,  or  controvert  some  esti 
mates  made  to  Congress  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  but 
not  having  seen,  I  can  say  nothing  respecting  it. 

"  As  to  this  sketch,  you  will  find  in  it  many  facts,  an  ap 
pearance  of  candour  relative  to  some,  and  unmerited  censure 
and  insinuations  of  other  leading  measures  of  finance.  In 
the  last  section  particularly,  you  will  observe,  a  mixture  of 
truth  and  hypothesis,  of  just  remark  and  fallacious  reasoning 
respecting  the  funding  system. 

"I  have  long  considered  the  author  of  these  sketches,  in 
no  other  light,  than  that  of  a  political  adventurer;  a  man, 
whether  thrown  upon  our  shores,  by  design,  or  who  sought 
them  by  choice,  determined  to  make  use  of  his  talents,  in  the 
way  best  adapted  to  the  end  all  such  adventurers  have  in 
view,  importance  and  office. 


1801-1803]  of  James  McHenry  501 

"Mr.  Gallatin,  from  his  first  entrance  into  Congress, 
down  to  the  present  time,  seems  to  have  fixed  upon  the  Treas 
ury  Department,  as  the  ladder,  by  which  he  could  with  the 
greatest  probability  of  success,  ascend  to  popularity  and 
power.  He  studied  it,  of  course,  through  all  its  details,  and 
mastered  it  so  far,  as  to  be  able,  on  fit  occasions,  to  give  such 
colourings  to  its  measures,  and  the  estimates  and  views  of  our 
finances,  presented  from  time  to  time,  to  Congress,  as  best 
comported  with  his  ultimate  object.  Taxes  and  Treasury 
operations,  come  into  contact  with  so  large  a  proportion  of  the 
community,  and  with  almost  every  measure  of  government, 
that  the  knowledge  he  possessed  of  such  subjects,  and  the 
watchful  attention  he  seemed  to  discover,  to  draw  from  the 
people,  as  little  money  as  possible,  as  well  as  to  the  direction 
of  its  expenditure,  could  scarcely  fail,  with  his  talents,  to  pro 
duce  in  time  its  intended  effect.  Mr.  Madison  was  for  a  sea 
son  considered,  by  his  adherents,  the  opposition  Lord  of  the 
Treasury  domain,  he  could  not,  however,  keep  possession  of 
this  territory,  and  yielded  it  up,  with  all  its  rights,  privileges, 
and  franchises,  to  Mr.  Gallatin,  who  has  reigned  over  it,  ever 
since  without  a  rival  among  his  party. 

"How  will  Mr.  Gallatin  conduct  himself  as  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury?  "Will  he  not  carry  into  practice,  generally,  the 
maxims  and  principles  by  which  he  has  acquired  the  office? 
Will  he  not  weigh  against  the  national  honour  and  security, 
the  number  of  dollars  and  cents,  it  may  call  for  to  maintain 
them  ?  Will  he  not,  in  other  words,  endeavour  to  confirm  his 
powers  by  much  the  same  process  employed  to  obtain  it? 
Neckar,  another  political  adventurer,  raised  himself  to  the 
head  of  the  finances  of  a  great  kingdom,  by  popular  and 
theoretic  principles ;  and  was  highly  instrumental,  by  the 
application  of  these  principles,  at  a  most  critical  moment  to 
the  destruction  of  its  government.  I  do  not  extend  my  ap 
prehensions  to  so  disastrous  and  dreadful  a  point  as  it  re 
spects  our  government  under  the  administration  of  Mr.  Gal 
latin.  Are  we  to  enjoy  a  long  peace,  which  I  trust  we  shall, 
his  maxims  and  principles,  generally  speaking,  may  operate 
to  lessen  the  public  debt,  and  the  public  expenditures,  with 
out,  perhaps,  any  breach  of  public  faith,  consequently  may 
augment  the  disposable  revenue  of  the  II.  S.  But,  under 
this  system,  no  efforts,  or  but  feeble  ones,  can  be  made,  to 
strengthen  the  seaboard  and  frontiers  with  proper  fortifica 
tions,  to  lay  up  warlike  stores,  and  form  military  and  naval 


502  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xvn 

institutions,  calculated  to  perpetuate  military  knowledge,  and 
extend  it  whenever  it  shall  be  wanted  for  the  purposes  of 
war.  I  would  however  hope,  inasmuch  as  to  secure  the  at 
tachment  of  a  majority  of  the  people,  seems  to  be  the  basis 
of  his  system  of  conduct,  that  the  good  sense  and  present 
composition  of  the  people  of  the  U.  S.,  of  which  he  cannot  be 
ignorant,  is  such  that  he  will  not  find  it  his  interest  to  ex 
clude  from  the  majority  he  may  rely  upon  for  support  in 
office,  virtuous  men  of  property  and  talents,  and  that  he  will 
occasionally  at  least  yield  something  to  their  opinions  and 
wishes. 

"Nearly  the  same  system  and  set  of  principles,  I  think 
likely  to  influence  the  public  conduct  of  Mr.  Madison  and 
Mr.  Jefferson;  for  they  too,  in  one  sense  of  the  appellation,, 
are  like  Gallatin,  political  adventurers  on  the  tempestuous 
sea  of  democracy. 

"Should  my  conjectures  be  well  founded  respecting  these 
three  political  characters,  who  will  be  the  real  arbiters  of 
the  fate  of  the  U.  S.  I  flatter  myself,  that  altho'  our  affairs 
will  not  be  managed  by  men  of  our  choice,  or  always  per 
haps  as  we  might  wish,  and  that  many  things  will  be  left 
undone,  under  colour  of  a  regard  to  economy,  which  ought 
to  be  done,  yet  that  they  will  be  generally,  so  conducted, 
as  to  afford  no  glaring  causes  for  extraordinary  alarm  or 
complaint.  This  anticipation  I  find  consolatory,  and  most 
sincerely  pray,  that  it  may  be  realised;  for  what  is  it  to  me, 
or  the  orderly  and  reflecting  men  of  property,  who  value  a 
quiet  life  and  are  averse  from  taking  any  active  part  upon 
the  public  stage,  who  governs,  provided  they  are  honest 
men,  or  govern  honestly. 

"Having  been  imperceptibly  led  into  a  longer  letter 
than  I  had  intended  to  accompany  Mr.  Gallatin 's  book,  and 
to  express  my  hopes  from  the  new  administration,  I  cannot 
think  of  closing  it,  without  also  mentioning  some  of  my  great 
est  fears. 

"During  the  whole  of  the  administration  of  General 
Washington,  appointments  to  office,  were  invariably  made, 
not  with  a  view  to  the  extension  of  executive  influence  or 
future  elections,  but  upon  the  ground  of  the  fitness  and 
qualifications  of  the  .persons  for  the  offices  to  be  filled,  and 
a  regard  to  an  equitable  distribution  of  them  among  the 
several  states. 

"This  rule  was  not  followed  with  the  same  punctilious 


1801-1803]  of  James  McHenry  503 

observance  by  Mr.  Adarrs.  He  thought  it  an  essential  part 
of  the  art  of  governing  to  apply  the  influence  of  rewards, 
through  the  medium  of  appointments  to  offices,  to  future 
elections. 

"This  new  principle  in  our  government  (if  I  may  so 
express  myself)  is  calculated  to  excite  serious  apprehen 
sions.  And  I  fear  that  the  present  President,  in  practicing 
upon  it,  will  go  further  than  did  his  predecessor.  But  this 
is  not  the  worst  of  it.  I  fear  above  all  things,  the  operation 
of  this  principle  upon  the  conduct  of  the  needy  man  of 
talents,  who  believes  in  no  religion,  the  ambitious  rich  man 
without  virtue  or  honesty,  and  your  political  adventurers  and 
office  hunters  of  every  description.  All  of  these  (and  they 
are  a  numerous  and  encreasing  brood  belonging  to  both 
parties)  either  see,  or  will  see,  that  the  direct  road  to  public 
employment,  to  the  Presidency  itself,  is  in  and  through 
elections,  and  that  whoever  can  influence  elections  (no  mat 
ter  by  what  means)  gains  everything. 

"It  is  in  the  very  nature  of  this  principle  to  make  good 
men  bad,  to  compel  them  to  resort  to  improper  practices  by 
like  practice,  and  to  call  up,  and  keep  in  perpetual  activity, 
all  the  evil  spirits  of  the  nation.  And  as  no  President  can 
gratify  more  than  a  small  portion  of  these  perturbed  beings 
under  our  government,  in  its  present  form,  may  it  not,  in  a 
little  time,  render  everything  that  ought  to  be  stable,  fluctu 
ating  and  insecure,  and  fill  all  offices,  even  to  the  first  and 
highest,  with  the  most  profligate,  needy,  desperate  and  un 
principled  men  in  the  community? 

' '  This  is  certainly  a  woful  state  of  things  which  the  exer 
cise  of  the  right  of  election,  so  beautiful  in  theory,  may  bring 
upon  a  well  meaning  and  generally  virtuous  republican  people. 
And  to  what  does  such  a  state  of  things  evidently  lead?  I 
see,  said  my  hair  dresser  to  me  (a  French  Royalist) 
one  day,  during  the  late  contest,  relative  to  the  choice  of  a 
President,  that  it  is  much  easier  for  a  people,  to  have  a  king 
born  to  them,  once  or  so  in  a  century,  than  to  be  obliged  to- 
make  a  President  themselves  every  four  years.  Does  it  not 
lead  to  a  change  of  government,  and  to  justify  the  opinion- 
expressed  by  this  barber  ?  And  what  means  have  we  to  coun 
teract  or  obviate  such  a  state  of  things?  We  have  as  yet  a 
majority  of  men  of  property  in  the  U.  S.  who  have  no  desire- 
for  or  longing  after  office,  and  who  really  wish  to  see  our 
affairs  both  at  home  and  abroad  well  administered,  and  by 


504  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP.XVII 

honest  men,  under  our  present  form  of  government.  But  we 
must  acknowledge,  that  this  same  majority  is  by  no  means 
united,  is  much  disposed,  generally,  to  political  lethargies,  and 
even  when  perfectly  free  from  this  disease,  very  deficient  in 
foresight  and  energy. 

"I  am  dear  Sir  with  sincere  regard  and  affectionate  at 
tachment. 

"Your  most  afft. 

' '  JAMES   MCHENRY.  ' ' 

The  chief  interest  of  McHenry's  life,  in  this  latter  period, 
lies  in  the  correspondence  he  kept  up  with  such  Federalist 
leaders  in  congress  as  Pickering,  Tracy,  and  Tallmadge,  which 
throws  considerable  light  on  the  course  of  events  and  of  which 
considerable  portions  are  given.  Baltimore  was  on  the  way 
to  Washington  and  McHenry  was  often  visited  by  these  north 
ern  leaders.  On  November  10,  1801,  he  writes  Pickering,  con 
gratulating  him  on  his  expected  return  to  Boston,  reproaching 
him  for  not  visiting  him  on  his  homeward  way  and  inviting 
him  to  do  so,  when  he  shall  have  opportunity.  To  this  letter, 
Pickering  replied  as  follows: 

"Easton  Nov.  10.  1801. 
"Dear  Sir, 

"I  have  had  the  pleasure  to  receive  your  letter  of  the 

5th.  —  Altho '  I  have  not  written,  I  have  often  thought  of  you 

-latterly,  with  a  determination  to  write  you,  as  soon  as  I 

could  have  the  pleasure  of  doing  it  from  my  "native  ground." 

' '  The  summer  past  I  have  spent  at  the  Great  Bend  of  the 
Susquehannah  (where  it  approaches  nearest  to  the  Delaware) 
labouring  to  make  a  comfortable  establishment  for  my  son, 
who-  was  in  the  Navy,  and  is  now  there  a  farmer:  while  a 
surveyor  was  resurveying  and  subdividing  (for  convenience 
of  expected  settlers)  the  parcels  of  land  I  have  in  that  quarter, 
and  which  my  son  takes  under  his  care. 

"At  the  receipt  of  your  letter,  I  was  at  Philadelphia,  with 
my  wife  only:  we  returned  immediately  to  Easton,  and  this 
week  shall  proceed  directly  from  hence  to  New  York  and  Bos 
ton.  The  season  is  too  far  advanced  to  admit  of  the  visit  you 
so  kindly  request. 

"I  am  gratified  that  my  former  friends  retain  their  con 
fidence  :  my  caluminators  themselves  do  not  believe  their  own 
slanderous  tales;  but  these  serve  to  mislead  their  followers. 


1801-1803]  of  James  McHenry  505 

However,  'none  of  these  things  move  me.'  I  shall  quietly 
pursue  my  object,  to  cultivate  a  small  farm  in  the  vicinity  of 
my  numerous  relations  and  friends ;  and  be  contented  to  get 
my  bread  with  the  sweat  of  my  brow.  Old  as  I  am,  the  more 
I  labour,  the  better  I  endure  it  and  the  more  vigorous  my 
health. 

"You  took  some  interest  in  my  eldest  son,  who  went  with 
Mr.  Smith  to  Lisbon.  He  has  spent  near  two  years,  chiefly 
with  Mr.  King,  in  London,  whence  he  has  lately  returned.  He 
resumes  the  study  of  the  law,  in  Boston  or  Salem ;  and  I  trust 
with  peculiar  advantage;  from  his  stock  of  general  knowledge, 
acquired,  by  diligent  reading  &  observation,  during  near  four 
years  residence  in  Europe. 

"I  presume  you  will  spend  much  of  your  time  in  the 
country,  enjoying  the  pleasures  of  rural  affairs.  The  books 
you  read,  and  the  experiments  you  attend  to,  may  present 
some  new  things  congenial  with  my  pursuit :  the  communica 
tion  of  them  will  be  highly  acceptable  to  me.  Useful  plants 
and  seeds  likely  to  thrive  near  Boston,  may  be  conveniently 
sent  by  vessels  bound  to  Boston  or  Salem. 

"Mrs.  Pickering  desires  to  be  affectionately  remembered 
to  Mrsi  McHenry  to  whom  I  pray  you  to  tender  my  respects ; 
and  to  accept  yourself  the  assurances  of  my  attachment  and 
esteem." 

Of  the  letters  from  Hamilton,  after  Jefferson's  election, 
but  one  brief  note  is  preserved. 

"New  York  Nov.  21,  1301. 
"My  Dear  friend, 

"The  Prince  Bailli  Ruspoli  of  the  order  of  Malta,  who 
will  deliver  you  this  letter  was  strongly  recommended  to  me 
by  Mr.  King.  He  appears  to  me  a  very  Gentlemanlike  respect- 
table  man.  As  such  I  ask  for  him  your  civilities.  Among 
these  you  can  do  nothing  more  grateful  to  him  than  to  give 
him  a  letter  of  Introduction  to  some  friend  of  yours  at  Wash 
ington. 

"Adieu  my  Dr.  Mac. 
"Yrs.  ever 

>  "A.  HAMILTON." 

Hamilton's  son,  Philip,  died  in  the  latter  part  of  1801, 


506  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xvii 

and  on  December  4,  McHenry  wrote  condoling  with  him  and 
saying,  "I  lost  my  eldest  child,  a  daughter,  after  she  had 
discovered  whatever  can  promise  to  flatter  parental  expecta 
tions.  Is  there  ought  in  this  world  can  console  for  such  losses 
and  who  shall  dare  to  hope  that  he  is  to  pass  through  it  with 
out  tasting  a  portion  of  its  afflictions  ? ' ' 

Charles  Lee,  who  had  been  attorney  general  in  Adams's 
cabinet,  wrote  McHenry  from  Alexandria  on  November  28,. 
1801,  after  the  news  of  the  peace  between  Great  Britain  and 
France : 

"The  peace  will  give  a  shock  to  merchants  of  enterprise 
every  where  in  this  country :  The  invisible  effects  of  uni 
versal  peace  after  such  a  war  can  be  mere  conjecture.  I  augur 
good.  On  the  part  of  Britain,  the  treaty  is  liberal  and  mag 
nanimous  :  On  the  part  of  Bonaparte  fortunate  and  wise 

"Should  Bonaparte  live,  which  I  hope,  even  here  we 
shall  feel  the  benefit  by  restraining  the  sallies  of  wild  irra 
tional  experiments  upon  fundamental  laws  &  constitutions. 
If  your  private  affairs  have  received  as  much  advantage  by 
the*  leisure  of  private  life  to  attend  to  them,  as  mine  have, 
you  may  be  blessed  as  I  am  with  the  change.  To  each  of  us, 
the  manner  has  been  unpleasant,  but  for  that  it  is  our  consola- 
tion  _that  neither  is  to  be  blamed. 

7 'Should  you  pass  through  this  town  ever  I  hope  again 
to  see  you. 

"I  am  well" 

"With  Lafayette  there  was  an  exchange  of  letters  from 
time  to  time,  and  a  long  one  dates  from  the  end  of  1801. 

"Lagrange  1st.  Frimaire  November,  the  22d.  1801. 
"My  dear  McHenry 

"The  arrival  of  a  frigat  with  the  American  Ambassador 
makes  me  hope  for  a  Letter  from  you  —  in  the  mean  while,  I 
will  not  Loose  twro  opportunities  that  offer  to  let  you  hear 
from  me  —  politics  I  shall  not  this  time  dwell  upon  —  You 
will  know,  before  this  reaches  you,  that  a  general  peace  has 
taken  place  —  France  has  been  powerful  at  war,  happy  in  her 
treaties—  From  the  first  principles  of  her  revolution,  how 
ever  poisoned,  disfigifred  and  sullied  they  have  been,  She  has 
derived  great  means  of  prosperity  —  how  soon  liberty,  her 
primary  object,  may  become  the  fruit  of  her  Triumphs  and 


1801-1803]  of  James  McHenry  507 

a  consolation  for  her  sufferings,  Depends  much  upon  the  tem 
per  of  one  man,  and  its  appreciation  of  true  glory  —  but  I  am 
among  the  few  who  persist  to  profess  that  the  Liberal  seeds 
which  among  so  much  weed  have  been  sown  upon  European 
and  particularly  upon  French  ground  cannot  and  shall  not 
be  ultimately  lost  —  I  live  lor  my  part  in  a  rural,  happy  State 
of  retirement.  The  affairs  of  my  friends  or  some  particular 
object,  Such  as  the  other  day  the  pleasure  to  dine  with  Lord 
Cornwallis,  call  me  now  and  then  to  paris.  I  sometimes  visit 
Bonaparte  my  deliverer  from  Ollmutz  whose  conduct  by  me 
is  constantly  obliging.  I  see  my  other  acquaintances  in  and 
out  of  place,  but  my  journeys  to  the  Capital  being  rare, 
and  my  Stay  very  short,  I  spend  the  almost  totality  of  my 
time  in  my  rural  habitation  of  Lagrange  forty  miles  from 
paris,  where,  surrounded  by  my  family  and  visited  by  some 
friends,  I  am  devoted  to  a  new  pursuit  of  mine,  that  of  agri 
culture,  hitherto  I  have  only  got  the  ground  work  with  a  large 
farm  arround  my  Dwelling  —  but,  if  ever  I  can  manage  the 
trifling  remains  of  my  fortune  So  as  to  have  a  sum  sufficient 
to  stock  and  improve  it,  I  shall  consider  it  as  a  very  happy 
circumstance  —  but  before  I  launch  into  those  luxurious  rural 
enjoyments,  I  must  have  got  rid  of  my  debts,  and  insured  to 
myself  and  family,  an  independent,  tho'  modest  subsistence. 
You  will  hear  that  M.  Otto  is  to  go  over  as  an  Ambassador  — 
I  think  he  will  be  a  very  good  one  —  I  hope  my  answers  to 
American  friends  respecting  their  idea  of  my  going  in  that 
Capacity  have  appeared  to  you  satisfactory  —  the  health  of 
my  wife,  family  arrangements,  some  unsettled  concerns  of  my 
friends  and  companions  might  have  proved  sufficient  motives 
had  not  the  first  of  all  been  very  obvious  viz.  my  old  habit 
of  an  American  Citizen  and  Soldier,  which  I  feel  would  make 
me  awkward  in  any  foreign  emploiement,  even  from  my 
native,  which  in  political  interest  and  national  affection  I  con 
sider  for  the  United  States  as  a  Sister  country  Let  me  keep 
myself  to  be,  as  soon  as  I  can,  a  private  Visitor  to  that  dear, 
Second  home  of  mine,  the  freedom  and  prosperity  of  which  is 
to  me  a  Source  of  the  purest  satisfaction,  and  I  may  add,  a 
not  undeserved  reward. 

"I  apply  to  you,  my  dear  friend,  for  an  object  which  I 
have  very  much  at  heart  -  Bushrod  Washington  is  writing 
the  memoirs  of  our  venerated,  my  paternal  friend  —  it  is  a 
history  of  the  American  revolution  —  Great  use  will  be  made 
of  my  correspondence  with  the  General  —  his  character  will 


508  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xvn 

receive  a  new  lustre  from  those  confidential  communications  — 
which,  particularly  during  the  intrigue  of  1777  and  1778.  he 
had  with  me.  Therefrom  also  the  Transactions  with  France 
may  be  illustrated,  there  will  be  found  the  details  of  that  de 
cisive  Campaign  in  Virginia  which  began  with  the  general's 
desire  to  me  that  Virginia  might  be  lost  as  late  as  possible 
and  ended  with  the  Capture  of  Lord  Cornwallis.  You  remem 
ber  that  on  the  exertions  and  manoeuvres  of  the  small  army 
which  I  commanded,  the  fate  of  the  Southern  States  and  the 
grand  stroke  of  the  War  of  1781  did  entirely  depend  —  and, 
as  you  have  been,  in  these  very  important  periods,  my  confi 
dential  aid  and  friend,  none  can  give  a  better  account  of  every 
transaction,  Indeed  of  every  transaction  during  the  revolu 
tion,  particularly  those  which  in  the  Cabinet  and  the  field  have 
concerned  me  —  upon  you,  therefore,  my  dear  McHenry,  I 
rely  for  your  critical  review,  friendly  assistance,  interesting 
illustrations  for  that  work.  I  have  mentioned  you  to  Mr 
Bushrod  "Washington  as  the  friend  and  companion  whom  he 
ought  to  consult.  Present  my  affectionate  respectfull  compli 
ments  to  Mrs  McHenry  and  family  —  We  are  very  often,  in 
my  family  rural  circle  speaking  of  you  and  wishing  you  were 
among  us.  With  everlasting  and  most  affectionate  friendship 
I  am  yours. 

"LAFAYETTE." 

In  the  beginning  of  1802,  Tracy,  now  in  the  United  States 
senate  from  Connecticut,  wrote  of  the  Jeff ersonians '  success 
ful  attempt  to  repeal  the  act  creating  circuit  courts,  of  the 
reduction  of  taxes,  and  of  the  negotiations  with  Great  Britain.  J 

"Washington  30th.  Jany.  1802. 
"My  Dear  Sir 

"You  have  all  the  particulars  of  our  Senatorial  struggle 
upon  the  repeal  of  Judiciary  Law. 

"It  is  now  resting  before  the  Select  Committee,  but  for 
my  own  part,  I  have  no  expectation  of  saving  it  at  last.  The 
party  are  determined  to  be  revenged,  &  if  they  break  thro' 
any  barriers.  Constitution  or  not;  this  poor  little  Law  must 
be  immolated  on  the  altar  of  malice  &  revenge. 

"Respecting  Mr. -King,  I  am  now  told  from  authority 

1  McHenry's  own  political  positon,  after  Jefferson's  inauguration 
may  best  be  seen  from  his  letter  to  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton  on 
April  8,  1801. 


1801-1803]  of  James  McHenry  509 

which  cannot  be  disputed  that  all  the  negociations  are  probably 
at  an  end  with  [out]  effecting  any  thing.  What  the  prospect 
is  of  beginning  again,  or  success,  if  that  should  happen,  I 
cannot  say,  but  I  believe  at  present,  the  thing  is  at  an  end, 
probably  Mr.  King  will  be  recalled,  under  pretence  that  some 
fool  or  knave,  or  both  characters  blended  in  one,  of  the  right 
''sect"  may  replace  him. 

"From  3  to  5,000,000  Dollars  I  understand  was  contem 
plated  as  a  round  sum  for  settlemt.  of  British  Debts,  out  of 
this  was  to  be  deducted  spoliations  &c.  But  of  this  informa 
tion  I  wish  you  not  to  feel  much  confidence,  as  I  am  not  certain 
the  sources  from  wrhich  I  derive  are  correct.  This  last  ob 
servation  only  applies  to  sum;  the  first  part  of  it,  that  the  ne- 
gociation  is  broken  off;  is  I  think  correct. 

"Apropos  of  this  adm'n  Will  this  enlightened  people 
not  discover  the  opacity  of  such  fools.  They  must  repeal 
taxes  on  rum,  Carriages  —  loaf  sugar  &c  —  &  because  this 
must  be  done,  they  must  not  regulate,  lower,  &  accommodate 
to  the  actual  wants  of  the  poorer  class,  the  taxes  on  Salt, 
broken  Tea,  Coffee  &  brown  sugar  &  Molasses.  The  people 
deserve  all  which  can  be  put  upon  them  if  they  do  not  see 
that  their  interest  is  disgraced. 1 

"Yours  affectionately 
"URIAH  TRACY" 

Later  in  the  year  Lafayette  wrote : 

"La  Grange  18h  Vendem,  October  the  lOh  1802 
"My  Dear  McHenry 

"I  am  requested  to  forward  the  inclosed  to  Baltimore 
and  Beg  you  to  Recommend  it  in  your  name  and  mine  —  An 
Opportunity  I  eagerly  seize  to  let  you  Hear  from  me,  and  to 
tell  you,  my  dear  friend,  that  not  one  line  from  you  Has  since 
a  long  while  Reached  my  Hands  —  I  Hope  you  will  not  Re 
ceive  a  foolish  Newspaper  Report  Respecting  my  supposed 
death  which  Has  Been  Contradicted  the  Next  day  —  I  enjoy 
a  very  Good  Health,  and  Quietly  Live  in  the  midst  of  my 
family,  further  than  ever  from  wishing  to  abandon  that  life 
of  Retirement  —  two  of  my  children  are  married  —  not  yet 
Virginia  —  they  all  are  under  my  Roof  —  my  daughter  in 

1  McHenry  trusted  that  a  sufficient  number  of  Federalists  is  still  to 
be  found  to  guard  the  Constitution  "from  the  danger  of  innovation"  and 
to  restore  it  to  that  state  in  which  it  came  out  of  the  hands  of  the  con 
vention. 


510  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xvn 

law  (whose  father,  formerly  my  colleague  of  Assembly  and  a 
General  officer  in  the  Army  I  commanded,  is  now  a  senator 
by  the  name  of  Tracy),  Has  every  amiable  qualities  which  can 
contribute  to  our  Happiness  —  the  country  place  I  in  Habit  is 
Between  thirty  and  forty  english  miles,  13  leagues,  from  Paris 
where  I  go  very  seldom  —  my  friends  come  to  see  me  and 
among  them  I  Had  lately  the  pleasure  to  Receive  Mr  Fox  and 
genl  Fitzpatrick  —  I  am  very  fond  of  farming  and  would 
long  ago  Have  Begun  a  Business  in  which  I  am  sure  to  find 
Both  profit  and  delight  —  But  it  Requires  Advances  and  Hith 
erto  I  Have  Had  to  think  more  of  my  debts  than  my  pleasures 

—  altho  I  Had  in  the  two  Revolutions  made  pecuniary  Sacri 
fices,  there  Remained  enough  of  my  fortune  to  answer  my 
wishes  —  But  it  Has  Been,  during  my  proscription,  dilapi 
dated  and  sold —  I  found  on  my  Return  a  load  of  creditors 

-  my  actual  abode,  which  I  prefer  to  all  others,  Has  Been 
in  Herited  By  my  wife  —  I  Have  made  the  Best  arrangements 
I  could  —  yet  I  am  still  embarrassed  in  an  Heavy  debt,  the 
Greatest  part  of  which  Belongs  to  American  citizens  or  mer 
chants  —  supposing  it  was  paid,  there  would  Remain  for  each 
of  my  children,  which  I  Have  already  given  to  two  of  them, 
a  property  of  Hundred  and  twenty  Guineas  a  year  —  for  my 
wife  and  myself,  including  the  usual  military  pension,  about 
five  Hundred  Guineas  annual,  which  might  Be  a  little  e*i- 
creased  By  good  farming,  Had  I  declared  the  first  expenses  — 
under  those  circumstances  you  will  approve  my  making  some 
inquiries  about  grants  of  land,  state  and  continental,  which 
Have  Been  often  mentioned  to  me  —  I  Have  writen  about  it 
to  my  friends,  Victor  Dupont  and  Co,  who  offered  their  kind 
services,  and  should  they  apply  to  you  for  information  or  as 
sistance,  I  am  sure  they  shall  find  it  —  you  Remember  that 
the  amount  of  my  pay  Has  Been  during  my  captivity  sent  by 
Congress  and  employed  in  preservative  measures  —  it  Has 
Been  confidentially  said  to  me,  Between  us,  it  wras  the  inten 
tion  of  certain  friends  to  take  into  consideration  my  former 
expenses  and  to  move  Congress  for  some  Resolution  respecting 
me  —  I  shall  make  no  application,  But  will  consider  it  a  duty 
to  my  creditors  and  an  Honourable  circumstance  for  me  to 
accept  whatever  they  would  please  to  do  under  the  proportion 
which  might  Be  derived  from  my  old  expenses  —  a  small  for 
tune,  after  it  Has  Been  cleared,  will  suffice  for  us  —  I  do  not 
choose  to  encrease  it  by  any  of  the  plans  to  Be  found  in  the 
present  institutions  of  France  —  and  I  think  a  plain  life  suits 


1801-1803]  of  James  McHenry 511 

Better  my  situation  than  any  other  —  But  I  confess  I  would 
much  wish  the  little  I  Have  to  Be  unencombered,  and  I  have 
thought  I  might  find  some  resource  in  the  grants  which,  I  am 
told,  Have  Been  formerly  set  a  part  for  me. 

"My  old  confidence  in  you,  my  dear  McHenry,  Has  made 
me  enter  those  details  —  I  Hope  you  Have  Received  letters  I 
wrote  By  duplicate  Respecting  the  History  of  General  Wash 
ington  undertaken  By  His  nephew  —  you  will  no  doubt  Have, 
and  you  may  seek  opportunities  to  see  the  work  and  make  your 
observations. 

"Adieu,  my  dear  friend,  present  my  Best  Respects  to 
Mrs  McHenry  —  my  compliments  wait  on  the  family  —  Ac 
cept  those  of  my  wife  .and  children,  and  Believe  me  most 
affectionately 

"Yours  LAFAYETTE" 

Few  other  letters  of  l  note  date  from  1802.  One  of  these 
is  from  Stoddert,  who  was  in  continual  financial  difficulties 
and  was  interested  in  the  investigations  into  the  management 
of  the  executive  departments  which  the  Republicans  instituted. 

"Geo  Town  20  July  1802. 
"Dr  Sir 

' '  I  have  ascertained  the  facts  respecting  the  Secretaries  of 
State  in  regard  to  their  accts.  all  monies  were  charged  to 
Pickering  and  to  Marshall,  who  intended  an  arrangement  at 
the  Treasury  to  take  off  the  responsibility  from  him  by  charg 
ing  at  once  to  the  person  sent  the  money  —  but  this  was 
never  done  in  his  time  —  It  was  done  since  Mr  Madison  came 
to  Office,  but  not  till  after  42000  D.  were  charged  to  him,  sent 
by  Dale  to  the  Barbary  Powers —  Mr  Madison  took  Dale's 
rect.  &  the  amt.  against  Mr.  Madison  was  balanced  by  trans 
ferring  the  charge  to  Dale—  &  this  before  Dale  left  this 
Country,  Since  his  return,  his  acct  is  also  settled  by  the  rec'ts 
produced  by  him  for  the  delivery  of  the  stores  &  money  or 
money  alone. 

< '  This  is  the  only  instance  of  charge  against  Mr.  Madison. 
In  other  transactions,  the  money  in  his  dept.  has  been  at  once 
charged  to  the  persons  sent  it  —  or  in  some  way  to  free  him 

1  An  indication  of  the  kind  of  courtesies  expected  from,  city  friends 
may  be  seen  in  W.  V.  Murray's  letter  from  Cambridge  on  August  3, 
1802.  "Mrs.  Murray  took  the  liberty  of  sending  her  Piano  Forte  to 
Mrs.  McHenry  with  a  letter  requesting  to  have  it  strung  and  tuned.  My 
brother  will  bring  it  home  if  it  be  ready." 


512  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xvn 

from  responsibility.  This  is  different  from  my  impressions 
I  was  sure  this  prudent  arrangement  had  been  adopted  by 
Genl.  Marshall  —  &  that  Mr.  Madison  had  succeeded  to  it. 

"The  President  has  become  a  great  Friend  to  the  Navy 
I  believe.  He  has  a  proposal  for  securing  Ships  from  decay ; 
&  if  Congress  will  adopt  it,  as  I  hope  they  will,  he  should  not, 
he  says,  object  to  building  a  74  every  year.  It  is  intended 
to  make  a  dry  dock  for  the  reception  of  12  ships  at  the  Navy 
yard  or  the  Eastern  Branch  —  on  the  principle  of  locks  the 
water  is  to  be  taken  from  the  little  Falls  of  Pato'c.  carried 
through  Geo  Town  &  the  City,  &  is  to  fill  the  locks,  so  as  to 
bring  the  Ships  into  the  lock,  which  afterwards  may  be  made 
dry  —  &  is  to  be  covred  —  the  whole  expense  will  not  exceed 
he  thinks  200,000  Drs.  If  it  does  not  exceed  half  a  million, 
the  money  will  be  well  laid  out,  &  the  work  will  be  worthy  a 
great  nation.  You  know  my  partiallity  for  the  Navy  —  My 
interest  in  the  City  —  both  will  be  benefitted.  and  ships  once 
built  will  require  little  expense  &  be  subject  to  no  Decav  in 
Peace." 


The  investigating  committee,  appointed  by  the  house  of 
representatives  on  December  14,  1801,  reported  April  29,  and 
congress  adjourned  on  May  3.  The  Federalist  minority  of 
the  committee,  Bayard,  Griswold,  and  Cutter,  opposed  the  re 
port,  especially  as  it  was  made  very  late  in  the  session  and 
they  were  not  consulted  in  the  preparation  of  it.  The  ma 
jority's  report  charged  a  "wanton  waste  of  the  public  treas 
ure"  and  the  Republican  newspapers  said  this  document  "ex 
hibits  a  scene  of  past  iniquity,  much  more  frightful  and  of  a 
nature  much  more  dangerous  and  alarming  than  anything  yet 
delineated,  or  conceived,  of  the  late  administration."  1 

On  May  1,  Griswold,  as  a  member  of  the  committee,  at 
tacked  the  report  and  moved  a  recommitment.  The  charges 
against  McHenry  2  were  that  he  had  unsettled  accounts  for 
$3,877,792.50 ;  that  $152.608  were  improperly  spent  for  a  lab 
oratory  on  the  Schuylkill ;  that  money  had  been  improperly  ex- 


1  Annals  of   Congress,    7th   Cong.,    1st   Sess.,    313,    319,    1251.     The  in 
vestigation    was    originally    started    to    find    irregularities    in    Pickering's 
accounts,   but   the   motion    wfis    extended   so   as   to   cover   an    investigation 
to  all   moneys  drawn   from   the  treasiiry.     The  motion  was  carried  with 
out  a  division. 

2  Annals  of  Congress,  7th  Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  1255.     The  report  is  printed 
in  State  Papers,  Finance,  ii,  752. 


1801-1803]  of  James  McHenry  513 

pended  for  secret  service  l  and  in  the  Indian  relations ;  that 
Uriah  Tracy,  United  States  senator  from  Connecticut,  had 
been  improperly  paid  for  a  trip  to  the  West,  at  a  rate  of  $8 
a  day  and  his  expenses ;  and  that  the  federal  government  had 
wrongfully  paid  McHenry 's  house  rent.  Griswold  defended 
McHenry  against  all  the  charges,  especially  the  first  two.  He 
explained  that  the  "mode  in  which  business  is  transacted  in 
the  offices  of  the  accountants  of  the  war  and  navy"  is  this: 
"Whenever  a  sum  of  money  is  advanced  to  an  individual,  he 
is  immediately  charged  with  it  and,  although  it  may  have  been 
advanced  for  services  actually  rendered  or  supplies  furnished, 
yet  nothing  passed  takes  credit,  till  a  voucher  is  produced  for 
every  item  in  the  account,  and  the  account,  although  nothing 
is  due  upon  it,  remains  unsettled  and,  in  the  sense  of  the 
committee,  a  balance  unaccounted  for. ' '  Therefore,  the  quar 
termaster 's  department  has  $900,000  charged  against  it,  on 
account  of  a  dispute  as  to  a  small  part  of  that  sum. 

As  to  the  laboratory,  McHenry  was  a  "man  of  liberal 
mind,  and  of  large  extensive  views,  and  disposed  to  found 
every  permanent  establishment  upon  a  scale  which  should,  in 
some  measure,  comport  with  the  future  prospect  of  this  coun 
try  and  prove  them  to/  be  the  establishments  of  a  nation  and 
not  of  a  petty  corporation."  He  established  an  arsenal  at 
Philadelphia,  because  that  city,  as  a  great  mercantile  port, 
was  a  fine  place  to  collect  military  stores  and  because  he  found 
these  stores  kept  in  private  buildings  and  exposed  to  fires  and 
accident. 

Nicholson  defended  the  report,  but  his  defense  of  the 
charge  of  unsettled  accounts  was  weak.  As  to  the  arsenal,  he 
asserted  that  no  authority  had  been  given  to  build  it  and  that 
its  expense  was  wrongly  charged  against  the  quartermaster's 
fund.  2 

Bayard,  a  Federalist  member  of  the  committee,  protested 
against  the  report,  3  stating  that  the  evidence  was  not  suffi 
cient  to  prove  that  McHenry  owes  the  United  States  a  dollar, 
that  a  laboratory  was  necessary  for  the  preservation  of  arms 
and  stores  and,  by  analogy  to  the  Washington  navy  yard  just 

1  Sate  Papers,  Finance,  i,  816,  817.     Letter  of  McHenry  to  Simmons, 
accountant  of  war  department,  directing  him  to  pay  accounts  certified  by 
the  president  for  sf-cret  service  to  James   Ross  and   Samuel   Lewis  to  the 
amount   of   $1320   and   saying   Simmons   is  not  comptroller  of   the   depart 
ment's   disbursements,   but   merely  a   sub-auditor  and   countersigns  checks 
to  preserve  regularity  in  the  finances,  not  to  restrain  advances. 

2  Annals  of  Congress,   7th   Cong.,   1267. 

3  Annals  of  Congress,   7th   Cong.,   1272. 


514  L,ife  and  Correspondence         [CHAP.XVII 

built,  it  was  right  for  McHenry  to  take  the  cost,  $152,608, 
from  the  quartermaster's  fund.  He  also  defended  Tracy's 
mission,  which  John  Randolph  especially  attacked.  l  Ran 
dolph  also  attacked  the  secretary  for  building  the  laboratory 
on  land  leased,  but  not  owned,  by  the  government.  After  the 
last  speech,  Griswold's  motion  was  lost  by  a  vote  of  22  to  46. 
McHenry  prepared  a  defense  of  himself  against  the 
charges  made  against  him,  which  he  embodied  in  a  letter  to 
the  speaker  which  was  read  in  the  house  of  representatives  on 
December  28,  and  was  later  printed  for  McHenry  in  pamphlet 
form  in  Baltimore.  2  Some  Republicans  objected  to  its  being 
read  and  Randolph  of  Roanoke  called  it  indecent,  but  the 
house  supported  Macon,  the  speaker,  and  ordered  it  read, 3  by 
a  vote  of  62  to  16.  After  reading  the  letter,  it  was  laid  on 
the  table  and,  on  the  next  day,  4  Randolph  offered  an  amend 
ment  to  the  rules  that,  if  any  paper  be  offered  which,  in  the 
opinion  of  any  member,  contained  matter  insulting  to  the 
dignity  of  the  house,  the  question  of  reading  it  shall  be  de 
termined  by  vote  of  the  house.  The  amendment  was  referred 
to  a  committee  and  never  reported,  while  no  action  was  taken 
on  McHenry 's  letter.  In  his  defense,  the  late  secretary  of 
war  said  that  his  disbursements  were  less  than  the  appropria 
tions.  Of  the  $4,000,000  unaccounted  for,  $1,756,391  were 
disbursed  before  1797  and  $1,800,000  of  the  remainder  were 
advanced  before  McHenry  took  office.  The  present  admin 
istration  disbursed  $700,000 ;  $908,092  has  been  accounted  for 
and  is  improperly  included  and  $341,854.49  was  duly  applied 
though  not  accounted  for,  so  that  McHenry  owes  no  balance. 
The  whole  trouble  came  from  a  bad  system  of  bookkeeping. 
The  accountant  of  the  war  department  and  the  auditor  and 
comptroller  of  the  treasury  see  that  a  proper  account  is  made 
and,  unless  the  secretary  of  war  interferes  with  them,  he  is 
not  liable  in  any  event.  "Advances  made  by  the  secretary  of 
war  were  always  charged  to  the  receivers  of  the  money  and 
not  to  the  secretary  of  war  and  some  of  these  agents  have  not 
settled."  The  laboratory  was  properly  charged  to  the  quar 
termaster's  fund  and  there  had  been  the  previous  custom  to 

1  Annals  of  Congress,  7th  Cong.,   1283. 

2  "A    letter    to    the    honorable,    the    Speaker    of    the    House    of    Repre 
sentatives   of   the   United"  States   with    the   accompanying   documents    read 
In  that   Honorable   House  on   the   28th   of  Dec,    1802,   by   James   McHenry, 
late    Secretary   of    the   Department   of   War,    Baltimore,    Printed   by   John 
Butler,  cor.   Gay  and  Water  Sts.,    1803." 

3  Annals  of  Congress,    7th  Cong.,   2nd  Sess.,   293. 

4  Annals  of  Congress,   7th  Cong.,  2nd  Sess.,   297.     . 


1801-1803]  of  James  McHenry  515 

spend  from  that  fund  the  sum  needed  to  supply  a  place  for 
supplies  whose  purchase  was  authorized.  While  in  office,  Mc 
Henry  reported  that  the  building  was  in  process  of  construc 
tion  and  would  be  paid  for  from  the  quartermaster's  fund 
and  there  was  no  complaint.  Indian  affairs  and  the  Indian 
trade  were  in  the  hands  of  the  war  department.  This  gave 
the  department  a  foreign  side,  and  furthermore  the  laws  of 
the  United  States  provide  for  secret  expenditures  in  connec 
tion  with  the  Indians  and  arrangements  had  to  be  made  with 
governors  of  Canada  and  Louisiana  about  the  surrender  of 
the  western  posts.  McHenry  tried  to  render  less  frequent  the 
visits  of  the  Indians  to  the  seat  of  government  and  to  have 
more  resident  Indian  agents,  thus  bettering  the  moral  and 
physical  conditions,  bringing  the  Indians  into  narrower  com 
pass  on  reservations,  and  placing  them  more  perfectly  under 
the  control  of  the  United  States.  On  May  23,  1800,  "just  be 
fore  leaving  office,  he  recommended  that  a  proper  person  ex 
amine  the  Indian  trading  houses  and  garrisons  and  that  the 
military  leaders  give  the  Indians  as  few  rations  as  possible. 
As  a  result  of  this  recommendation,  Tracy  was  sent,  quite 
properly.  As  to  house  rent, 1  in  April,  1800,  anticipating  the 
speedy  removal  of  the  capital  from  Philadelphia  to  Washing 
ton,  McHenry  sent  his  chief  clerk  to  the  latter  place  to  rent, 
for  a  year,  a  house  for  the  war  office  and  a  dwelling  for  the 
secretary.  This  was  done  before  Adams  asked  McHenry 's 
resignation  and  after  this  McHenry  considered  "the  public 
bound  to  save  me  harmless  from  the  effects  of  my  engage 
ment."  The  other  secretaries  agreed  with  him  and  so  the 
needed  sum  was  paid  by  the  federal  government.  McHenry 's 
defense  may  fairly  be  called  a  successful  one  and  we  may 
well  agree  with  his  summing  up.  ''It  was  my  lot  to  be  en 
trusted  with  the  direction  of  the  Department  for  a  course  of 
time,  during  a  great  part  of  which,  the  affairs  of  this  country 
were  considerably  agitated.  Whether  the  Department  was  ad 
ministered  well  or  ill,  whether  such  of  the  plans  projected  by 
me,  as  were  carried  into  execution,  and  others  offered  by  me 
to  the  consideration  of  the  councils  of  the  United  States,  have, 
or  would  probably  have,  in  their  results,  conduced  to  the  pub 
lic  benefit,  must  be  committed  to  time  and  the  dispassionate 
judgment  of  others  to  decide.  I  have  not  vanity  sufficient  to 
flatter  myself  that,  while  in  office,  I  was  always  right  and 

1  See    Contract    with    Mrs.    French    for    house    rent.        State    Papers, 
Finance,  i,  820. 


516  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xvn 

never  surprised  into  error;  too  well  do  I  know  that  it  is  im 
possible  to  conduct  a  great  and  complicated  department,  so  as 
always  to  avoid  mistakes.  My  own  mind  does,  however,  derive 
satisfaction  from  a  review  of  my  endeavors  for  the  public 
good,  and  I  confidently  trust  I  have  shown  that  any  errors 
justly  attributed  to  me  are  not  those  imputed  in  the  report  of 
the  committee  of  investigation." 

McHenry's  defense  led  to  several  letters  from  his  Feder 
alist  friends.  Tracy  wrote  twice. 

"City  of  Washington  3d.  Jany.  1803. 
"My  Dear  Sir 

"Your  favor  of  the  22d.  Deer,  has  been  reed,  a  sufficient 
length  of  time  ago,  to  have  had  an  answr.  before  now ;  but  my 
health  is  still  low,  &  I  have  had  an  ague  &  fever,  &  have  not 
written  since  I  reed,  your  letter,  excepting  once  to  my  family. 
I  am  somewhat  better  now ;  but  the  weather  is  so  disagreeable 
that  I  cannot  exercise  sufficiently,  &  this  incapacitates  me 
from  writing  or  indeed  from  any  enjoyment. 

"No  apology  was  requisite  for  not  communicating  your 
intention  of  addressing  Congress,  on  the  matter  or  manner  of 
it.  It  seems  to  me  perfectly  correct,  that  it  should  be  your 
own  exclusively,  &  delicacy  dictates  that  you  should  not  have 
consulted  your  Congressional  Friends. 

"I  have  not  seen  your  memorial,  but  am  told  by  mem 
bers  of  the  House  who  did  hear  it,  that  it  was  well  done,  & 
adapted  well  to  its  purposes.  The  House  has  taken  no  meas 
ures  with  it,  after  struggling  violently  to  prevent  its  being 
read ;  but  it  was  all  read  however  disagreeable  to  them.  You 
have  probably  heard  the  Speaker's  Opinion  was  in  favor  of 
reading  &  that  the  hot  ones  appealed,  but  the  House  supported 
Macon  &  it  was  all  read. 

"Our  Majority  with  pusillanimity  at  their  head,  are  ap 
palled  at  the  aspect  of  New  Orleans,  they  fear  war,  because 
it  costs  money  &  blood,  neither  of  which  ought,  in  their  Opin 
ion  to  be  expended  in  this  reign  of  Parsimoney  &  Economy. 
The  Kentuckians,  &  Tennesseeites,  &  Mississippi  Territorian- 
ists  are  alive,  &  pushing  on  one  side,  for  prompt  and  ener 
getic  measures,  The  Federalists  are  for  prompt  measures;  & 
the  Jacobins  talk  faint  &  look  wild. 

"In  this  state  of  irresolution,  the  proper  time  to  act 
will  pass  by,  &  can  never  be  recalled.  The  French  will  take 
possession  of  Louisiana  &c. 


1801-1803]  of  James  McHenry  517 

"The  Jacobins  seem  to  wait  for  next  session  to  communi 
cate  their  attacks  on  the  Constitution,  &  even  for  any  further 
attacks  on  the  old  ordr.  of  things.  What  may  come  forward 
I  do  not  know ;  from  present  appearances  they  seem  too  irreso 
lute  to  do  any  thing. 

"They  exult  in  Gallatin's  Statement  of  a  full  Treasy.  an 
event  highly  honble  to  the  old  admin  Vn ;  but  these  fools  claim 
the  credit  of  it  themselves.  It  is  really  difficult  to  decide 
which  they  merit  most  the  appellation  of  fool  or  knave.  Fools 
they  are,  God  knows;  but  I  am,  lately,  more  than  formerly 
convinced  that  Fool  is  their  predominant  characteristic.  I 
know  there  is  no  fool,  but  what  is  a  knave,  especially  if  you 
trust  him  in  public  business,  his  very  folly  operates  knavery 
in  a  high  degree  and  our  Country  will  rue  the  day,  in  which 
they  drest  fools  with  authority,  it  was  a  sorrowful  act ! 

"Present  me  respectfully  to  Mrs.  McHenry  &  family,  in 
which  George  (my  little  Son)  joins  me,  &  believe 
"me  yours  sincerely 
"URIAH  TRACY" 

"Washington  llth.  Jany.  1803. 
"My  Dear   Sir 

"I  expected  to  have  found  the  Report  you  mention  in 
your  last  favor  of  the  4th.  Jany.  among  my  old  papers,  but 
not  being  able  to  lay  my  hand  upon  it,  I  have  directed  a  Copy 
to  be  made  out,  &  will  forward  it  the  moment  it  is  finished. 

"James  Munroe  Esqr.  of  Virginia,  is  Nominated  Plenipo. 
Extra  to  France  &  Spain  both  jointly  &  severally  with  R.  R. 
Livingston  in  the  one  place  &  with  the  immortal  Charles 
Pinckney  in  the  other  to  settle  all  the  New  Orleans,  &  Louis 
iana  scrapes  with  these  European  reprobates.  This  our  in 
trepid  Executive  has  laid  before  the  Senate  this  day.  "Hail 
Columbia  happy  Land.'1 

' '  Your  friends  all  say,  that  your  defence,  which  was  read 
before  the  Reps,  of  the  Majesty  of  the  People,  much  against 
their  will,  was  an  able  &  ample  defence,  &  the  treatmt,  of  it 
attempted  by  the  Jacobins,  proves  their  opinions  better,  than 
any  declaration  they  would  make  directly,  as  they  would  not 
own  the  truth  without  much  reluctance.  It  lies  on  the  Table, 
&  nothing  I  conclude,  will  be  done  with  it. 

"I  am  confident  I  wrote  to  you  upon  this  subject,  before 
I  reed,  your  letter,  &  if  you  have  not  reed,  it,  I  wish  you  would 
let  me  know;  as  I  am  not  confident  that  our  Post-Offices  are 


518  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xvn 

perfectly  free  from  mistakes  with  some  of  my  Letters ;  —  there 
are  a  number  of  unaccountable  delays,  &  losses  of  my  letters, 
which  have  induced  me  to  suspect  and  tho  I  wish  not  be 
jealous  &  much  less  to  accuse  improperly,  I  mean  to  know, 
or  at  least  attempt  to  know,  what  is  the  difficulty. 

"I  cannot  think  myself  of  sufficient  importance' to  call 
forth  the  talents  of  this  Departmt.  in  searching  for  my  lit 
tle  treasons  against  the  present  virtuous  Admin 'n,  but,  if  the 
Infernal  scoundrels  open  my  letters,  &  put  them  aside,  or  de 
stroy  them,  I  will  try  to  chastise  them  for  it  and  sooner  or 
later  I  shall  certainly  effect  it.  The  babyish  conduct  of  our 
great  men,  I  can  despise  &  forgive;  but  if  villainy  must  be 
added  to  a  childish  folly,  it  ought  to  [be]  brought  to  condign 
punishment. 

"Please  to  say  how  d'do  in  the  most  friendly  manner  to 
Mrs.  McIIenry  for  me,  &  believe  me  your  friend. 

"URIAH  TRACY" 


Later  in  the  year  McHenry  sent  "Wolcott  some  copies  of 
the  pamphlet,  which  the  Connecticut  man  acknowledged  thus : 

"New  York  May  30th  1803. 
"My  Dear  Sir. 

"I  reed,  your  favour  of  the  llth  instant  a  few  days  since, 
accompanying  a  number  of  copies  of  your  letter  to  the  Speaker 
of  the  House  of  .Representatives ;  those  addressed  to  your 
friends  in  this  city,  have  been  delivered,  those  intended  for 
Massachusetts  &  Connecticut,  shall  be  forwarded  without  de 
lay. 

"The  perusal  of  your  address  has  given  me  much  pleas 
ure.  I  thought  I  understood  the  Report  of  the  Committee  of 
Investigation  well,  before,  but  I  now  understand  it  much  bet 
ter.  —  you  have  placed  several  matters  in  a  new  and  striking 
point  of  view,  &  have  brought  to  light  several  documents, 
which  escaped  former  researches :  —  the  investigators  have 
been  well  investigated :  the  attempt  to  disgrace  honest  men, 
has  covered  the  authors  with  confusion :  —  poor  rogues  —  they 
have  only  displayed  an  impotent  malice. 

"I  thank  you  sincerely  for  your  kind  wishes  for  my  wel 
fare.  I  hope  some  part  of  your  prediction  will  be  verified :  — 
for  though  I  do  not  expect  nor  wish  to  be  rich,  yet  I  hope  so 


1801-1803]  of  James  Me  Henry  519 

far  to  succeed  in  my  new  vocation  —  as  to  secure  a  competency 
for  my  family. 

"I  hope  you  will  not  so  far  forget  your  friends  of  the 
old  school,  as  not  to  drop  me  a  line  occasionally  &  as  you  have 
the  felicity,  to  be  a  man  of  independence  &  leisure,  I  pray 
you  to  assist,  in  guiding  us  out  of  the  turbid  waves  of  Jeffer- 
sonian  liberty — .  If  we  were  on  a  'tempestuous  sea'  of 
clean  salt  water,  I  should  feel  more  indifferent  than  I  now 
do,  about  being  drowned,  in  good  company :  —  but  to  be  suffo 
cated  in  a  dirty  goose  pond,  is  too  offensive  &  degrading  — 
Excite  Maryland,  if  possible,  to  do  something  —  almost  any 
movement  will  afford  relief. 

"Mrs.  "W —  will  not  come  here  till  the  Autumn  —  I  shall 
communicate  Mrs.  McIIenry's  message  to  her,  with  the  certain 
knowledge  that  it  will  be  very  acceptable.     Please  to  present 
my  best  respects  to  her  &  to  my  young  friends  of  your  house 
hold  &  remain  assured  of  the  sincerity,  with  which  I  continue 
' '  Dr.  Sir  your  friend 
"&  obed.   Sert. 

"Guv  WOLCOTT" 


CHAPTER   XVIII 

THE  FEDERALISTS  IN  OPPOSITION,  1803-1812 

DURING  1803,  McHenry  became  interested  in  a  project 
to  establish  a  college  in  Baltimore  to  bear  the  name 
of  the  city  and  to  have  as  its  basis  an  academy  con 
ducted  by  Dr.  James  Priestley.  A  charter  for  this  college  was 
passed  by  the  legislature  and  McHenry  wrote  an  appeal  to 
the  citizens  to  support  it.  l  This  appeal  was  unsuccessful  and 
when  his  own  son  John,  whom  he  had  sent  to  Princeton,  be 
came  ill  and  discouraged  there,  he  was  forced  to  send  him  to 
St.  Mary 's  College  on  the  outskirts  of  Baltimore,  conducted  by 
the  Sulpicians.  McHenry 's  tender  fatherliness  may  be  seen 
in  a  letter  sent  his  son  on  December  31,  1805. 

"My  dear  John. 

"I  expect  to  see  you,  George,  and  Edward  to-morrow. 
You  may,  if  you  think  proper,  invite  to  spend  the  day  with 
you,  two  of  your  college  acquaintances. 

"On  the  eve  of  a  new  year,  accept,  my  beloved  son,  of 
my  anxious  and  fervent  wishes  for  your  daily  happiness.  May 
every  new  year  add  to  your  mental  improvements,  give 
strength  to  your  good  habits,  and  when  you  shall  come  forth 
into  the  world  the  accomplished  scholar,  render  you  dearer 
and  dearer  to  your  fellow  citizens.  Above  all  things,  I  pray 
to  God,  that  while  we  remain  here  below,  your  and  our  lives 
may  be  so  spent  as  to  ensure  to  us,  through  the  merits  of  our 
redeemer,  a  blessed  hereafter. 

"Your  affectionate  father 
"JAMES   MCHENRY" 

News  of  the  Louisiana  treaty  came  during  the  summer  of 
1803  and  McHenry  rather  disapproved  it.  He  wrote  Picker- 

1  A  letter  written  by  James  McHenry  to  his  son  at  Princeton,  and 
the  address  to  the  citizens  of  Baltimore  are  printed  in  the  Johns  Hop 
kins  Newsletter  for  1904. 


1803-1812]  oj  James  McHenry  521 

ing  on  October  27,  asking  the  truth  of  rumors  about  it  and 
said :  let  the  Republicans  amend  the  constitution  without  help 
from  the  Federalists.  Before  this,  he  had  heard  from  Wolcott 
and  Tracy  on  the  subject  as  follows : 

"New  York  Aug.  4th  1803. 
"Dear  Sir, 

"By  our  friends:  Mr.  Harper  &  Mr.  Thompson  &  Mr. 
Cooke  I  have  reed,  the  agreable  information  of  your  health  & 
prosperity,  in  which  my  feelings  are  deeply  interested.  That 
nothing  may  happen  to  disturb  your  felicity  is  my  ardent 
wish. 

"I  take  the  liberty  to  ask  as  a  favour  that  you  would 
ascertain  the  expence  of  the  agency  for  adjusting  the  accounts 
of  the  State  of  Maryland,  before  the  Board  of  Commissioners 
of  the  United  States.  If  I  am  not  mistaken,  Mr.  John  Wright 
-  was  the  Agent  —  perhaps,  however,  he  was  only  the  Prin 
cipal  Clerk—  What  I  wish  to  know  is,  the  Salary  &  Dura 
tion  of  the  Agent  —  &  the  expence  of  Clerk  hire,  Office  rent, 
Contingencies  &c  &c.  They  can,  I  presume,  be  ascertained 
from  the  person  who  was  Agent  or  from  the  Audts.  in  the 
State  Treasury.  The  information  will  be  useful  to  me  per 
sonally  &  is  wanted  for  that  purpose  only. 

' '  Is  there  any  secret  article  in  the  Louisiana  Treaty,  which 
will  create  difficulties,  or  has  G.  B.  Manifested  discontent  in 
relation  to  this  affair?  It  appertains  to  you  to  discover  & 
reveal  the  mystery,  if  one  exists  —  In  my  capacity  of  cidevant 
Secy,  of  the  Treasury  —  I  promise  to  pass  your  accounts,  the 
Committee  of  Investigation  notwithstanding. 

"Please  to  present  my  respects  to  Mrs.  and  Miss  Mc 
Henry  &  the  young  Gentlemen  &  remain  assured  of  the  Esteem 
of 

"Dr  Sir,  yrs. 

"OLIV.  WOLCOTT." 

Tracy's  letter  was  sent  from  Washington,  October  19th, 
1803. 

"We  are,  in  the  Senate  hard  at  work  upon  the  three 
French  Treaties,  or  rather  one  Treaty  &  two  Conventions; 
which  are  yet  secret  but  will,  it  is  presumed,  soon  transpire. 
You  have  read  the  Message,  &  contemplated  its  contents. 

"All  things  conspire  to  obtain  popularity,  &  all  exertions 
are  aimed  at  that  object.  How  long  luck  will  attend  such 


522  Life  and  Correspondence       [CHAP,  xvm 

fellows  is  uncertain ;  but  it  is  a  long  road  which  never  turns. 

"I  have  thought  in  looking  over  the  history  of  my  fellow 
men,  both  written  &  experimental,  that  the  everlasting  &  un 
ceasing  tendency  has  been  &  still  is  to  place  rule,  command,  or 
governmt.  in  the  hands  of  unworthy  men.  Such  are  the  im 
perfections  &  I  may  add  depravity  of  human  nature,  that  the 
chance  is  a  bad  one,  to  get  a  good  King,  Govr.  Prest.  or  any 
other  character  to  govern  men.  And  any  good  man,  acting 
in  such  conspicious  capacity,  has  always  been  a  light  shining 
in  a  dark  place.  When  shall  we  see  a  Washington  —  Not 
till  we  get  to  Heaven :  —  But  we  may  see  many,  very  many, 
of  a  different  character,  who  will  make  great  pretentious  to 
patriotism  &  virtue;  &  even  invoke  Washington's  name,  &  pro 
fess  to  emulate  his  virtues.  Poor  human  nature;  this  world 
is  thy  trial,  here,  self  denial  &  restraint,  mortification  &  disap 
pointment,  are  thy  lot ;  Addison  says  in  one  of  his  pieces  in  the 
Spectator;  "in  this  world  our  happiness1  must  consist  in  re 
straint,  in  the  next  in  enjoyment." 

"The  bustle,  intrigue,  &  vice,  almost  absolutely  requisite 
to  obtain  wealth  &  power,  the  darling  objects  of  the  human 
heart,  are  so  incompatible  to  a  Christian  &  all  his  feelings,  that 
they  must  generally  remain  with  those,  whose  want  of  prin 
ciple  will  permit  them  to  adopt  any  means  however  wicked, 
to  obtain  their  objects :  —  The  few  exceptions,  seem  only  to 
confirm  the  general  rule. 

"New  Jersey  you  know  has  eome  out  in  the  last  Elec 
tion  Democratic,  the  Feds  say  that  it  is  owing  to  bad  votes, 
foul  play  &c  —  but  you  will  discern  that  bad  votes,  foul  play, 
&c.  must  be  expected  in  such  a  state  of  things,  as  are  in  exis 
tence  in  this  Country.  What  with  bad  votes,  foul  play  &c  — 
we  shall  probably  take  the  same  course,  that  our  predecessors 
have  marked  out  for  us,  their  tracks  lead  to  the  grave  &  that 
with  hasty  step.  In  contemplating  our  situation,  I  am  con 
vinced,  that  the  accession  of  Louisiana,  will  accelerate  a  divi 
sion,  of  these  States ;  whose  whenabouts,  is  uncertain,  but 
somewhen  is  inevitable. 

"North  &  South,  with  the  difference  of  climate,  produce, 
population  &  manners,  are  now  but  just  held  together,  with  a 
sense  of  interest  &  force  of  habit ;  but  only  add  a  large  acces 
sion  to  the  Southern  tendency  to  disorganization ;  &  the  North 
ern  section  will  fall  off,  by  force  of  its  own  weight.  This 
event,  I  deprecate,  but  not  so  much,  that  I  would  submit  to 
any  thing,  &  every  thing  to  avoid  it. 


1803-1812]  of  Jcuties  McHenry  523 

"I  believe,  Sir,  you  are  fatigued  with  this  preachment, 
permit  me  therefore  to  subscribe  myself  yr.  friend. 

"URIAH  TRACY." 

Lafayette  wrote  him  twice  in  the  year  1803  and  McHenry 
replied  to  these  letters  in  a  long  and  interesting  one. 

"Paris  Germinal  the  10th  llth  year 

"(30  March)  1803 
"My  Dear  McHenry 

"I  take  the  opportunity  of  General  Bernadotte's  Depart 
ure  to  let  you  hear  from  me.  You  have  no  doubt  been  alarmed 
with  the  account  of  my  having  broken  my  thigh  in  the  worst 
place  I  could  chosen  viz  the  Col  du  femur  My  cure  is  com 
plete  and  I  am  certain  that  I  shall  not  have  the  least  lame 
ness,  but  the  new  machine  to  which  I  am  indebted  for  it  has 
so  severely  wounded  me,  and  my  lying  on  the  back  has  been 
so  long  that  I  must  still  undergo  much  pain  and  trouble  be 
fore  I  am  quite  well.  Now  permit  me  to  introduce  to  you 
and  Mrs  McHenry  General  Bernadotte  and  his  lady,  both 
perfectly  Calculated  to  be  welcome  and  well  pleased  in  Amer 
ica,  the  glorious  share  that  General  Bernadotte  had  in  the 
triumphs  of  the  French  armies,  you  know  perfectly  well,  his 
private  character  and  civic  virtues  are  not  less  deserving  at 
tachment  and  regard,  his  personal  disposition  towards  Amer 
ica  is  such  as  we  can  wish,  to  you  it  is  not  superfluous  to 
add  that  General  Bernadotte  is  my  friend,  adieu  dear  Mc 
Henry 

"I  am  Most  affectionately  yours 
' '  LAFAYETTE ' ' 

The  second  letter  was  sent  from  near  Paris,  June  1,  1803. 

"My  Dear  McHenry 

' '  I  have  not  this  very  long  time  received  a  Line  from  you 
-  I  dont  Know  whether  you  have  got  my  Letters  —  The  Last 
one  was  an  introductory  one  for  Gel.  Bernadotte  —  You  will 
have  heard  that  I  had  the  misfortune  to  break  my  Thigh,  at 
the  col  du  Femur  The  fracture  has  been  more  perfectly 
mended  than  in  any  case  perhaps  of  the  kind  —  But  the  ex 
tensive  machine  invented  for  that  purpose  having  been  se 
verely  applied,  and  by  me  Supported  as  long  as  I  could,  there 
have  resulted  from  it  Very  Deep  Wounds  which  will  Still 


524  Life  and  Correspondence       [CHAP,  xvm 

Keep  me  two  or  three  Weeks  before  they  are  healed —  I 
now  am  at  a  Village  where  my  Daughter  in  Law's  family  have 
their  house  —  her  Father  has  left  the  huzzards  to  become 
Aide  de  Camp  to  an  Inspector  of  Cavalry.  We  shall  all, 
viz  my  wife,  Son,  Daughter  in  Law,  two  Daughters,  their 
husbands,  and  three  Grand  Daughters,  meet  again  by  the 
middle  of  July  at  Lagrange  —  my  beloved  rural  place  of  re 
tirement  Where  the  Whole  Family  Live  with  us. 

"I  am  heartily  Sorry  for  the  War  Between  France  and 
England  Whatever  may  justly  be  Said  of  the  Politics  of 
our  Goverment,  it  appears  evident  to  me  that,  on  this  Side, 
peace  has  been  Sincerely  wished  for  and  that  in  the  British 
Cabinet  it  has  been  quite  the  reverse  —  They  Disliked  the 
Treaty  made  by  Themselves  at  Amiens,  and  they  Determined 
to  Break  it  —  That  is  the  English  of  the  Business.  —  We  are 
not  without  Some  hopes  of  a  Speedy  reconciliation. 

' '  I  Seldom  felt  so  great  a  Joy  as  I  did  on  the  accession  of 
Louisiana  and  the  anticipated  one  of  the  Floridas  to  the  free 
and  happy  territory  of  the  United  States—  The  scheme  of 
a  French  Colony  in  that  quarter  I  did  on  every  Account  repro 
bate  —  It  was  big  with  Evils  —  The  present  Arrangement 
is  on  the  line  of  the  gradual  enfranchisement  of  the  Amer 
ican  Continent  and  Secures  eternal  good  Understanding  Be 
tween  France  and  the  United  States. 

"I  have  with  heartfelt  gratitude,  pride,  and  pleasure 
heard  of  the  Gifts  in  Lands  which  Congress  have  been  pleased 
to  grant  to  me  —  Indeed,  my  Dear  Friend,  Circumstanced  as 
I  am,  unwilling  to  meddle  with  public  affairs,  having  found 
on  my  return  large  Debts  and  very  little  property,  I  con 
sider  the  Kindness  of  my  American  Fellow  Citizens,  either 
in  general  Congress,  or  in  particular  States,  as  the  most  hon 
ourable  Way  to  rid  myself  of  my  embarassments,  and  to  Se 
cure  the  modest  Situation,  Which  I  prefer  to  an  expensive 
State  —  The  only  luxury  I  should  like  to  indulge  is  the  im 
provement  of  my  Farm  as  I  am  Fondly  Devoted  to  Agricul 
tural  pleasures—  Was  you  to  ask  me  wrhy  I  would  not  as 
well  like  be  under  the  Same  obligations  to  this  other  Country 
of  mine,  for  which  also,  in  my  pecuniary  times,  I  spent  a  good 
part  of  my  fortune,  I  would  Frankly  Answer  that  here  I  dont 
Find  a  true  national  representation,  and  that  too  many  people, 
friends  and  adversaries,  have  suffered,  to  make  an  exception 
of  the  Kind  in  my  Behalf  agreeable  to  my  feelings  —  Amer- 


1803-1812]  of  James  McHenry  525 

lean  Bounty  on  the  contrary  is  freely  granted,  and  accepted 
without  Scruple  or  inconvenience 

' '  You  have,  I  am  Sure,  presumed  a  friendly  remembrance 
of  Gel.  Chattelux :  his  Widow  and  her  Son,  a  Very  promising 
Youth,  both  ruined  by  the  revolution  find  themselves  in  a 
particular  Situation  which  the  inclosed  note,  made  by  Madame 
de  Chattelux  Does  sufficiently  explain—  I  assured  her  you 
would  by  your  Enquiries,  and,  if  there  is  a  chance  of  Success, 
by  your  Exertions,  Do  for  the  Father's  memory,  and  the 
advantages  of  his  Family  whatever  may  be  in  your  power. 

"Adieu,  my  dear  McHenry,  present  my  respects  to  your 
Lady  —  My  attachments  to  all  the  Family,  and  think  often 
of  your  constant  affectionate  friend 

' '  LAFAYETTE ' ' 

The  inclosure  was  a  curious  one  and  gave  an  inaccurate 
legend : 

"Lord  Baltimore,  in  consequence  of  a  Grant  issued  under 
the  Reign  of  Charles  the  1st.  which  gave  to  him  and  his  heirs 
the  propriety  of  the  lands  Situated  to  the  north  of  the  River 
Potowmack,  as  also  divers  privilege  of  Great  importance  laid 
down  the  foundation  of  the  province  of  Maryland  in  the 
Year  1632. 

"Upon  the  death  of  King  Charles,  the  inhabitants  of 
Maryland  having  Submitted  to  the  Authority  of  Cromwell, 
Lord  Baltimore  was  obliged  to  fly  to  Virginia;  but  at  the 
time  of  Charles  the  Second's  restoration,  he  returned  and  was 
reinstated  in  his  rights  and  privileges.  The  Constitution  he 
had  established  in  the  Year  1638.  had  been  revised  in  1650. 
and  altered  in  Some  respects:  Such  as  it  was  modeled  at 
this  last  period,  it  remained  in  activity  untill  the  Year  1776. 
When  the  present  laws,  forms,  and  independance  were  pro 
claimed. 

"Lord  Baltimore  left  no  male  issue,  and  his  two  Daugh 
ters  married  two  brothers,  of  the  name  and  Family  of  Plunk- 
ett's  of  Castle  Plunkett  in  Ireland:  His  property  and  priv 
ileges  of  every  sort  of  nature  had  been  entailed  upon  the 
Eldest:  but  from  circumstances  unknown  (it  is  supposed 
owing  to  the  Absence  of  the  right  owner  &  the  presence  of 
those  who  had  a  sort  of  Claim)  upon  the  death  of  Lord 
Baltimore,  his  illegitimate  Children  usurped  the  property  &c. 
which  belonged  to  the  Legitimate  Descendant  and  notwith 
standing  every  Sort  of  application  made  by  these,  continued 


526  Life  and  Correspondence       [CHAP,  xvm 

to  remain  in  possession  of  their  Lands,  original  Titles,  hon 
or's  &c.  untill  the  revolution  having  taken  place,  their  attach 
ment  to  the  English  Cause  was  the  occassion  of  the  property 
they  held  ittegaly  being  confiscated,  but  it  Seems  they  re 
ceived  from  Great  Britain  a  large  Sum  as  an  indemnification 

"The  Branch  of  Plunkett's  derived  from  'Lord  Balti 
more's  Eldest  Daughter  is  extinct 

"Alfred  Chastellux  Son  to  General  Chastellux,  and  his 
only  Child,  in  right  of  his  Mother  Mary  Plunkett,  great 
Grandaughter  to  Miss  Talbot  Lord  Baltimore 's  Second  Daugh 
ter  is  the  Direct  and  Legitimate  Descendant  of  Lord  Balti 
more  :  is  he  not  entitled  in  justice  to  claim  an  indemnification, 
as  the  Legal  heir  of  him  Who  laid  down  the  foundation  of 
the  State  of  Maryland?  &  to  a  grant  of  favor,  as  being  the 
Son  of  General  Chastellux  who  contributed  to  establish  the 
Independance  of  the  United  States,  and  whose  unbounded 
Attachment  to  the  prosperity  of  America  is  Sufficiently 
Known. ' ' 

McHenry  answered  Lafayette's  letters  from  Baltimore 
on  October  25,  1803. 

' '  Since  my  last  I  have  been  honoured  with  two  letters 
from  you,  1  —  Dated  June  1st  the  other  the  30  March.  The 
1st  of  June  I  received  about  six  weeks  ago,  and  the  30th 
March  which  came  [to]  hand  during  the  last  month.  The 
letter  of  June  relieved  me  from  much  uncertainty  respecting 
your  situation.  As  I  could  not  entirely  discredit  public 
prints,  which  stated  the  accident  that  had  befallen  you,  I 
had  become  extremely  anxious  to  learn  from  yourself  the 
extent  &  nature  of  the  disaster.  I  thank  god  that  you  are 
recovered  or  nearly  so,  and  without  the  affliction  of  perment 
lameness.  You  must  indeed  have  suffered  a  great  deal  from 
the  machine,  constant  extension,  in  such  a  case,  being  equiva 
lent  to  constant  pain. 

"It  was  the  wish  of  your  friends  that  Congress  should 
have  made  their  grant  of  land  to  you  more  worthy  of  your 
acceptance.  I  believe  we  are  to  ascribe  the  limitation  en 
tirely  to  the  reigning  policy,  which  calls  for  the  strictest 
economy  in  every  expenditure  that  might  attract  public  at 
tention.  Were  you  to  come  among  us,  you  would  find  your 
self  in  many  points  of  view,  as  it  were,  in  a  new  world.  Most 
of  your  old  friends  in  private  life,  friends  tremblingly  alive 


1803-1812]  of  James  McHenry  527 

to  whatever  is  likely  to  affect  their  popularity.  The  people 
too  changed,  that  is  because  more  democratical.  Great  and 
lesser  Demagogues  in  every  State  and  districts  and  the  preju 
dices  and  violence  of  party,  leaving  little  or  no  room  for 
moderation  or  social  intercourse  between  men  of  opposite 
politics.  In  such  a  state  of  things  with  economy  the  cry  of 
every  Demagogue  or  seeker  of  popularity,  I  need  not  observe 
that  any  application  to  the  legislature  of  Maryland  at  this 
time  in  favour  of  the  son  of  Genl.  Chastellux  would  be  un 
successful. 

"These  are  no  doubt  evils  in  themselves,  and  what  is 
worse,  may  lead  to  still  greater.  We  cannot  tell  what  further 
changes  such  democratical  opinions  may  produce  in  the  pub 
lic  mind  [in]  the  government  itself,  when  a  people  are  made 
to  believe,  that  they  themselves  are  every  thing,  and  have 
a  right  to  have  every  thing  fashioned  to  their  way  of  think 
ing,  they  are  in  the  sure  road  of  alternately  ruling  their 
Demagogues  and  being  ruled  by  them,  and  the  fundamental 
laws  and  institutions  of  the  State  disregarded  or  trampled 
upon  as  they  stand  opposed  to  the  passions  or  inter 
ests  of  their  leaders.  Such  has  generally  been  the  conse 
quences  of  flattering  the  multitude  in  Kepublics,  for  in  re 
publics  any  deviations  in  the  people  from  their  prescribed 
rights,  and  in  the  government  from  the  free  exercise  of  its 
authorities  lead  rapidly  to  Democracy,  in  other  words  confu 
sion  and  licentiousness. 

"As  yet,  however,  such  consequences  are  more  feared 
than  felt ;  and  feared  only  by  the  most  reflecting  part  of  the 
community  those  in  power  excepted,  who  act  as  if  they 
thought  they  could  be  able  to  manage  the  multitude  accord 
ing  to  their  views  of  the  public  interest.  The  people,  gen 
erally  speaking,  still  preserve  a  degree  of  respect  for  the 
forms  of  election  and  the  constitution,  and  those  in  power,  for 
the  general  welfare,  with  this  qualification,  that  it  must  be 
carried  and  essentially  connected  with  their  popularity. 

"In  the  mean  while,  the  general  prosperity  of  the  coun 
try  is  on  the  increase,  and  the  laws,  except  perhaps  where 
certain  political  questions  are  concerned,  executed  with  the 
usual  fidelity  and  integrity. 

"With  respect  to  my  self  I  would  not  say  that  I  am 
an  unconcerned  spectator,  or  indifferent  to  all  that  passes. 
Having  an  interest  at  stake,  loving  real  liberty  and  wishing 
for  its  maintennance,  I  cannot,  without  regret,  look  upon  any 


528  Life  and  Correspondence       [CHAP,  xvm 

conduct  in  rulers  or  the  people  which  tends  to  endanger  and 
finally  destroy  it.  In  my  eyes  despotism  of  the  multitude  is 
the  most  terrible  of  tyrannies. 

"You  tell  me  you  are  in  love  with  retirement  and  rural 
concerns.  I  do  not  pay  much  attention  to  the  latter,  but 
I  am  so  great  a  stickler  for  ease  and  quiet,  it  must  be  a  tor 
nado  [or]  earthquake  in  politics  indeed  which  would  throw 
me  into  public  Life.  I  wish  you  were  equally  decided  in  your 
choice  of  a  retired  life,  but  my  dear  general,  you  will,  if  I 
am  not  mistaken,  for  the  sake  of  your  family  your  friends, 
or  some  other  good  and  powerful  motive  forego  La  Grange, 
its  fields  —  its  fences,  its  shades  and  herds  and  flocks,  for 
public  life. 

"It  will,  however,  always  be  a  solace  to  me,  that  you  are 
happy  &  that  your  children  connect  themselves  in  a  manner 
worthy  of  their  parents;  and  to  receive  you  in  the  arms  of 
friendship  should  any  occasion  lead  you  to  revisit  the  United 
States. 

"Mrs.  McHenry  prays  to  be  respectfully  presented  to 
Madam  La  Fayette,  and  that  she  will  accept  her  constant 
wishes  for  her  happiness." 

McHenry  was  soon  to  lose  two  of  his  warmest  friends. 
Murray  died  on  December  11,  1803,  and  Hamilton's  death 
occurred  in  the  next  year.  On  January  2,  Tracy  wrote, 
inclosing  a  speech  he  had  recently  made  in  opposition,  to  the 
Twelfth  Amendment  to  the  Constitution. 

"My  Dear  Sir 

"I  have  again  been  guilty  of  almost  an  act  of  suicide, 
in  making  a  foolish  speech,  &  more  foolish  publication  of 
it.  But  since  it  has  cost  me  so  much  to  bring  it  to  light,  I 
am  determined  to  tax  my  friends  with  a  sight  of  it,  whether 
they  will  read  it  is  left  with  each  one,  in  a  free  Country,  to 
decide  for  him  self.  I  have  inclosed  one  to  you,  as  a  New 
Years  gift,  &  wish  from  my  soul  it  was  worthy  of  the  person 
to  whom  presented,  &  of  the  affectionate  friendship  I  feel 
for  him. 

"We  have  no  News  Yet  from  New  Orleans;  but  expect  it 
soon.  I  mean  Official  news.  There  are  reports,  &  newspaper 
paragraphs;  &  it  is  probable  that  peaceable  possession  will 
be  given,  by  the  Spaniards,  &  French  Prefect  L'  Aussat.  If 
peaceable  possession  is  obtained,  there  will  be  a  triumph  to 
Democracy. 


1803-1812]  of  James  McHenry  529 

"Had  I  any  thing  worthy  of  yr.  attention  to  write,  I 
would  make  up  a  letter  with  it;  but  our  political  sense  pre 
sents  nothing  but  a  sameness  of  sterility ;  one  barren  waste 
of  hypocritical  pretensions  to  foster  the  liberties  of  the  people, 
while  popularity  is  the  real  object. 

"But  I  had  rather  be  buried  under  the  ruins  of  my 
Country,  exerting  my  feeble  strength  to  support  it;  than  to 
ride  in  the  foremost  &  most  exalted  Chariot,  of  him  who  is 
laying  it  waste.  Let  Democracy  tremble,  for  the  Day  of 
account  is  at  hand.  If  they  destroy  us,  it  will  serve  to  ac 
cumulate  vengeance  for  themselves;  and  the  short  lived  tri 
umph  will  but  aggravate  their  woes. 

"But  I  am  rambling  into  the  regions  of  the  horrible,  it  is 
enough  to  tax  you  with  a  long  book,  &  not  add  a  long  letter 
to  it. 

"Please  to  present  me  respectfully  to  Mrs.  McHenry  & 
family,  &  believe  me  yrs.  sincerely 

"URIAH  TRACY 

"N.  B.  I  am  afflicted  at  the  death  of  our  friend  Vans 
Murray;  but  it  is  the  will  of  God.  Man  ought  not  to  com 
plain,  when  infinite  Wisdom  &  goodness,  are  accompanying 
infinite  power!" 

In  New  York  state  the  acrimonious  campaign  carried  on 
by  Burr  for  the  governorship  was  to  result  in  Hamilton's 
death.  I  have  found  no  letter  from  McHenry  on  this  sad 
event,  but  three  letters  from  Wolcott  to  him  are  preserved 
among  McHenry 's  papers  upon  that  election  and  its  melan 
choly  sequel. 

The  first  letter  is  dated  New  York,  April  9,  1804 : 

"My  Dear  Sir, 

"I  have  reed,  your  favour  of  Mar.  31.  &  have  spoken  to 
Genl.  Hamilton  who  has  promised  to  reimburse  the  fee  you 
paid  to  Mr.  Martin. 

"The  good  wishes  and  affectionate  concern  of  my  friends, 
among  whom,  I  rank  you  in  the  first  class,  are  more  than  an 
equivalent  for  all  the  evils  which  I  have  experienced,  from  the 
vindictive  spirit  of  my  political  adversaries.  It  affords  me  a 
high  consolation  to  reflect,  that  I  have  not  deserved  this  treat 
ment  and  I  firmly  believe  that  it  will  not  be  in  the  power  of 
the  Philosopher  &  all  his  Minions  to  break  my  spirit  or  starve 


530  Life  and  Correspondence       [CHAP,  xvm 

my  family:  they  shall  certainly  find  that  I  am  no  Quaker  in 
politicks,  and  that  I  mean  stedfastly  to  resist  Oppression. 

"The  Opposition  to  the  Merchants  Bank,  which  at  first 
originated  in  the  private  views  of  a  few  stockholders  of  other 
Banks  at  length  assumed  a  different  aspect  and  finally  de 
generated  into  a  party  question :  The  Merchants  B,ank,  really 
was  not  a  political  Association:  being  opposed  however  by  a 
number  of  wealthy  Men,  (chiefly  Federalists),  the  Clintonians 
hoped  by  crushing  the  Bank,  to  divide  the  Federal  Party: 
in  conducting  their  opposition,  they  have,  however,  divided 
their  own  Party,  and  have  reluctantly  been  compelled  to  pass 
a  Bill  which,  on  the  whole,  will  be  favourable  to  our  Interests : 

"This  State  is  agitated  to  its  center,  with  intrigues  and 
schemes,  calculated  to  produce  an  influence  on  the  approach 
ing  Election :  I  can  give  no  opinion  what  the  result  will  be, 
but  it  is  said  to  be  most  probable  that  Colo.  Burr  will  succeed : 
It  is  certain  that  he  commands  a  numerous  &  intrepid  party 
who  are  not  to  be  intimidated,  or  subdued:  In  our  present 
distracted  situation,  few  men  look  forward  to  ultimate  conse 
quences  :  it  is  sufficient  to  decide  most  men ;  that  all  confidence 
in  the  prevailing  faction  is  lost,  and  that  Colo.  Burr  is  from 
situation  and  necessity  the  Enemy  of  the  Enemies  of  good 
Men. 

"I  remain  Dear  Sir,  with  sincerity 
"Your  faithful  Friend 
"OLIV.  WOLCOTT.  " 

The  second  letter  is  written  from  New  York,  July  16, 
1804: 

"My  Dear  Sir, 

"I  have  reed,  your  favour  of  the  14th:  The  afflicting 
event  you  anticipated  has  occurred :  Hamilton  is  no  more : 
I  will  not  attempt  to  describe  my  feelings :  you  will  learn  all 
the  circumstances  &  the  last  acts  of  his  life  will  elevate  the 
character  of  our  late  Friend,  though  they  must  produce  con 
flict  of  emotions,  to  which  your  bosom  has  been  a  stranger. 

"Genl.  Hamilton  left  a  will  by  which  all  his  property 
real  &  personal  is  vested  in  Trustees  for  the  payment  of  his 
Debts:  This  property  consists  almost  entirely  of  real  estates, 
chiefly  new  Lands  and  a  valuable  County  Establishment  nine 
Miles  from  this  City:  This  property  cost  about  80,000  Dol 
lars  &  he  owed  about  55,000  Dollars  —  the  Lands  are  rising 


1803-1812]  of  James  McHenry  531 

in  value  but  wholly  unproductive  of  Revenue :  he  was  appre 
hensive  &  I  believe  justly,  that  a  forced  Sale,  would  leave 
nothing  for  his  family  &  perhaps  not  even  produce  enough  to 
pay  his  debts :  A  number  of  Gentlemen  here  have  resolved  to 
raise  a  Fund  among  the  Friends  of  the  deed,  for  the  payment 
of  these  debts  &  to  provide  for  the  Children.  The  design  is, 
that  a  select  number  of  Gentlemen  of  easy  Fortunes,  shall, 
without  much  eclat  &  publicity,  subscribe  what  may  be  suffi 
cient.  I  have  been  desired  to  make  this  intention  known,  to 
a  select  number  of  Friends  &  before  I  reed,  your  Letter  had 
determined  to  address  you  &  Mr.  Gilmore,  leaving  it  to  your 
judgement,  to  whom  the  communication  ought  to  be  made  in 
Baltimore  &  not  doubting  your  disposition  to  cooperate. 
"I  am  Dr  Sir,  with  high  Esteem 
"&  sincere  affection,  yr.  friend 
"OLIV.  WOLCOTT.  " 

From  New  York  on  August  2,  1804,  Wolcott  wrote  for  a 
third  time: 

"My  Dear  Sir, 

"I  addressed  you  a  hasty  Letter  the  16th.  ultimo,  at  the 
request  of  several  Gentlemen  of  this  City,  who  have  proposed 
to  raise  by  contribution,  a  pecuniary  Aid  for  the  family  of 
our  departed  Friend  Genl.  Hamilton.  Understanding  that 
doubts  have  existed  in  Philadelphia,  whether  this  proposal 
did  not  originate  without  the  knowledge  of  the  Connections  of 
the  Family  and  might,  therefore,  offend  the  sensibility  of 
those  it  was  intended  to  benefit,  I  have  found  it  necessary  to 
make  certain  explanations  known  there,  which  I  presume  will 
be  fully  satisfactory.  It  being  possible  that  similar  impres 
sions  have  been  entertained  at  Baltimore  I  must  take  the  lib 
erty  to  address  you  again  on  this  Subject. 

"The  property  left  by  Genl.  Hamilton,  consists  almost 
entirely  of  new  Lands  and  a  Country  Seat  Nine  Miles  from 
this  City.  The  whole  valued  by  himself  at  about  80,000 
Dollars.  The  debts  are  chiefly  Notes  discounted  at  the  Banks 
&  Monies  borrowed  on  Mortgage  amounting  to  about  55,000 
Dollars.  The  difference  is  £10,000  New  York  Currency. 

"This  brief  Statement  will  enable  you  fully  to  under 
stand,  the  enclosed  Paper,  which  is  a  copy  of  one  left  by 
Genl.  Hamilton  &  which  is  now  entrusted  to  you,  on  the  condi 
tion  expressed  in.  Mr.  Pendletons  Letter  to  me.  There  is  no 
doubt,  that  the  anticipations  of  our  Friend,  respecting  the 


582  Life  and  Correspondence       [CHAP,  xvm 

consequences  of  forced  Sales  to  raise  Money  to  discharge 
$55,000  in  debts,  would  be  verified.  All  the  property  would 
be  sacrificed  &  his  Children  deprived  of  every  Memorial  of 
the  labour  of  their  illustrious  Parent,  except  his  reputation. 

"Mr.  Govr.  Morris,  Genl.  Clarkson,  Mr.  Gracie,  Mr.  Bay 
ard  &c  &c  have  consulted  on  this  Subject  &  their  joint  opinion 
is,  that  it  is  in  every  Respect,  fit,  proper  &  necessary,  that  a 
number  of  Gentlemen  of  Fortune,  should  come  forward  & 
pay  these  debts  &  provide  handsomely  for  the  family.  A  sum 
of  100,000  Dollars  is  the  amount  proposed. 

"  It  would  be  an  Error  to  consider  Genl.  Hamilton 's  Fam 
ily  as  objects  of  public  Charity,  but  though  this  is  not  their 
Situation,  it  is  certain  that  they  might  reasonably  expect  ad 
vancement  in  Life,  from  the  exertions  of  our  departed  Friend. 
These  hopes  must,  however,  be  totally  disappointed,  unless 
the  proposed  aid  is  obtained.  It  is  true  that  the  provision 
ought  in  justice  to  be  made  by  Congress,  or  by  the  State  of 
New  York,  but  no  person  acquainted  with  the  present  State 
of  public  affairs,  will  place  the  least  reliance  on  this  resource. 
Instances  of  similar  benefactions  in  antient  &  modern  times 
must  be  familiar  to  your  mind  &  it  is  certain  that  they  have 
always  been  considered  equally  honourable  to  the  Receivers 
&  Givers.  The  suggestion  that  the  Family  would  be  offended 
by  such  a  proof  of  the  Gratitude  &  Attachment  of  the  re 
spectable  part  of  the  Community,  is  here  well  understood  to 
be  unfounded. 

"The  mode  of  giving  Effect  to  the  proposed  design  has 
been  considered  &  it  is  supposed  that  a  medium  course  between 
the  ostentation  of  a  public  indiscriminate  subscription,  &  the 
secresy  of  private  donation  would  render  the  provision  most 
munificent  &  of  course  most  honourable  for  all  Parties  con 
cerned.  All  that  is  proposed  may  be  easily  affected  without 
any  sensible  burthen  &  when  the  enclosed  document  is  perused 
&  it  is  considered  how  greatly  the  men  of  Property  are  in 
debted  to  the  labours  of  General  Hamilton,  they  must  doubt 
less  be  affected  by  his  declaration,  that  those  'labours  have 
amounted  to  absolute  sacrifice  of  the  Interests  of  his  Family.' 

"Not  doubting  your  disposition  to  exert  your  influence  in 
giving  effect  to  the  benevolent  object  of  this  Letter,  I  remain 
"Dr  Sir,  Avith  sincere  Esteem 
"&  true  Attachment 

"yrs 
"OLIV.  WOLCOTT." 


1803-1812]  of  James  McHem*y  533 

Of  McHenry  ?s  life  in  1805  and  1806,  we  know  almost 
nothing.  McHenry  wrote  Pickering  on  February  19,  1806, 
thanking  him  for  his  portrait  which  he  had  sent,  and  referring 
both  to  the  agitated  condition  of  public  affairs,  and  to  the  disa 
greeable  and  contemptible  position  of  the  president.  ' '  We  are 
threatening  Europe  with  all  possible  harm  and  not  daring  to 
take  a  single  step  that  might  materially  affect  the  existing 
revenue  or  render  a  resort  to  taxation  necessary.  The  Pres 
ident  is  enraged  with  Spain,  even  to  bloodshed  and  prevented 
by  his  friends  from  breaking  the  peace.  Though  suspected 
of  not  being  perfectly  ignorant  of  the  expedition  prepared 
by  Miranda  against  the  Caracas,  he  is  obliged  to  de.ny  any 
knowledge  of  it.  Called  upon  to  pursue  that  expedition  with 
a  naval  force,  he  takes  refuge  in  Congress.  Contradicted  and 
insulted  by  the  little  Spaniard  and  frightened  almost  to  death 
by  the  more  formidable  Frenchman,  Jefferson  is  pale  and 
trembling  in  his  capital,  filled  with  anxiety  and  looking  to 
Europe  for  events  to  justify  his  policy  and  extricate  him  from 
his  difficulties." 

On  .March  31,  McHenry  wrote  again,  telling  Pickering 
that  the  Federalists  cannot  forget  the  system  instituted  by 
opposers  of  government,  such  as  Jefferson,  who  set  up  a  press 
to  vilify  the  authorities  and  paid  for  it  from  the  public  money. 

In  1807,  his  letters  to  Federalist  leaders  begin  again  to 
be  more  frequent.  On  January  29,  he  writes  Pickering,  ask 
ing  him  to  explain  Jefferson's  message  about  Burr's  con 
spiracy.  Can  Jefferson  think  the  supreme  court  will  .try 
Burr?  He  regrets  that  he  has  not  seen  nor  heard  from  Pick 
ering  and  expects  him,  with  Hillhouse  and  other  friends  on 
their  return  from  the  session,  to  "spend  at  least  one  sociable 
day  with  me." 

On  February  6,  he  writes  again,  as  the  Aurora  insinuated 
that  James  Ross,  of  Pittsburg,  and  the  Western  Federalists 
were  concerned  in  Burr's  expedition.  Ross  wrote  McHenry 
that  he  had  no  connection  with  Burr.  Of  other  western  Penn 
sylvania  Federalists,  O'Hara  threatened  to  disinherit  his  son, 
if  he  entered  the  expedition.  Wilkins  sent  his  son  in  the  boat 
to  get  his  property,  if  possible,  from  Natchez  and  openly  and 
decidedly  interfered  to  dissuade  men  from  entering  the  ex 
pedition.  The  only  one  of  the  Federalists  in  the  expedition 
was  Col.  Newell 's  son  and  he  promised  his  father  to  return, 
if  anything  like  hostility  to  the  Union  proved  the  object  of 
the  expedition.  Ross  never  saw  nor  knew  of  Burr's  plans. 


534  Life  and  Correspondence.       [CHAP,  xvm 

Stirring  in  such  matters  does  not  mend  them  and,  therefore, 
McHenry  does  not  intend  to  answer  the  Aurora.  MeHenry 
approved  of  Pickering-  's  vote  to  suspend  the  habeas  corpus 
act,  as  there  were  symptoms  suspiciously  like  rebellion,  and 
asked  whether  Randolph  of  Roanoke  will  not  be  apt  to  run 
Monroe  against  Jefferson  for  the  presidency,  should  the  last 
named  permit  himself  to  be  nominated  again. 

Pickering  answered  three  days  later  from  Washington : 

"City  of  Washington  Feby.  9.  1807. 
"Dear  Sir, 

"I  have  your  letter  of  the  6th  before  me.  I  thank  you 
for  the  communication  of  what  you  received  from  Mr.  Ross, 
in  relation  to  Colo.  Burr's  project:  tho'  as  far  as  concerned 
him  and  other  respectable  federalists,  the  declarations  of  the 
Aurora  and  of  all  the  democratic  papers  in  the  United  States, 
would  scarcely  authorise  a  doubt,  much  less  fix  any  reproach. 

"Really  I  had  not  at  this  place  heard  one  word  of  the 
adjustment  of  all  our  differences  with  Great  Britain:  our 
intelligence  came  from  Baltimore,  in  its  news-papers.  Your 
letter,  however,  induced  me  this  morning  to  ask  Mr.  Giles,  if 
the  Government  had  rec'd.  such  information?  They  had 
not  (he  answered)  last  Saturday.  He  added,  nevertheless, 
that  Mr.  Magruder  of  Georgetown,  who  had  written  to  Mr. 
Gilmore  (of  your  city)  to  get  some  insurance  made  —  had 
reed,  an  answer,  that,  in  consequence  of  the  adjustment  of 
our  differences  with  Great  Britain,  he  had  been  enabled  to 
procure  the  insurance  at  3  PCent.  when  prior  to  their  intelli 
gence,  it  could  not  have  been  obtained  under  4%  PCent. 

"It  has  been  said  here,  that  the  intelligence  was  sent  to 
Baltimore  on  the  authority  of  General  Smith.  He  is  (or  has 
for  several  days  been)  with  you. 

"The  session  is  drawing  towards  a  close,  and  I  rejoice 
at  it;  sick  at  heart  with  the  feeble  administration  of  our  af 
fairs,  and  the  impending  prospect  of  our  becoming  a  province 
(or  rather  provinces,  as  it  is  his  policy  to  divide)  of  the  Em 
peror  and  King.  This  danger  must  be  apparent  to  the  men  of 
understanding  among  them:  but  they  will  not  hazard  their 
popularity  by  proposing  adequate  measures  of  security  & 
defence ;  for  this  would  require  money  —  and  money  taxes. 
These  men  know  that  the  people  are  fond  of  peace  —  that  they 
are  uniting  to  be  deceived:  and  seeing  it  is  possible  that  G. 
Britain  may  weather  the  tempest,  &  that  we  may  find  safety 


1803-1812]  of  James  McHenry  535 

under  her  wings  —  they  are  inclined  to  rest  their  hopes,  as 
to  futurity,  on  that  contingency;  for  the  sake,  in  the  mean 
time,  of  maintaining  their  power,  &  keeping  all  the  offices  in 
the  Union.  Perhaps  before  the  session  ends,  we  shall  see  the 
pliant  temper  of  the  legislature,  in  relation  to  the  interposi 
tion  of  the  French  Government,  in  support  of  Beaumarchais ' 
claim.  Glaring  as  is  our  right  of  rejection,  I  am  far  from 
confident  that  the  claim  will  not  be  admitted.  I  shall  rejoice 
to  find  myself  under  a  mistake. 

"The  French  Government  have  also  made  a  demand,  on 
the  Executive,  for  indemnity,  in  the  value  of  the  French  ship 
of  the  line  run  ashore  on  our  coast,  and  there  burnt  by  the 
British.  If  Mr.  J.  should  shift  the  decision  of  this  claim  also, 
from  his  own  shoulders  to  those  of  the  Legislature,  it  would 
not  surprise  me.  It  will  ~be  cheaper,  more  economical,  to  ad 
mit  and  pay  these  claims,  than  hazard  a  war — especially  a 
war  with  France !  Thus  is  the  dignity  of  our  Nation  main 
tained  abroad !  Such  is  the  spirit  of  the  supporters  and  pil 
lars  of  our  Government! 

"I  dismiss  the  ungrateful  subject,  and  cordially  bid  you 
adieu. 

"T.  PICKERING" 

During  this  year,  McHenry  employed  his  leisure  by  com 
piling  and  publishing  the  "Baltimore  Directory  and  Citizens 
Eegister  for  1807.  Containing  the  names,  occupations  and 
places  of  abode,  of  the  inhabitants,  arranged  in  alphabetical 
order,  to  which  are  added  a  list  of  the  names  of  all  the  princi 
pal  officers  employed  in  the  service  of  the  United  States,  a 
calendar  for  the  year,  several  useful  tables,  duties,  &c.  By 
James  McHenry."  The  introduction  states,  "The  Public  are 
respectfully  informed,  that  no  effort  has  been  spared  to  ren 
der  this  work  useful  and  worthy  of  public  patronage.  The 
advantage  which  citizens,  as  well  as  strangers,  gain  from  a 
Directory,  leaves  no  doubt  on  the  mind  of  the  Compiler,  but 
that  he  will  be  recompensed  for  his  trouble,  in  thus  presenting 
them  with  a  volume  of  such  useful  matter  as  cannot  fail  to 
produce  general  satisfaction."  The  book  is  a  duodecimo 
bound  in  boards,  containing  204  pages. 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  year,  McHenry  wrote  several 
times  to  Pickering,  in  one  letter  *  giving  the  latter  a  detailed 
account,  in  answer  to  an  enquiry,  of  an  act  of  piracy  on  the 

1  See  letter  also  of  December  22. 


536  Life  and  Correspondence       [CHAP,  xvm 

Chesapeake,  •*  by  some  Frenchmen,  who  escaped  punishment, 
because  the  federal  court  could  take  no  cognizance  of  an  act 
committed  within  the  territorial  waters  of  a  state  and  the 
county  courts  could  not,  as  their  jurisdiction  did  not  extend 
into  the  middle  of  the  bay. 

McHenry  was  suspicious  lest  Moreau's  visit  to  New  Or 
leans  should  lead  to  a  possible  seizure  by  the  French  of  the 
Mississippi  mouth  and,  when  the  embargo  is  proclaimed,  is 
perplexed,  finding  no  one  who  can  explain  the  circumstances, 
on  which  it  is  predicated  and  passed.  If  France  threatens 
and  England  shows  every  disposition  to  peace,  why  does  con 
gress  pass  an  act  which  bears  injuriously  on  both,  as  it  oper 
ates  a  complete  suspension  of  foreign  trade.  McHenry  wished 
Pickering  and  the  other  friends  would  visit  him  on  New 
Year's  Day  and  wrote  that  he  had  been  little  in  Baltimore 
for  the  past  four  months,  as  he  had  been  much  indisposed  of 
late. 

Pickering  answered  this  letter  two  days  later : 

"City  of  Washington  Deer.  26.  1807. 
"Dear  Sir, 

''Till  last  evening,  when  I  received  your  letter  of  the 
24th  I  had  not  known  that  you  had  been  out  of  health:  I  am 
happy  to  find  that  you  are  getting  better,  and  hope  for  your 
perfect  recovery  &  long  enjoyment  of  the  first  of  earthly 
blessings. 

"To  explain  the  conduct  of  an  administration,  in  which 
wisdom  has  little  agency,  &  principle  still  less,  would  puzzle 
a  more  sagacious  head  than  mine.  Yet  I  have  thought,  for 
many  months  past,  that  the  whole  train  of  their  proceedings, 
since  the  attack  on  the  Chesapeake,  admitted  of  a  solution ;  & 
till  within  a  month  I  was  satisfied  my  reasoning  was  correct. 
I  have  since  entertained  some  doubt. 

"I  took  it  for  granted  that  Mr.  Jefferson  would  endure 
almost  any  thing,  rather  than  engage  ^n  war :  for  he  had  placed 
his  greatest  merit  in  having  preserved  the  U.  States  in  peace. 
Peace  was  ever  in  his  mouth;  &  it  seemed  to  be  the  leading 
principle  in  his  administration.  War  would  greatly  dimin 
ish,  if  not  destroy  the  revenue ;  —  a  war  with  England  would 
annihilate  it.  The  national  debt,  of  the  gradual  extinction 
of  which  he  makes  his  annual  ostentatious  parade,  would  rap- 

1  Printed  in  Green  Bag,  xvi,  172.  See  also  Md.  Hist.  Mag.  for  Dec., 
1906. 


1803-1812]  of  James  McHenry  537 

idly  be  increased:  and  commercial  revenue  failing,  internal 
taxes  must  be  resorted  to:  and  all  these  evils  combined,  he 
would  think  sufficient  to  destroy  his  popularity.  And,  there 
fore,  I  had  uniformly  said,  that  he  would  as  soon  hang  him 
self  as  go  to  war. 

' '  Such  was  my  reasoning  —  and  I  felt  vexed  with  my 
mercantile  friends  in  Massachusetts,  for  suspending  their  bus 
iness,  upon  Mr.  Jefferson's  artificial  alarm  of  war,  merely  be 
cause  the  Leopard  had  attacked  the  Chesapeake  &  taken  out 
four  deserters.  But  I  must  make  this  apology  for  them  — 
they  supposed  his  proclamation  to  be  true,  in  all  its  parts: 
whereas  I  was  morally  certain,  that  in  its  most  essential  parts, 
it  was  false ;  &  so  I  did  not  hesitate  to  pronounce  it.  I  knew 
the  British  did  not  and  would  not  claim  it  as  a  right,  to  search 
our  national  armed  ships.  I  was  sure  that  they  would  not 
voluntarily  increase  the  number  of  their  enemies,  especially 
by  a  wanton  attack  on  the  U.  States,  their  .best  customers. 
In  the  nature  of  things,  it  was  impossible  the  attack  could  be 
'unprovoked.'  Capt.  Humphrey's  taking  out  only  the  deser 
ters,  previously  and  repeatedly  demanded  &  refused,  while 
he  left  untouched  other  known  British  subjects,  demonstrated 
that  the  conduct  of  our  government  &  its  officers,  had  been 
marked  with  aggravated  insults  and  injuries.  The  President 
said  this  attack  was  made,  after  it  had  been  'ascertained'  that 
the  men  taken  were  native  citizens  of  the  U.  States.  This 
also  I  pronounced  to  be  false ;  and  insidious  as  well  as  false : 
Of  its  falsehood,  the  proofs  are  before  the  public.  It  was 
insidious,  because  it  was  intended  to  be  understood  by  the 
people,  that  these  men  were  poor  impressed  Americans.  It 
is  in  proof  that  they  had  all  voluntarily  entered  on  board  the 
British  ships  &  two  of  them  only  American  citizens. 

"It  was  insidious,  because  he  meant  the  people  should 
believe  that  the  native  citizenship  of  the  deserters  had  beeu 
'ascertained'  to  the  British  commander:  otherwise  the  taking 
them  by  force  was  not  'marked'  with  peculiar  'character'  of 
atrocity,  or  of  blame. 

"Well  —  the  alarm  of  war  was  raised  &  industriously 
propagated,  by  all  the  presidential  partisans.  Indignation 
was  kindled  into  a  flame,  throughout  the  Union.  To  confirm 
the  belief  of  an  impending  war,  100,000  militia  were  ordered 
to  be  detached,  to  be  ready  to  march  and  fight  the  British 
Navy !  This  was  a  measure  so  perfectly  ridiculous,  that  we 
should  have  thought  no  man  of  common  sense  would  have 


538  Life  and  Correspondence       [CHAP,  xvm 

hazarded  his  reputation  upon  it.  But,  Visionary  as  he  is, 
Mr.  Jefferson  knows,  incomparably  better  than  his  oppon 
ents,  how  to  address  himself  to  the  nonsense  of  the  multitude. 
And  they  are  now  so  completely  the  dupes  of  his  hypocrisy 
that  'tho'  he  laugh  on  them,  they  believe  it  not.' 

' '  The  attack  was  on  the  22d.  of  June.  Early  in  July  he 
issued  his  proclamation.  In  that  he  announced  his  intention 
to  demand  reparation  of  the  British  Government.  The  Re 
venge  was  ordered  to  be  got  in  readiness  to  carry  his  demands 
to  London :  and,  doubtless,  she  might  have  been  dispatched  in 
eight-&-forty  hours.  Yet  she  was  detained  till  the  28th  of 
July.  For  what  reason  ?  To  give  time  for  the  leaven  he  had 
conveyed  into  the  public  mind  to  ferment.  It  operated  to  his 
utmost  wrish.  And  when  at  the  highest  point  of  effervescence 
-  he  ordered  the  Revenge  to  sail :  carrying  with  her  declara 
tions  and  demonstrations  of  universal  wrath  against  Britain, 
and  of  the  disposition  of  the  people  to  go  to  war  with  her, 
unless  she  yielded  all  the  points  on  which  Mr.  Jefferson  had 
insisted.  The  Attack  on  the  Chesapeake,  in  the  actual  state 
of  the  public  mind,  wras  to  be  used  as  a  political  engine,  to  ex 
tort  from  Great  Britain,  not  merely  the  most  ample  reparation 
for  that  wrong,  but  the  favourite  point  of  exempting  from  im 
press  all  persons  sailing  in  merchant  vessels,  under  the  Amer 
ican  flag.  What  other  advantages  he  aimed  at  and  insisted 
on,  I  do  not  sanguinely  conjecture;  tho'  probably,  it  was  that 
freedom  of  commerce  which  would  admit  us,  under  the  title 
of  neutrals,  to  become  the  auxiliaries  of  France,  in  carrying 
on  her  commerce  &  that  of  her  vassal  states,  with  one  another, 
with  their  colonies,  and  with  the  whole  world.  And  he  and 
his  partisans  were  weak  enough  to  imagine,  that  with  such 
peremptory  demands  — with  his  hundred  thousand  militia  — 
with  the  people 's  bullying  rage  —  and  terrible  denunciations 
of  war  —  the  British  Ministry  would  be  frightened  into  com 
pliance!  But,  alas!  they  were  not  frightened.  They  mani 
fested  the  steadiness  of  men  of  sense  &  firmness,  and  that 
regard  to  justice  and  respect  for  our  neutral  rights,  wrhich 
ensured  a  fit  reparation.  All  this  was  manifested  before  the 
Revenge  arrived,  before  any  demand  of  reparation  was  pre 
sented.  What  followed  in  London,  all  America  knows.  The 
instructions  to  Mr.  Munroe,  to  link  together  inseparably  the 
Chesapeake  affair  ivifh  other  claims,  prove  Mr.  Jefferson's 
design  to  extort  what  in  fair  negotiation  he  had  found  Britain 
would  not  yield. 


1803-1812]  of  James  McHenry  539 

"As  soon  as  I  saw  the  President's  proclamation  for  a 
premature  session  of  Congress  —  I  saw  and  declared  it  to  be 
part  of  the  same  contemptible  farce.  It  was  designed  to  hold 
out  to  G.  Britain,  this  language.  'You  must  make  reparation 
promptly,  and  you  must  concede  the  other  points  I  have  in 
sisted  on:  otherwise,  Congress,  whom  I  have  summoned  to 
meet  six  weeks  earlier  than  their  ordinary  period,  will  declare 
war  against  you. '  Now  you  will  recollect  that  in  his  message, 
on  our  assembling,  he  showed  that  he  had  not  expected  by 
that  time,  an  answer  from  London.  But  a  special  Envoy 
was  coming,  to  make,  in  the  most  respectful  way,  honorable 
amends.  With  a  knowledge  of  this,  what  ought  to  have  been 
the  conduct  of  our  Government  ?  When  peace  and  amity  and 
friendly  intercourse  &  commerce  were  evidently  desired  by 
Britain ;  —  if  we  felt  a  corresponding  disposition,  should  we 
seize  every  occasion  —  and  even  without  occasion,  go  out  of 
our  way,  for  topics  of  abuse,  for  insulting  language,  for  ir 
ritating  measures?  However,  I  construed  all  this  silly  blus 
ter,  all  this  billingsgate,  (as  derogatory  to  the  dignity  of  a 
legislative  body,  as  it  was  indecorous  towards  G.  Britain)  by 
the  same  rule  as  I  had  done  in  regard  to  the  previous  proceed 
ings  of  the  dominant  party.  Unquestionably,  while  they  gave 
vent  to  their  imbecile  rage,  they  expected  to  inspire  Britain 
with  dread  of  our  wrath  &  our  arms.  Hence  these  ebulli 
tions  of  words,  were  accompanied  with  Appearances  of  prep 
aration  for  war.  Gun-boats  and  fortifications  are  talked  of 
&  talked  of  —  and  at  length  voted :  propositions  for  an  army 
of  thirty  thousand  men  are  hinted  at  —  then  made  and  the 
Secretary  of  War  is  called  on  for  his  estimate  of  the  expense 
of  raising  &  maintaining  them  for  one  year:  and  here  this 
mighty  army  still  rests.  In  the  mean  time,  a  bill  is  brought 
into  the  Senate,  to  add  to  our  peace  establishment,  one  regi 
ment  of  infantry,  one  battalion  of  Cavalry,  and  one  battalion 
of  rifle-men !  Such  a  bill  was  last  year  brought  in  by  Samuel 
Smith,  &  passed  in  the  Senate,  but  was^ejected  at  once  in  the 
house.  Now  the  measure  is  renewed,  evidently  in  the  expect 
ation,  that  in  the  midst  of  this  military  bluster,  it  may  be 
smuggled  thro '  the  house.  It  has  passed  the  Senate,  as  before. 

"Next  comes  the  Embargo.  For  the  motives  —  I  mean 
the  ostensible  motives  of  the  President,  I  must  refer  you  to 
the  article  'Embargo'  in  the  National  Intelligencer  of  Wed 
nesday  &  Friday,  the  23d  &  25th  instant.  The  first  is  an 
elaborate,  long-studied  justification  of  the  measure;  and  is 


540  Life  and  Correspondence       [CHAP,  xvm 

undoubtedly  the  work  of  Jefferson  or  Madison,  or  the  fruit 
of  their  joint  efforts.  The  second  is  a  continuation  of  the 
same  —  some  after-thoughts.  In  this,  one  truth  has  escaped 
from  their  pen :  the  embargo  is  designed  as  a  weapon  of  ne- 
gociation.  But  I  have  got  into  a  third  sheet,  without  answer 
ing  your  plain  question.  Upon  what  circumstances  is  the 
embargo  predicated1!  Really  not  upon  anything  communi 
cated  to  Congress,  which  had  not  been  previously  known,  & 
literally  or  substantially  published,  in  all  the  news-papers 
from  Boston  to  Washington !  Why  then  so  much  secrecy  ? 
By  a  solemn  confidential  message  &  closed  doors,  within  two 
or  three  days  after  the  arrival  of  Dr.  Bullers  from  France, 
with  dispatches  from  our  minister  there,  to  raise  high  the 
public  expectation :  to  keep  up  the  apprehensions  of  impend 
ing  danger  &  war;  and  so  cause  the  mischievous  measure  to 
go  down  more  smoothly;  and  excite  a  belief  of  its  indispensa 
ble  necessity,  for  the  public  safety;  without  which,  the  great  & 
good  &  wise  Mr.  Jefferson,  the  father  of  his  country,  —  would 
not  have  recommended  it. 

' '  The  answer  of  Regnier,  the  Grand  Judge,  to  the  French 
Atty.  General,  &  the  British  proclamation  of  Octr.  16,  calling 
for  a  return  of  British  subjects  to  their  own  colours  &  coun 
try,  were  all  the  documents  the  President  would  trust  the 
Senate  with,  and  all  which  on  this  occasion  he  laid  before 
Congress;  excepting  the  letter  (a  short  one)  from  Armstrong 
to  Champagny,  &  the  answer  of  Champagny,  which  you  will 
see  by  his  message,  the  President  ordered  to  be  returned,  un 
published.  These  two  letters  also  were  solely  on  the  subject 
of  the  imperial  decree  of  Bonaparte,  of  Novr.  21.  1806.  and 
their  contents  ought  to  have  been  made  public.  But  Cham 
pagny 's  contained  a  constriction  of  the  decree  which  French 
impudence  only  would  have  formally  declared :  and  this  prob 
ably  was  the  principal  reason  why  Mr.  J.  did  not  think  proper 
to  have  the  contents  of  the  two  letters  published.  Suppose 
I  should  tell  you  that  this  letter,  which  I  am  now  scribbling 
to  you,  was  written  with  red  ink :  would  you  believe  me  ?  I 
wish  I  was  at  liberty  to  particularize  these  letters. 

"I  just  learn  that  Smith,  the  President's  printer,  is  strik 
ing  off  in  hand-bills,  immense  quantities  of  the  embargo- 
law,  with  the  two  justificatory  pieces  (before  mentioned)  an 
nexed,  to  be  circulated  thro 'out  the  U.  States:  to  preoccupy 
the  public  mind,  and  convince  the  people  of  the  wisdom  & 
necessity  of  the  measure.  But  nature  will  rebel  against  rea- 


1803-1812]  of  James  Me  Henry  541 

son :  the  actual  sufferings  &  losses,  even  of  good  democrats, 
will  produce  a  clamour  that  will  reach  the  palace:  and  the 
act  must  be  repealed. 

"I  have  time  to  say  but  a  word  more.  Mr.  Jefferson  is 
unquestionably  terribly  afraid  of  Bonaparte  —  While  he  hates 
England.  The  power  of  the  latter  (I  have  reason  to  believe) 
he  thinks  cannot  much  longer  be  upheld :  some  of  his  creatures 
say  —  not  many  months.  He  will  not  declare  war  against  G. 
Britain  —  while  he  provokes  it  —  provokes  her  to  .strike  first, 
to  make  her  appear  to  be  the  aggressor.  He  then  may  mount 
his  war-horse;  and,  Britain  hunted  down,  &  gasping,  he  may 
come  in  at  the  death-  and  have  some  merit  with  the  world's 
master. 

"I  commit  this  letter  to  your  prudence.  Very  sincerely 
yours 

"T.  PICKERING" 

McHenry  wrote  Pickering  again,  before  going  to  church, 
on  Sunday  morning,  January  3,  1808,  stating  that  he  believes 
the  federal  administration,  "whose  wisdom  is  mystery  and 
whose  weapons  are  deception,"  tried  to  force  Great  Britain 
to  declare  war  on  us  and  asking  if  the  British  ministry  are 
sufficiently  informed  and  enlightened  to  adopt  a  pacific  policy. 
Tracy  has  died  and  we  have  no  longer  his  aid.  All  the 
friends  of  peace  in  congress  must  declare  themselves. 

McHenry 's  younger  son,  John,  sailed  for  Europe  in  1807 
and  spent  several  months  on  the  continental  tour.  When  he 
arrived  at  Paris,  he  found  that  Lafayette's  wife  had  just 
died,  of  which  event  Lafayette  wrote  McHenry: 

"Auteuil  January  llth  1808 
"My  Dear  McHenry 

"Your  letter  of  an  Old  Date  and  a  Card  from  Your  Son 
Were  Left  for  me  in  the  Most  Cruel  Moments  that  Can  tear 
the  Heart  of  Man  —  Overwhelmed  With  the  Loss  of  an  Ador 
able  Wife  Who  During  thirty  four  Years  Had  been  the  Bless 
ing  of  My  Life,  I  was  Carried  to  this  place,  Where  for  Some 
Days  I  Attended  Nothing  But  My  family  and  our  Common 
Grief,  the  first  thing  that  Struck  me  Was  Your  Son's  pres 
ence  in  paris,  the  first  thing  I  did  Was  to  propose  a  Meet 
ing  the  More  Confidently,  as  I  expected  He  Would  Stay  Some 
time  in  town  —  it  is  only  Last  Night  I  Heard  He  Was  going 
the  Day  after  this  —  I  Went  this  Morning  to  paris,  and  So 


542  Life  and  Correspondence       [CHAP,  xvm 

did  My  Son  —  there  We  were  told  He  Was  at  Versailles,  and 
intended  to  Set  out  to  Morrow  Very  early—  I  still  Am  in 
Hopes  to  See  him,  But  Hasten  to  Send  this  Line  to  You,  Ex 
pressing  My  Heartfelt  Regret  not  to  Have  Better  improved 
the  whole  time  of  his  passage  through  paris  —  I  Know,  My 
Dear  McHenry  You  will  sympathize  With  me  —  Most  Af 
fectionately  Your  Constant  friend 

' '  LAFAYETTE ' ' 

On  March  20,  Stoddert  writes  to  McHenry  from  George 
town  to  tell  him  of  the  breaking  of  the  negotiations  with  the 
British  minister. 

''Dear  Sir 

"I  rec'd  your  favor  by  Mr  Boyd  —  but  too  late  to  say 
any  thing  by  him.  I  should  say  nothing  now,  but  that  it 
may  be  interesting  to  you  or  your  Friends,  to  know,  that  the 
neg'n  with  Mr  Rose  is  certainly  ended.  He  departs  about 
Wednesday,  as  Mr  Foster,  who  goes  with  him,  just  informed 
me.  From  a  quarter  I  can  rely  on,  I  have  it  from  Mr.  Madi 
son,  that  this  important  thing,  has  gone  off  in  this  trifling 
way.  Mr.  Rose  declared  his  ability  &  inclination  to  make 
complete  satisfaction  for  the  Chesapeake  outrage  —  but  be 
fore  he  could  advance  further,  he  required  that  the  Prests 
proclamation  should  be  withdrawn  —  After  sometime,  our 
Gov.  yielded  so  far  as  to  say  it  should  be  withdrawn  after 
satisfaction  *  *  do  not  agree  to  withdraw  it  before  — 

and  so  the  *  *  ended. 

' '  Neither  party  expect  it  will  lead  to  war  —  the  King 
of  England  is  now  to  determine  whether  he  will  yield  the 
point  of  honor  —  if  there  is  a  point  of  honor  in  it. 

"Do  you  not  clearly  see  in  this  the  fears  of  our  Gov  to 
accomodate  with  England,  lest  France  should  be  upon  us.  I 
do  not  believe  there  is  any  love  for  France  left.  But  there 
is  great  fear.  Mr  Jefferson  thinks  the  Embargo  will  cover 
everything  —  on  that  he  is  willing  to  rely.  I  suspect  the 
People  will  be  outrageous  when  they  hear  that  Rose  is  gone, 
&  this  great  evil  is  to  continue.  If  you  want  to  understand 
the  British  Doctrine  in  this  case,  look  at  the  affair  of  Nootka 
Sound.  I  have  not  a  doubt  they  are  right  &  that  our  Gov 
knew  it  —  but  was  determined  to  find  some  obstacle.  Yet  I 
do  not  believe  they  wish  the  quarrel  to  go  further  with  Eng 
land. 


1803-1812]  of  James  Me  Henry  543 

"God  knows  what  I  am  myself  to  do  in  these  times,  when 
money,  plenty  as  it  is,  is  all  locked  up  from  any  employment. 
I  hoped,  being  so  very  low  in  price,  I  should  have  sold  my 
little  farm  'ere  this  —  &  got  to  Blads  —  but  I  seem  further 
off  than  ever.     Yet  here  I  cannot  live  —  nor  can  I  move  from 
hence.     But  I  must  have  patience  —  &  fortitude. 
"Dr  sir  very  sincerely  yrs. 
"BEN  STODDERT. " 


Stoddert   wrote  again  from   Georgetown  on  March  31, 
1808: 


"Dr  Sir 

"It  may  be  interesting  to  you  &  your  friends  to  know 
the  account  of  the  communication  from  the  President  yester 
day,  with  closed  doors.  Mr.  Pinkney  had  had  a  conference 
with  Mr  Canning  on  the  subject  of  the  proclamation,  with 
which  the  latter  expressed  himself  well  satisfied  &  reiterated 
assurances  of  the  friendly  disposition  of  that  court  towards 
us  —  the  despatches  from  France  were  of  a  nature  to  excite 
both  indignation  &  alarm  —  In  reply  to  several  notes  from 
Genl  Armstrong  on  the  subject,  generally  as  I  understood  of 
American  vessels  in  the  power  of  France  —  Mr  Champagne 
had  written,  after  communicating  with  the  Emperor,  in  sub 
stance  to  this  effect  —  that  the  U.  S.,  considering  the  high 
provocation  rec'd,  should  have  declared  war  against  Britain 
—  and  associated  herself  with  the  Powers  of  the  continent  to 
restore  Freedom  to  the  seas  —  that,  in  fact,  the  Emperor  con 
sidered  the  U.  S.  at  wrar  with  England  ever  since  the  date  of 
certain  decrees — (whether  his  own,  or  those  of  Britain  I 
know  not. )  —  and  that  as  to  the  American  vessels,  they  were 
put  in  a  state  of  sequestration  &  their  ultimate  fate  would 
probably  be  governed  by  the  conduct  of  the  U.  S.  in  regard 
to  Britain. 

"This  information  I  collected  in  a  way  to  be  pretty  cer 
tain  of  its  correctness  except  perhaps  in  not  representing  the 
letter  of  Champagne  to  Armstrong,  in  a  view  quite  so  bad 
as  the  truth.  Yet  if  it  goes  into  the  papers  as  a  letter  from 
this  quarter,  &  a  member  should  be  accused  of  betraying  a 
secret,  I  could  not  give  up  my  informant  —  &  therefore,.  I 
wish  you  not  to  send  it  to  the  press,  nor  communicate  the  con- 


544  Life  and  Correspondence       [CHAP,  xvm 

tents  as  from  me,  except  to  Mr.   Oliver,  &  your  particular 
Friends. 

' '  There  was  a  letter  from  Armstrong  of  22  Jany  —  ac 
companied  by  extracts  of  conversations  held  with  the  min 
ister — either  the  letter,  or  the  extracts,  held  up  the  expec 
tation  that  the  vessels  were  expected  to  be  given  up  —  Cham 
pagne 's  letter  just  mentioned  was  dated  15  Jany  — this  sub 
sequent  communication  from  Armstrong,  seemed  to  convey 
a  change  of  disposition  on  the  part  of  France  —  but  the  ex 
tracts  were  without  dates  —  &  the  members  not  understand 
ing  whether  the  conversations  wrere  before  or  after  the  15th, 
tho'  certainly  it  was  meant  by  the  press  to  convey  the  Idea, 
they  were  after  —  they  passed  a  resolution  appointing  a  com 
mittee  to  wait  on  him  for  dates  —  this  passed  by  a  majority 
not  inconsiderable  &  is  some  symptom  of  approaching  distrust 
in  Executive  infallibility. 

"All  idea  of  war  with  Britain  seems  now  at  an  end  —  & 
the  talk  is  —  war  with  France  —  But  if  to  be  avoided  by  cun 
ning  without  much  aid  from  wisdom,  we  shall  have  war  with 
neither. 

"Strong  efforts  will  be  made  to  have  these  communica 
tions  made  public. 

"You  see  in  the  whole  correspondence  between  our  Gov. 
&  Britain  a  predetermination  on  our  part  to  make  no  ac- 
comodation  —  yet  we  do  not  want  to  go  to  war  —  but  to  have 
just  so  much  quarrel  with  Britain  as  to  prevent  war  with 
France  —  but  Bonaparte  seems  to  be  penetrating  the  views 
of  Mr.  Jefferson,  &  will  no  longer  be  deluded  by  appearances, 
however  specious. 

"I  hope  somebody  will  take  up  Mr.  Madison's  letter  to 
Rose  &  do  Pub  Justice  —  to  me  it  appears  destitute  of  truth 
—  &  sound  argument.  His  premises  are  generally  false  — 
but  it  is  cunning  and  he  knew  the  mass  were  ready  to  swallow 
any  thing.  Before  the  printing  was  finished,  many  who  have 
not  yet  read  it,  pronounced  it  to  be  a  complete  triumph  over 
Rose  —  who,  by  the  bye,  scarcely  knew  what  to  do  Avith  good 
matter. 

' '  I  am  still  here  —  &  God  knows  when  I  shall  get  away  to 
Blad'g  —  for  in  the  present  state  of  ihings,  even  men's  facul 
ties  seem  to  be  locked  up  —  as  well  as  their  money,  &  the  pro 
ducts  of  the  country.  The  latter  would  be  unlocked,  if  the 
executive  could  really  be  convinced  the  Embargo  began  to  be 
unpopular.  I  have  it  from  good  authority,  that  no  man  has 


1803-1812]  of  James  McHenry  545 

yet  said  to  Mr  Jefferson,  that  it  did  not  greatly  please  the 
country. 

"I  am  D  sir  very  truly  yrs  &c 

' '  BEN  STODDERT.  l 

"I  know  not  whether  I  spell  the  French  minister's  namo 
right  —  Champagne  —  you  know  the  fellow  I  mean." 

Tallmadge  also  writes  about  this  time  of  eongressiom  1 
and  New  England  matters : 

"Washington  March  25th.  1808. 
"Dear  Sir 

"I  now  learn  that  the  Monument  designed  to  commem 
orate  the  Name  of  our  friend  Tracy,  is  to  be  raised  next  week. 
As  Mr  Blodget  intends  to  record  the  names  of  those  who  con 
tribute  their  mite  to  this  laudable  Undertaking,  you  will  be 
pleased  to  furnish  the  names  of  those  persons  in  your  Vicinity 
who  wish  to  promote  it.  I  understand  that  his  plan  admits 
of  but  one  Dollar  to  each  Subscriber. 

"We  have  now  compleated  four  Days  in  reading  Docu 
ments  communicated  to  Congress  by  the  President,  on  the 
22d  instant.  Both  Houses  have  been  in  conclave  during  the 
reading,  but  the  principle  part  of  the  papers  will  be  printed 
for  the  benefit  of  the  Sovereign  people.  It  will  be  a  volum 
inous  publication,  but  the  Senate  have  ordered  500  copies  & 
the  House  of  Reps.  5000  do  to  be  printed.  Thus  the  great 
Dearth,  is  to  be  succeeded  by  a  redundance  of  Information^ 
such  as  it  is. 

"We  have  gone  through  with  the  papers  which  relate  to 
G.  Britain,  &  tomorrow  expect  to  take  a  peep  across  the  Chan- 

1  An  undated  note  of  Stoddert's  from  about  this  time  is  as  follows: 
"Dr  Sir 

"Simmons  who  was  formerly  so  subservient  to  Wilkinson,  has  be 
come  his  Enemy,  which  one  would  think  was  an  evidence  of  some  favor 
able  change  in  the  conduct  of  the  Genl.  —  and  opposes  all  he  can,  the 
sett!  of  his  Public  accots.  The  Genl.  however,  is  likely  to  out  general 
him.  He  sent  me  this  letter  sometime  since,  I  wished  your  reply  might 
reach  him  at  Washington  about  the  15  Inst. 

"We  shall  certainly  have  no  war  with  Spain  Pinkney  I  under 
stand,  has  not  raised  his  reputation  even  with  the  men  in  power.  We 
shall  keep  the  country  —  &  wait  for  an  attack  from  Spain.  France  will 
not  let  Spain  attack  while  she  has  occasion  for  all  the  money  of  Spain. 
In  process  of  time  when  England  is  off  her  hands,  it  may  be  convenient 
to  set  Spain  upon  us.  At  any  rate,  it  is  good,  always  to  have  a  pretence 
for  Quarrel,  to  be  made  use  of  or  not,  as  she  may  see  occasion.  These 
men  rely  on  France  in  this  dispute — and  attribute  to  the  friendship  of 
France  for  us,  what  we  owe  only  to  her  desire  to  engross  all  the  money 
of  Spain. 

"D  sir  yrs.  very  truly 
"BEN   STODDERT." 


546  Life  and  Correspondence       [CHAP,  xvm 

nel.  I  fear  this  information  will  be  limited.  The  Letter 
from  Mr  Munroe,  of  a  late  Date,  is  not  much  relished  by  the 
Jeffersonian  &  Maddisonian  party.  They  would  be  glad  to 
dispense  both  with  the  reading  &  the  printing  of  that  Letter, 
which  I  presume  will  be  called  up  tomorrow  —  From  present 
appearances,  I  think  some  noise  will  grow  out  of  all  this 
parade  of  publicity  &c  &c. 

' '  The  Spirit  of  76  seems  to  be  again  breaking  out  in  New 
England.  In  Northhampton  the  people  have  assembled  & 
voted  on  public  measures  like  freemen,  &  have  recommended 
similar  meetings  through  the  county.  In  the  State  of  New 
Hampshire,  the  dominant  party  begins  to  take  back  Ground, 
&  hopes  are  entertained  that  the  Embargo  may  prove  an  use 
ful  medicine.  If  these  primary  Assemblies  should  begin  to 
act  with  vigor,  my  word  for  it,  the  higher  constituted  Authori 
ties  will  feel  their  Influence. 

"I  am  D  Sir,  very  affectionately 
"&  Sincerely  yours, 

"BENJ.  TALLMADGE. 
' '  Saturday  morning  26th  March 

"P.  S.  Since  I  wrote  the  foregoing,  I  have  procured  a 
No.  Hampton  paper  which  I  will  enclose  for  your  perusal. 
A  letter  from  a  Gentleman  at  N.  Hampton,  just  reed.,  re 
marks  that,  in  consequence  of  the  Notification  expressed  in 
the  4th  vote,  Meetings  had  been  legally  warned  &  held 
through  Hampshire  County  (of  which  No.  Hampton  is  the 
County  Town)  &  that  between  50  &  60  Towns  had  united  to 
petition  Congress  &c  &c.  These  petitions  may  soon  be  ex 
pected  at  the  seat  of  Government.  As  soon  as  these  Events 
are  made  known,  I  presume  the  Majority  will  begin  to  talk 
about  an  Adjournment  of  Congress  &c" 

On  March  29,  McHenry  introduced  to  Pickering  Mr.  Wil 
liam  Cook,  a  retired  lawyer  of  Baltimore,  a  wealthy  and  much 
esteemed  man  of  sense,  formerly  a  Tory,  who  is  now  presi 
dent  of  the  Maryland  bank  and  whose  son  is  in  Paris,  prose 
cuting  a  claim  against  the  French  government.  McHenry 
had  read  gladly  Pickering's  letter  to  Sullivan,  and  had  added 
his  mite  of  approbation  in  a  letter  sent  to  Wagner's  paper. 

Pickering  replied  on  April  8,  after  the  appearance  of 
McHenry 's  article: 


1803-1812]  of  James  Me  Henry  547 

"Dear  Sir, 

"I  have  made  inquiry  for  Callender's  Prospect  Before 
Us;  but  have  not  yet  obtained  it.  Have  you  the  book?  If 
not,  can  you  procure  and  send  it  to  me  immediately?  If  you 
cannot;  get  the  book,  can  you  send  me  any  extracts  (some 
were  formerly  given  in  News-Papers)  which  pointedly  re 
proach  General  Washington  as  well  as  Mr.  Adams?  If  you 
find  neither  book  nor  extracts,  will  you  be  so  good  as  to  write 
me,  from  your  recollection,  the  principal  expressions  against 
one  or  both  those  Presidents  ?  Have  you  copies  of  Jefferson 's 
two  letters  to  Callender?  I  have  heretofore  seen  the  ori 
ginals.  My  object  respecting  these  letters  is,  to  prove  that 
Jefferson  encouraged  Callender  to  write  the  book,  and  actu 
ally  caused  50  dollars  to  be  paid  him  by  Geo.  Jefferson  at 
Richmond.  Perhaps  Judge  Chase  has  the  Prospect  before  us. 

"I  see,  my  dear  friend,  that  the  'story'  which  I  told 
for  your  individual  amusement,  you  have  worked  up  into  a 
public  vindication  of  the  character  of  the  writer:  and  Mr. 
Dana  thinks  you  have  given  a  Rowland  for  the  Oliver  of  my 
unprincipled  enemies.  But  When  in  a  Second  letter  I  re 
ferred  to  the  'Story'  it  was  simply  to  point  to  the  applica 
bility  of  a  very  local  to  a  national  subject,  lest,  reading  it 
slightly,  you  should  think  it  a  trifling  &  impertinent  tale : 
but  I  did  not  even  dream  of  its  ever  meeting  the  public  eye. 
I  do  not  conjecture  what  notice  may  be  taken  of  it:  but  tho' 
it  be  exactly  true,  perhaps  Rowland  may  be  again  required 
to  appear  on  the  stage  to  vindicate  its  publication. 

"With  great  truth 
"I  am  yours 

"TIMOTHY  PICKERING" 

On  April  11,  McHenry  answered  that  he  cannot  get  the 
book,  but  that  the  worst  parts  are  reprinted  in  the  reports  of 
Chase's  trial.  Two  days  later,  McHenry  wrote  again,  send 
ing  the  desired  extracts  from  a  copy  of  the  book  which  he  has 
procured  and  asking  whether  the  rumor  is  true  that  Arm 
strong's  last  dispatches  are  worst  of  all.  Pickering  answered 
these  letters  on  April  15: 

"Dear  Sir, 

"Last  evening  I  reed,  your  favour  of  the  13th.  with  ex 
tracts  from  the  Prospect  before  us,  which  will  answer  my  pur 
pose  fully.  I  am  very  much  obliged  by  the  pains  you  have 


548  Life  and  Correspondence       [CHAP,  xvm 

taken  to  procure  me  information.  I  am  doubtful,  however, 
whether  I  shall  find  time  before  the  close  of  the  session  to 
take  up  the  Hero  of  Carter's  Mountain.  I  have  Sullivan  at 
the  Post  with  my  cat  o'  nine  tails  ready.  But  the  first  whip 
ping  must  be  at  Boston :  Perhaps  he  may  be  carted  thro ' 
other  States ;  notwithstanding  the  personality  of  the  thing. 

"The  scourging  is  for  a  long  and  impudent  and  false 
letter  which  he  sent  in  answer  to  my  second  to  him ;  in  which 
his  offences  are  so  numerous  &  aggravated  as  to  demand  long 
&  strong  animadversions,  my  difficulty  is  to  bring  them  within 
a  reading  compass.  Would  you  believe  that  this  rascal  in 
sinuates  that  I  was  concerned  in  Burr's  conspiracy?  He  got 
ashamed  and  afraid  of  his  own  letter,  and,  therefore,  pub 
lished  only  some  pretended  extracts,  to  serve  his  then  pend 
ing  election :  But  the  extracts  are  in  fact  forgeries ;  not  one 
corresponding  with  the  original.  I  shall  publish  his  whole 
letter  &  expose  his  baseness  and  Deliberate  Lying. 

"This  slander,  joined  with  torrents  of  abuse  kept  up  in 
one  continued  stream  since  my  first  letter  obtained  so  great 
a  run,  has  determined  me,  at  length,  to  come  forth  with  a 
defence  of  my  character.  And  this,  my  dear  friend  will  con 
sist  of  a  simple  narrative  of  my  public  life  during  the  last  39 
years.  You  will  see  (for  I  will  take  care  to  send  it  to  you) 
that  the  facts  require  no  comments.  Such  a  review  I  never 
before  took;  and  but  for  this  occasion,  my  children  &  friends 
would  have  not  known  my  strong  grounds  of  vindication. 
The  throng  of  business  at  the  close  of  a  session  will  probably 
prevent  my  meditated  attack  on  higher  game  than  Sullivan. 
My  very  long  letter  to  him  in  answer  to  his  of  March  18th, 
I  commenced  a  few  days  since,  at  leisure  hours;  and  now  I 
only  want  leisure  to  copy  it.  John  Smith's  trial  cost  a  whole 
week,  six  hours  a  day. 

"Have  you  Jefferson's  letter  to  Mazzei?  If  you  have, 
will  you  pardon  me  for  asking  the  additional  trouble  of  mak 
ing  out  a  copy  for  me  ? 

"Mr.  Hillhouse  has  proposed  some  radical  amendments 
to  the  Constitution.  John  AVescote  junr.,  who  will  be  found 
at  the  Globe  tavern,  Baltimore,  has  this  morning  taken  the 
amendments  with  Mr.  Hillhouse 's  explanatory  observations. 
They  merit  your  attention.  Highly  republican,  his  proposi 
tions  are  supported  by  reasons  which  cannot  be  overthrown. 
Nothing  will  save  our  Kepublic  but  their  adoption.  The 


1803-1812]  of  James  McHenry  549 

Printers  here  were  so  occupied  with  public  documents  &c 
that  it  was  necessary  to  send  the  amendments  &  explanations 
to  your  city.  500  copies  are  ordered  for  Congressmen.  If 
you  and  your  friends  wish  for  any,  the  printer  can  strike 
off  any  additional  number  you  &  they  may  wish.  This  public 
paper  ought  to  have  a  general  circulation. 

."Truly  &  affectionately  yours 

"T.  PICKERING. 

"P.  S.  Mr.  Hillhouse's  amendments  and  observations 
are  all  founded  on  experience,  and  digested,  as  you  will  see 
them,  with  long  attention  &  labour.  You  can  see  the  manu 
script  in  Westcott's  hands.  I  think  he  would  find  his  acct. 
(or  the  printer  he  employs)  in  printing  a  few  hundred  copies 
for  your  city  &  adjacent  country.  You  can  advise  him  wheth 
er  in  your  opinion  they  would  have  a  ready  sale  to  indemnify 
him." 

As  congress  reopened  in  1808,  McHenry  wrote  Pickering, 
on  December  3,  that  he  was  sorry  not  to  see  him  when  he 
passed  through  Baltimore,  and  wished  to  know  if  Pickering 
can  tell  him,  without  violation  of  confidence,  whether  Arm 
strong  has  advised  war  with  France,  or  an  arrangement  with 
England.  McHenry  suspects  that  those  who  cry  for  war 
with  both  countries  desire  it  with  England  alone.  On  the 
27th  he  writes  again,  regretting  the  abuse  of  Pickering  by 
the  government  writers,  thanking  him  for  copies  of  speeches 
sent  and  commenting  on  the  disgust  the  administration's  ad 
herents  show  at  the  British  victories  in  Spain. 

On  the  29th  Pickering  answers  him  as  follows  from 
Washington : 

''Dear  Sir, 

"Last  evening  I  received  your  favour  of  the  27th.  You 
will  believe  me  (for  you  know  me)  when  I  say,  that  in  no 
public  act  of  mine  have  I  calculated  on  'future  fame.'  I 
have  only  anticipated  the  approbation  of  a  certain  portion  of 
society  for  my  well-intended  endeavours  to  do  public  good; 
and  in  general,  not  even  that.  For  the  most  part  (and  al 
ways  at  the  outset)  I  have  thought  of  nothing  but  the  means  of 
doing  that  good,  or  of  counteracting  an  impending  evil.  To 
an  intimate  friend  only  would  I  express  these  sentiments. 

"I  am  gratified  to  receive  yours  with  many  other  testi 
monies  of  approbation.  The  reproaches  of  my  enemies  pro 
duce  no  other  effect  than  regret  that  my  labours  are  less  ex- 


550  Life  and  Correspondence       [CHAP,  xvm 

tensively  useful  than  my  wishes  would  make  them;  and  that 
their  perverseness  and  malice  prompt  them  to  sacrifice  the 
public  interest  to  their  resentments,  and  to  their  selfish  and 
ambitious  views. 

"Mr.  Jefferson  having  recommended  the  embargo  from 
motives  which  will  not  bear  the  light,  it  must  be  continued, 
in  order  to  support  his  sinking  reputation.  His  partisans 
having  linked  their  popularity  with  his,  will  go  all  lengths 
to  preserve  it.  Such  of  them  as  are  convinced  of  their  error, 
are  too  proud  to  admit,  by  abandoning  him,  that  they  have 
been  his  dupes.  The  evils  of  his  administration  must  con 
tinue  a  while  longer,  to  open  the  eyes  of  the  general  body  of 
the  people  who  can  think,  to  see  the  evidence  which  has  been 
and  probably  will  be  exhibited  of  the  greatest  political  im 
posture  that  ever  cursed  a  country  possessed  of  the  means, 
like  ours,  of  correct  information. 

"I  am  dear  sir 

"very  truly  yours 

' '  TIMOTHY  PICKERING.  ' ' 

Pickering  at  this  time  strongly  entertained  the  idea  of 
publishing  a  Federalist  history  of  the  past  fifteen  years  and 
on  January  19,  1809,  wrote  Jacob  Wagner,  now  publisher 
of  the  Federalist  newspaper  in  Baltimore,  the  following  let 
ter  :  l 


1  On  January  29,  McHenry  wrote  Pickering  and  followed  with  other 
letters  on  February  4,  8,  and  9,  attacking  the  administration  for  its 
foreign  policy,  etc. 

An  unpublished  letter  of  this  period  from  Pickering  deals  with  Gen. 
Wilkinson : 

"Washington    Feby.    5.    1809. 
"My   dear    Sir, 

"Last  evening  I  received  the  two  parts  of  the  Pretensions  ,of  Thomas 
Jefferson  for  the  Presidency,  which  I  will  take  care  to  return  to  you  as 
I  go  homeward. 

"The  inquiry  to  which  you  refer  respects  the  application  of  money 
profusely,  and  in  other  cases  in  direct  opposition  to  law,  by  the  Secy,  of 
War,  in  the  case  of  Genl.  Wilkinson  —  and  for  advancing  his  pay  up  to 
the  1  st  day  of  December,  1809,  when  he  stands  charged  on  the  account 
ants  books  with  upwards  of  ten  thousand  dollars  (to  Dearborne's  knowl 
edge)  &  has  been  repeatedly  pressed  to  come  to  a  settlement.  In  addi 
tion  to  all  this,  the  President  about  three  weeks  ago  gave  him  a  warrant 
for  secret  service  money  to  the  amount  of  1196  $. 

"Turn  to  the  law  of  March  16.  1802.  and  in  the  4th  section  you  will 
see  that  Wilkinson  is  to  receive  $225.  a  month  for  pay,  rations,  forage 
&c  excluding  every  other  perquisite  or  emolument.  Notwithstanding" 
which,  Dearborn  admitted  .his  acct.  of  $2033.  for  36  rations  a  day  at 
Natchitoches  &  New  Orleans,  including  quarters  and  stabling  &c.  for  6 
months  at  $100.  a  month;  the  rations  under  a  palpably  false  construction 
of  the  5th  section  of  the  same  act.  The  accountant  refused  to  pass  the 
acct.  So  the  President  &  Atty.  Genl.  were  resorted  to ;  and  on  their  order 
&  opinion,  the  comptroller  has  admitted  the  claim  of  $2033.  The  Atty. 
Genl.  seems  now  to  be  a  very  convenient  executive  instrument  to  furnish 


1803-1812]  of  James  McHcnry  551 

''Washington  Jany.  19,  1809. 
"Dear  Sir, 

"I  want  to  collect  materials  for  an  investigation  of  the 
source  of  the  calamities  which  distress  our  country.  This  will 
embrace  men  &  measures ;  but  above  all  Mr.  Jefferson,  whom 
I  consider  as  responsible,  primarily,  for  all.  It  appears  to 
me  indispensably  necessary  to  place  the  insidious  policy  & 
conduct,  &  the  unexampled  outrages  of  the  French  in  a  con 
spicuous  point  of  view  —  looking  back  to  the  negotiation  of 
1782  at  Paris,  where  but  for  the  penetration  &  firmness  of 
Mr.  Jay,  we  should  have  lost  the  fisheries,  the  western  terri 
tory  &  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi. 

"I  have  a  number  of  documents  in  Masstts  which  would 
be  useful;  but  they  will  [be]  unattainable  during  the  present 
session.  Have  you  the  instruction  of  the  Comtee.  of  public  Safe 
ty  to  Genet,  in  which  were  confessed  the  views  of  the  Court  of 
Louis  XVI  to  keep  us  back  and  check  our  growth.  If  you 
have  these  instructions,  I  wish  you  to  send  them  to  me  by  a 
safe  conveyance  —  I  will  return  them  as  I  go  home,  with  any 
other  documents  you  have  which  can  enter  into  the  investiga 
tion,  in  which  I  am  about  to  engage.  If  you  have  not  the 
instructions,  perhaps  you  may  find  them  at  Mr.  McHenry's. 
Perhaps  too  you  can  give  me  much  useful  information  on  the 
subject  of  my  inquiry,  consistently  with  the  honourable  con 
fidence  reposed  in  you  while  in  the  department  of  State. 

"I  shall  first  publish  a  short  answer  to  the  charge  of 
keeping  back  dispatches  from  Mr  Eppes,  made  in  the  House 
of  Representatives ;  and  I  had  thought  of  sending  it  for  inser 
tion  in  the  North  American  —  if  agreeable  to  you.  This  will 
be  the  introductory  address  to  the  people  of  the  IT.  States. 
But  mention  this  only  to  Mr.  McHenry  and  it  will  behoof  me 
to  be  rather  reserved  &  promise  little :  for  it  would  mortify  me 

the  form  of  a  legal  apology  for  illegal  acts.  His  opinion  in  the  cases  of 
Beau  march  a  is'  claim  and  Judge  Johnson's  Mandamus,  I  consider  as  of 
like  character. 

"Dearborn  was  nominated  to  be  collector  for  the  port 'of  Boston.  Ac 
cidentally  I  had  heard  of  some  of  these  facilities  in  expending  the  public 
money,  &  on  that  ground  objected  to  the  appointment. &  a  comtee  was  ap 
pointed  to  inquire  —  Giles  chairman.  He,  however,  appears  to  see  noth 
ing  improper.  It  is  wonderful  that  Hillhouse  &  I  should  be  on  the  comtee. 
We  are  investigating;  and  now  I  see  that  Randolph  has  taken  up  the 
business  in  the  House. 

"I   am,    my   dear  sir, 

"with  esteem  &  affection 
"yrs.  T.   PICKERING 

"Another  item.  Of  36  agents  for  fortifications,  old  major  Wescott, 
a  valuable  revolutionary  officer,  and  Dearborn's  young  son,  a  lawyer  with 
out  business,  were  alone  allowed  pay  as  Engineers!  Young  Dearborn  at 
$3.  per  day,  in  addition  to  2  P  Ct.  commission  on  expenditures." 


552  Life  and  Correspondence       [CHAP,  xvm 

to  the  last  degree  to  begin  with  a  flash  &  end  in  smoke.  I  am 
disposed  to  think,  from  what  I  occasionally  hear,  that  plain  & 
forcible  statements  under  my  signature  will,  at  this  time, 
make  impressions  alike  useful  &  extensive.  I  deprecate  the 
toil  it  will  compel  me  to  go  thro',  but  if  accomplished  in  some 
degree  adequate  to  my  conceptions  of  the  subject,  all  the  other 
labours  of  my  public  life  will  be  comparatively  trifling.  At 
no  other  time,  since  1776,  has  the  public  mind  been  in  a  state 
so  impressible. 

"I  wish  you  to  see  Mr.  Mctlenry,  &  show  him  this  letter, 
&  pray  him  to  excuse  me  for  not  writing  to  him  —  for  I  could 
only  have  made  known  the  same  things ;  &  my  time  is  limited. 
I  think  he  can  furnish  much  useful  information  &  some  im 
portant  documents.  All  his  &  yours  it  will  be  best  to  send  by 
some  person  who  is  to  come  here  &  go  no  farther.  I  will  care 
fully  return  all  when  I  go  home.  It  is  likely  Judge  Chase, 
who  was  long  in  the  Old  Congress,  can  furnish  materials  for 
the  contemplated  work. 

"I  am  dear  sir 
"with  sincere  esteem 
"yr.  obedt.  servt. 
"T.  PICKERING 

"I  dare  say  Mr.  McHenry  has  W.  L.  Smith's  two  pamph 
lets  entitled  Thomas  Jefferson's  pretensions  to  the  Presidency, 
which  I  wish  to  see." 

In  1809,  John  Adams  began  to  publish  in  the  Boston 
Patriot  a  series  of  letters  defending  his  public  career.  Of 
these  letters  Pickering  wrote  McHenry  on  June  4: 

"Dear  Sir, 

"You  see  that  Mr.  Adams  is  giving  a  history  of  his  ad 
ministration,  in  his  own  way.  Doubtless  it  may  become  prop 
er  that  this  history  be  reviewed.  Perhaps  you  have  read  all 
he  has  published;  I  very  little.  You  possess  probably  some 
documents  which  would  be  important  in  such  a  review;  be 
sides  a  recollection  of  many  interesting  facts.  These  I  wish 
you  would  put  on  paper  —  and  collect  the  others.  It  is  my 
intention,  at  the  close  of  this  session  (which  I  hope  will  hap 
pen  before  this  month  expires)  to  pass  a  day  or  two  at  Balti 
more  —  on  my  way  home. 

"Mr.  Malbone,  a  Senator  from  Rhode  Island,  as  well  as 
usual  this  morning,  was  going  with  other  members  from  Rhode 


1803-1812]  of  James  McHe?iry  553 

Island  to  the  Hall  to  attend  public  worship.  Arriving  at 
some  rails  at  the  foot  of  Capitol  Hill,  he  stopped  &  leaned 
upon  them  —  saying,  'here  is  my  usual  resting-place.'  The 
words  were  but  uttered,  when  he  fell,  and  instantly  expired. 
He  was  a  pleasant  and  amiable  man. 

"I  am  dear  sir 
"very  truly  yours 
"TIMOTHY  PICKERING." 


McHenry  answered  the  letter  on  June  16.  He  proposed 
to  leave  home  shortly  with  the  greater  part  of  his  family  for 
Colonel  John  Lynn's  in  Allegany  county,  where  they  will 
probably  remain  until  the  end  of  September.  He  asks  wheth 
er  Adams 's  writings  are  ' '  likely  to  become  history  ?  Who  pro 
nounces  the  name  of  this  calumniator  of  the  dead  with  venera 
tion?  Who  celebrates  his  acts?  Who  is  emulous  to  tread 
his  footsteps?  In  a  few  years  his  name  and  his  fame,  if  not 
borne  up  by  other  pinions  than  his  own,  will  sink  in  that 
gulph  destined  to  swallow  up  all  memorials  of  merit  and 
demerit  like  his."  It  is  not  worth  while  to  answer  his  let 
ters.  l  These  letters  of  Adams  and  those  to  William  Cunning 
ham  which  appeared  in  1823  were  answered  by  Pickering  in 
a  volume  printed  in  1824. 

On  June  23,  McHenry  wrote  Pickering  from  Hancock, 
where  his  youngest  daughter,  Margaretta,  who  died  young, 
was  ill  with  fever,  commending  to  his  friend  her  physician, 
Dr.  J.  G.  Scott,  wrho  intended  to  remove  to  North  Carolina. 
During  his  journey  to  Allegany  county,  McHenry  stopped 
at  Bedford  Springs  and  wrote  an  account  of  that  watering 
place  to  his  daughter  Anna  whom  he  had  left  in  Baltimore. 

"Bedford  Springs  4  July  1809. 
"My  dear  Ann. 

"The  accommodations  here  are  pretty  good.  The  prin 
cipal  building  is  70  feet  by  20.  There  are  besides  it  several 
lesser  houses  appropriated  for  visitors.  It  stands  in  a  valley 
between  two  hills  or  rather  mountains,  (with  which  this  coun 
ty  abounds)  that  seem  to  keep  a  northeast  course.  From  the 
house  to  the  medicinal  spring  is  about  150  yards.  The  water 
seems  to  possess,  if  not  the  same  properties,  at  least  the  same 
powers,  as  the  waters  of  the  Sweet  Springs  of  Virginia,  or 

1  Printed   in    J.    Adams,    ix,    236,    and   following. 


554  Life  and  Correspondence       [CHAP,  xvm 

those  of  Balstown  in  the  State  of  New  York.  It  flows  from 
the  base  of  the  mountain  on  the  south  side,  and  supplies  two 
shower  and  plunging  baths,  situated  within  15  or  20  feet  of 
where  it  rises.  There  is  also  about  half  a  mile  distant  an 
artificial  warm  bath,  and  above  it  a  billiard  table.  This  place 
affords  shady  walks,  for  lovers ;  shrubs  and  wild  flowers,  for 
botanists ;  petrifactions  for  virtuosi ;  streams,  and  trout,  for 
fishermen ;  and  pheasants,  woodcocks  and  partridges,  for  gun 
ners.  The  town  of  Bedford  is  also  within  two  miles  of  the 
Spring,  where  there  are  some  very  agreeable  females  and 
families. 

"If  inclined  to  see  us  on  the  mountains,  instead  of  visit 
ing  York  Spring,  three  days  in  the  public  stage  would  bring 
you  to  Bedford,  and  this  place ;  from  whence,  after  a  short 
stay,  you  could  easily  obtain  horses  to  carry  you  to  Cumber 
land,  which  is  only  about  30  miles  distant,  or  Augustus  could 
meet  you  at  the  springs  with  horses  from  Mr.  Lynn's,  could 
we  be  ascertained  of  the  time  they  would  be  wanted.  It  ap 
pears  to  me  however,  that  a  project  of  this  duration,  could 
not  be  made  to  quadrate  with  Mr.  Boyd's  engagements.  It 
would  perhaps  suit  John  better,  provided  he  had  finished  h'is 
farming  and  other  business.  Give  him  to  understand  this 
that  he  may  take  it  into  consideration. 

"JAMES  MCHENRY" 

After  a  summer  spent  near  Cumberland  "amidst  woods, 
green  glades,  mountains,  and  solitudes, ' '  McHenry  wrote  Pick 
ering  on  October  16,  shortly  after  his  return  to  Baltimore. 
The  Federalists  have  lost  in  the  elections  for  the  Maryland  leg 
islature,  but  not  by  a  large  margin,  considering  the  mass  of 
influence  against  them  and  the  fact  that  honorable  men  rare 
ly  take  as  much  trouble  as  less  scrupulous  ones  in  politics. 
He  hints  at  some  crooked  commercial  dealings  of  Smith  and 
Buchanan  and  adds  that  some  Republicans  in  Maryland  prefer 
Nicholson  to  Samuel  Smith  and  Gallatin  likes  him.  but  Mc 
Henry  does  not  think  he  will  win. 

The  old  difficulties  of  closing  McHenry 's  accounts  with 
the  government  came  up  again  in  the  early  part  of  1810  and 
Pickering  interested  himself  in  the  matter,  apparently  with 
success. 

On  March  15,  McHenry  wrote  Pickering  of  Pinkney's 
dispatches,  of  Macon's  bill  and  of  Secretary  Smith's  attempt 
to  prove  that  Jackson,  the  English  minister,  was  disapproved 


1803-1812]  of  James  McHenry  555 

by  his  government.  Pickering's  reply  to  McHenry  dealt  with 
current  politics,  especially  with  the  negotiations  which  Wil 
liam  Pinkney,  our  minister  to  England,  was  carrying  on  in 
London. 

"Washington  March  17.  1810. 
"Dear  Sir, 

"Last  evening  I  received  your  letter  of  the  15th.  The 
supposition  you  put,  to  account  for  the  reported  declaration 
of  Ld  Wellesley  to  Mr.  Pinkney,  of  his  disapprobation  of 
Jackson's  conduct,  is  natural,  and  (if  he  made  any  declara 
tion  of  the  kind)  undoubtedly  just.  But  for  my  own  part, 
I  needed  no  solution  whatever  except  this  —  That  Ld.  Welles- 
ley  is  not  a  fool.  I  would  not  say  so  much  of  some  other 
statesmen.  It  is  not  difficult  to  discover  that  some  men  are 
defective  in  understanding:  and  that  others,  tho'  celebrated 
for  learning  and  extensive  diplomatic  research,  may  yet  want 
common  sense  and  political  integrity. 

"In  his  message  at  the  opening  of  the  present  session  of 
Congress,  Mr.  Madison  plainly  insinuates  —  and  insinuates 
for  the  purpose  of  popular  deception  —  that  '  a  minister  plen 
ipotentiary' —  without  any  special  authority,  could  enter  into 
an  'arrangement'  —  that  is,  make  a  treaty,  which  should  bind 
his  government.  This  he  would  be  ashamed  to  avow  in  explicit 
terms :  it  would  make  him  a  subject  of  ridicule  among  all  men 
of  information.  But  for  temporary  purposes  —  or  rather  in 
expectation  that  a  people,  whom  Jefferson  had  found  it  easy 
to  deceive  for  eight  years,  might  continue  the  dupes  of  similar 
artifices  in  his  successor  —  he  was  willing  to  hazard  not  only 
the  above  insinuation  but  the  contempt  which  could  not  fail 
of  being  felt  towards  him  by  all  the  respectable  portion  of 
the  Community  at  home,  and  of  the  English  &  other  foreign 
nations,  as  far  as  the  correspondence,  subscribed  by  his  secre 
tary,  with  Mr.  Jackson,  should  extend. 

"The  talked  of  letter  from  Pinkney  to  Smith  is  dated 
so  early  as  the  4th  of  January,  and  declared  to  be  only  a  pri 
vate  one  —  consequently  not  the  subject  of  a  call  from  any 
member  of  Congress.  I  have  not  seen  it:  altho  I  learn  that 
Smith  has  made  himself  extremely  busy  in  reading  scraps  of 
it,  here  and  there,  to  many  members,  federal  as  well  as  demo 
cratic.  A  temporary  purpose  is  to  be  answered  by  giving  out 
that  Ld.  Wellesley  disapproved  of  Jackson's  conduct:  for  that 
implies  that  our  administration  was  in  the  right;  and  there- 


556  Life  and  Correspondence       [CHAP,  xvm 

fore  that  in  the  pending  election  in  Massachusetts,  the  people 
ought  to  support  the  candidates  who  are  ready  to  support  the 
administration.  With  the  same  view,  in  respect  to  New 
Hampshire,  Madison 's  shameful  correspondence  with  old  Genl. 
Stark  was  had.  Genl.  Stark  was  never  capable  of  writing  the 
letters  now  &  for  a  year  or  two  past  bearing  his  signature :  and 
at  this  time  is  a  mere  child. 

"There  is  another  answer  to  your  question  —  'Which 
shall  we  believe?'  Jackson  or  Smith.  One  we  know  is  capa 
ble  of  deceit :  against  the  other  we  can  bring  no  such  charge. 
From  the  view  I  have  had  of  Jefferson's  conduct  during  six 
years  of  his  administration,  I  feel  myself  warranted  in  pro 
nouncing,  That  Deception  has  been  its  leading  principle. 
Madison  was  his  'zealous  &  enlightened  cooperator'  as  J.  him 
self  has  testified:  and  by  his  inaugural  speech,  explicitly  de 
claring  his  approbation  &  admiration  for  Jefferson,  is  identi 
fied  with  him.  He  appears  to  have  entered  into  all  his  views, 
and  assisted  in  his  plans  of  deception,  as  the  printed  docu 
ments  furnished  by  themselves  will  prove. 

"It  is  but  two  or  three  days  since,  for  the  first  time,  I 
was  told  by  a  member  of  the  Senate  (I  think  it  was  Anderson) 
that  Macon  's  Bill  was  an  '  Executive  measure. '  It  is  hung  up 
for  the  present  —  and  perhaps  will  die,  as  well  as  the  non- 
intercourse  with  the  session. 

"I  reed,  your  packets  of  St.  Hilaire's  letters.  The  ma 
terial  one,  with  my  remarks,  is  with  the  Comptroller.  It  is 
the  one  in  wh.  he  acknowledges  the  rect.  from  you  of  $2500. 
and  asks  pressingly  for  $90.  more.  Your  receipt  to  me  is  for 
$2560.  Do  you  recollect  how  you  paid  him  the  $60? 

' '  I  am  glad  to  find  you  can  write,  as  it  proves  you  are 
recovered  from  sickness. 

"Believe  me  ever  yours 
"  T.PICKERING. 

"Our  old  friend  W. [olcott]  at  New- York  has  avowed  po 
litical  sentiments  for  a  couple  of  years  past,  which  astonish 
all  his  friends :  and  some  of  them  say  they  can  resolve  it  only 
by  a  supposed  insanity  quo  ad  hoc.  He  carries  a  some  half 
dozen  men  with  him. ' ' 

On  the  27th,  McHenry,  who  sorrowed  because  of  the  death 
of  his  daughter  Margaretta,  "who  was  very  dear,"  wrote 
Pickering  again,  deploring  the  fact  that  some  Federalists  had 
been  converted  to  Madisonianism. 


1803-1812]  of  James  McHenry  557 

Stoddert  became  uneasy  at  Adams's  attacks  on  his  secre 
taries  and  wrote  as  follows  from  Bladensburg,  14th  of  April, 
1810: 

"  *  *  *  I  will  not  add  to  the  length  of  my  letter,  except  to 
ask  you  are  Mr.  Adam's  misrepresentations  to  remain  unno 
ticed  by  those  on  whom  it  is  most  incumbent  to  contradict 
them  ?  He  gives  countenance  to  the  most  unjust  opinion,  that 
there  was  British  influence  in  his  Cabinet,  —  leads  the  world 
to  suppose  that  the  dissatisfaction  arising  from  the  measure 
of  Murray's  nomination,  was  at  the  measure  &  not  at  the 
manner  of  it  —  to  believe  that  the  letter  from  the  heads  of 
Departments  was  intended  to  produce  a  relinquishment  of  the 
negt.  with  France,  instead  of  merely  a  short  suspension  of  it, 
in  consequence  of  the  then  experiences  in  France  —  and  that 
there  had  been  many  meetings  at  Trenton  between  the  De 
partments,  in  which  he  laboured  to  no  purpose  to  convince 
their  minds  the  mission  ought  to  go  on  when  in  truth  1  believe, 
a  word  was  not  said  between  him  &  any  of  the  Departs  on  the 
subject,  their  only  meetings  were  for  the  purpose  of  agreeing 
on  the  instructions  to  be  given.  He  came  to  Trenton  deter 
mined,  as  was^known  to  the  Departments  —  and  I  then  thought 
his  determina'tion  right  but  had  no  occasion  to  say  so  to  him. 
I  am  truly 

"Dr  Sir  Yr  obliged  Friend  &c  &c 
"BEN  STODDERT." 

Shortly  afterwards  Pickering  wrote  McHenry  thus : 

"Philadelphia  May  7.  1810. 
"Dear  Sir, 

' '  I  trust  you  have  received  your  packet  of  papers  relative 
to  St.  Hilaire.  I  left  them  with  Gadsby's  bar-keeper,  sealed 
up,  together  with  two  Newspapers,  the  Whig  &  Aurora,  which 
Mr.  Wagner  borrowed  for  me  at  a  Coffee  House  &  promised 
to  return,  of  which,  therefore  I  request  your  particular  care, 
to  hand  Mr.  Wagner. 

"You  will  recollect  that  the  partisans  of  Jefferson  (and 
particularly  his  son-in-law  Eppes,  in  the  House  of  Representa 
tives)  have  charged  me  with  keeping  back  from  President 
Adams  some  dispatches  in  1798,  the  doing  of  which,  he,  Eppes, 
said,  had  well  nigh  involved  us  in  a  war  with  France.  I  in 
tended  to  have  asked  you  whether  you  were  acquainted  with 


558  Life  and  Correspondence       [CHAP,  xvm 

any  circumstances  which  could  have  given  rise  to  this  false 
hood.  Until  within  about  two  years,  I  never  heard  of  such 
dispatches,  &  now  know  nothing  beyond  the  report.  Adams 
you  know  spent  much  of  his  time  at  Quincy ;  and  if  the  deliv 
ery  or  communication  of  any  dispatches  to  him  was  delayed, 
of  which  I  have  no  recollection,  it  might  have  been  occasioned 
by  such  absence  of  Mr.  Adams.  I  can  only  conjecture  what 
they  can  have  been  —  letters  from  Mr.  Murray  containing  the 
dishonourable  &  insidious  overtures  of  Talleyrand  thro'  Pich- 
on,  whom  he  sent  to  the  Hague  to  carry  on  the  intrigue.  Do 
you  recollect  the  expression  in  Talleyrand's  or  Pichon's  letter 
to  Murray  —  'And  if  the  American  Govt.  (or  President)  send 
such  a  man  as  you,  there  will  be  no  difficulty  in  settling  all 
our  difficulties : '  or  words  to  that  import  ?  I  wish  to  ascertain 
this.  Perhaps  you  or  your  nephew  may  recollect  the  words 
or  the  sentiment.  Mr.  Adams  then,  after  his  big  speech  that 
he  would  never  send  another  minister  to  France,  until  &c.  — 
had  the  meanness  to  let  the  French  Govt.  nominate  his  minis 
ter  I  within  a  year  or  two,  when  thinking  on  his  corrupt  bar 
gain  with  the  Democrats  to  secure  his  second  election  to  the 
Presidency.  I  have  not  been  able  to  repress  a  suspicion  that 
the  negotiation  with  France  originated  in  the  same  influence 
&  with  the  same  ultimate  views,  tho'  antecedent  to  the  bargain 
for  my  removal  &c.. 

"You  will  much  oblige  me  by  giving  your  own  recollec 
tions  &  what  other  information  you  can  obtain  on  this  subject. 
Please  to  direct  to  me  at  Wenham,  Massachusetts. 
"I  remain  my  dear  sir 
"very  sincerely  yours. 
"T.  PICKERING" 

McHenry  answered  on  July  25,  giving  his  recollection  of 
the  matter.  There  is  a  family  tradition  1  that,  about  1810, 
McHenry  was  "a  good  deal  occupied  in  writing  a  book  after 
the  plan  of  the  Travels  of  Anacharsis,  a  book  which  he  ad 
mired. "  The  manuscript  of  the  work  was  placed  in  a  trunk 
to  be  sent  to  his  son 's  country  home  and  as  the  trunk  was  lost, 
McHenrv  was  discouraged  and  did  not  resume  the  work. 2 


1  Brown's  McHenry,  42. 

2  On  January  13,  1810,  poctor  Mason  of  New  York  who  planned  writ 
ing   a   life   of   Hamilton    came   to   McHenry   with   a   letter   of   introduction 
from  Mrs.  Hamilton  and  was  lent  by  McHenry  a  large  number  of  the  let 
ters   sent    by   Hamilton.     The   life  was   never  written   and   Charles    Scrib- 
ner  recovered  for  James  Howard  McHenry  in  1844  a  large  number  of  the 
letters,    but    some    seemed    to    be    lost,    among    them    one    of    August    26, 


1803-1812]  of  James  McHenry  559 

When  congress  met  again,  McHenry  wrote,  on  December 
15,  of  Madison 's  relations  with  England  and  France  and  asked 
why  Pickering  fails  to  visit  him  ?  The  ans\yer  came  two  days 
later. 


"City  of  Washington  Deer.  17.  1810. 

"Dear  Sir, 

' '  I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  15th.  It  would  give 
me  great  pleasure  to  spend  some  time  with  my  good  friend  be 
tween  Boston  &  Washington :  but  I  always  find  so  many  things 
to  occupy  my  attention  when  about  to  leave  home,  that  my 
wishes  &  even  intentions  of  proceeding  leisurely  along  have 
hitherto  been  disappointed.  If  practicable,  I  will  hurry  less 
on  my  return ;  especially  as  it  may  be  my  last. 

"I  send  herewith  the  requested  copy  of  the  documents 
which  accompanied  the  President's  message.  His  taking  pos 
session  of  West  Florida  may  seem  to  be  a  bold  step.  It  was 
certainly  a  rash  one;  because  unwarrantable  on  any  ground 
which  can  be  assumed.  I  am  satisfied  that  we  have  no  title : 
and  if  we  had,  Spain  was  in  possession;  we  had  acquiesced  in 
her  keeping  possession,  and  made  it  subject  of  negotiation, 
and  even  to  negotiation  an  end  was  put,  five  years  ago,  by  a 
word  from  France.  This  furnishes  irrefragable  proof  that 
the  order  to  disposses  the  Spaniards  now,  is  by  the  permis 
sion,  if  not  by  the  advice,  or  even  direction  of  France :  and 
hence  a  strong  presumption  arises,  that  the  revolutionary  pro 
ceedings  in  Florida  have  been  secretly  instigated  by  our  own 
administration. 

"Altho'  I  have  never  felt  uneasiness  about  my  accounts 
as  secretary  of  State  —  because  I  had  not  charged  even  a  cent 
which  had  not  been  expended  in  the  public  service;  and  altho' 
the  Comptroller's  letter  to  me  last  spring  admitted  that  I  was 
not  responsible  for  a  single  item  which  had  been  suspended : 
yet  I  was  pleased  with  the  promptitude  &  politeness  with 
which  Mr.  Duval  gave  me  notice,  at  the  commencement  of  the 
present  session,  that  those  accounts  were  finally  closed.  I 
inclose  a  copy  of  his  letter  of  the  5th  inst.  which,  if  the  enemies 


1800, -"containing  account  of  birth,  &c,"  which  we  would  greatly  like  to 
have.  The  Collection  of  Facts  and  Documents  relative  to  the  death  of 
Maj.  Gen.  A.  Hamilton,  printed  in  1804,  contains  (p.  95)  an  article  from 
the  Fredericktown  (Md.)  Herald. 


560  Life  and  Correspondence       [CHAP,  xvm 

of  truth  renew  the  oft  repeated  and  refuted  lie,  may  be  pub 
lished  to  their  confusion. 

' '  With  sincere  respect  &  esteem 
"I  remain  as  ever  yours. 
"T.  PICKERING." 

Tallmadge  did  not  fail  to  keep  McHenry  informed  of 
the  congressional  proceedings  and  wrote  him  on  December  21, 
from  Washington : 

"My  Dr  Sir 

' '  I  duly  reed,  your  Letter  of  the  18th  inst.  &  it  happening 
to  be  on  an  Evening  when  a  number  of  our  federal  republican 
friends  were  convened  at  Col.  Pinckney's  room,  I  took  the 
liberty  to  communicate  the  same  to  them.  I  believe  we  all 
view  the  State  of  our  public  affairs  very  much  in  the  same 
light  as  you  have  stated  them.  How  we  shall  alter  or  arrest 
the  course  of  our  public  measures,  is  a  Question  not  easy  of 
solution.  It  can  not  have  escaped  your  notice  that  the  Ex 
posure  which  was  made,  at  the  last  session  of  Congress,  of  our 
Executive  Conduct  relative  to  Mr  Jackson,  operated  manifest 
ly  to  the  Injury  of  the  federal  cause.  The  cry  of  British 
Attachments,  in  opposition  to  the  Interests  of  our  own  coun 
try,  was  rung  from  one  End  of  the  continent  to  the  other;  & 
what  is  one  of  the  most  prominent  Evils  attending  every  Ef 
fort  to  throw  light  on  any  national  Question,  is  that  those 
who  really  need  Information  never  read  a  federal  paper,  & 
the  other  papers  are  filled  with  attempts  to  mislead  the  Ignor 
ant,  &  to  traduce  the  characters  of  those  who  are  able  to  en 
lighten. 

"A  Resolution  requesting  the  President  to  open  new  ne- 
gociations  w:ith  G.  Britain,  would  be  deemed  &  declared  an 
improper  Interference  with  Executive  Duties,  &  a  mean  sub 
mission  to  British  Influence  &  power.  I  am  not  sure  but  our 
cause  would  suffer  by  it,  nor  am  I  by  any  means  certain  but 
we  shall  find  it  absolutely  necessary  to  make  the  appeal  in  the 
manner  you  have  suggested,  before  the  session  shall  close. 

' '  On  the  subject  of  West  Florida,  Mr.  Giles  has  probably 
foreclosed  any  measure  of  the  sort  you  have  suggested.  We 
have  a  Bill  just  laid  onKmr  Tables,  originating  with  Mr  Giles, 
declaratory  of  the  boundary  of  the  Orleans  Territory.  By  this 
Bill  the  River  Perdido  is  fixed  as  the  Eastern  boundary.  If  I 
can  get  a  spare  copy,  I  will  enclose  one  —  the  fact  is  the 


1803-1812]  of  James  McHenry  561 

President's  Proclamation  on  this  subject  must  be  borne  out,  & 
in  this  way  the  high  Responsibility  of  the  Executive,  even  if 
his  conduct  should  lead  to  a  Declaration  of  war,  must  be  as 
sumed  by  Congress.  In  the  same  way,  I  presume,  we  shall 
be  called  on  to  legislate  respecting  the  Proclamation  applying 
the  non  Intercourse  to  England. 

' '  I  thank  you  for  your  Intimations  respecting  the  State  of 
our  country.     They  will  not  be  overlooked  nor  forgotten.     If 
I  can  possibly  get  a  spare  copy  of  the  Documents,  as  well  as 
of  Mr  Gallatin's  Eeport,  they  shall  be  enclosed.     I  am  truly  & 
"very  affectionately  yours 
' '  BEN JN.  TALLMADGE.  ' ' 


Early  in  1811,  McHenry  wrote  Pickering,  asking  when 
Short  was  sent  to  Russia  and  regretting  the  excessive  patience 
and  resignation  of  Federalists,  when  courage  and  energy  are 
most  needed.  "In  our  government  the  multitude  are  every 
thing."  Pickering  answered  at  once. 

"Washington  Jany.  5.  1811. 
"Dear  Sir, 

"I  reed,  your  letter  of  the  3d.  yesterday,  as  I  was  on  my 
way  to  the  palace,  to  dine  with  'Little  Jimmy,'  as  the  stage 
driver  called  him,  on  my  last  journey  from  Baltimore  to  this 
place.  That  I  might  not  forget,  and  so  'neglect'  the  object  of 
your  request,  I  give  you  here  the  words  of  'Long  Tom'  (Wil 
kinson's  appellation  of  'the  moon-shine  philosopher  of  Mon- 
ticello, '  as  a  gentleman  of  distinguished  science  and  literature 
called  him  in  a  letter  to  me)  — 'I  accordingly  commissioned, 
in  the  month  of  August  last,  William  Short'  —  &c.  His  mes 
sage  bore  date  Feby.  24.  1809. 

"From  my  childhood  I  was  used  to  hear  my  father  (a 
plain  farmer  but  a  man  of  sense)  repeat  to  different  people, 
(&  particularly  to  clergymen  who  called  at  his  house,  and  few 
if  any  of  whom,  he  thought  sufficiently  explicit  in  showing  the 
people  their  sins  —  )  these  words  of  the  Wise  Man  — '  The 
fear  of  man  bringeth  a  snare.'  This  fear  is  the  source  of  the 
evil  you  lament :  the  dread  of  slander  from  the  vile ;  or  of  lov 
ing  popularity,  power,  place,  or  interest. 

"Sincerely  adieu. 
"T.  PICKERING." 


562  Life  and  Correspondence       [CHAP,  xvm 

A  fortnight  later,  Tallmadge  wrote: 

"Washington  Jany.  16th.  1811. 
"Dear  Sir 

"I  have  reed.  &  perused  your  Letter  of  the  14th  instant 
with  pleasure.  The  Man  who  could  devise  a  remedy,  practic 
able  in  its  operation,  for  the  political  Evils  which  now  hang 
over  us,  &  threaten  to  ingulph  Us  in  ruin,  would  merit  much 
from  this  degraded  Country.  Notwithstanding  all  the  Infor 
mation  from  Genl.  Armstrong,  &  the  Declaration  of  our  Secy, 
of  State  that  the  repeal  of  the  French  Decrees  is  merely  nom 
inal,  &  of  Course  never  have  justified  the  President  in  issuing 
his  proclamation,  yet  the  non  Intercourse  is  to  be  enforced 
towards  G.  B.  with  peculiar  vigor.  If  our  Democrats  in  Con 
gress  as  well  as  in  the  Country  will  not  believe  their  own 
senses,  &  when  such  indubitable  proofs  are  before  them,  will 
not  be  convinced  that  the  measures  of  the  Administration  are 
not  correct,  how  can  you  approach  their  understanding  with 
any  hope  of  Success? 

"On  the  subject  of  admiting  the  Terry,  of  New  Orleans 
into  the  Union  as  one  of  the  States,  the  unconstitutionality  of 
the  measure  was  urged  with  such  force  that  it  seemed  as  if  a 
Barber's  block  could  not  have  misapprehended  it  &  yet  the 
party  to  the  tune  of  77  in  the  House  remained  unmoved.  Mr. 
Quincy  exhibited  the  Consequences  of  this  measure  in  strong 
Colours,  for  which  they  were  angry  enough  to  have  turned 
him  out  of  the  House.  Will  this  do  any  good,  here  or  else 
where  ? 

' '  This  day  on  a  call  for  Information  from  the  Secy  of  the 
Treasury,  your  quondam  Govr.  Wright  was  very  noisy  & 
very  abusive  towards  the  Directors.  In  my  reply  to  his  Ex 
cellency,  among  other  things  I  remarked  that  I  had  hopes. this 
great  Question  renewing  the  Charter  of  the  Bank  of  the  U. 
S.  would  have  been  discussed  with  Calmness,  &  free  of  all 
party  Distinction  &c  &c.  Mr.  Eppes  replied,  &  remarked  that 
this  Bank  originated  in  party,  that  it  had  been  supported  by  a 
party,  &  that  it  would  undoubtedly  be  a  party  Question  on  its 
present  Discussion.  jNow  this  being  the  Case,  what  hope  is 
there  of  a  renewal  of  this  Charter ;  &  in  fact  what  Question  can 
come  forward  in  which  the  power  of  party  will  not  be  brought 
to  bear  upon  it :  I  am  almost  induced  to  believe  that  it  would  be 
well  for  the  Country,  if  the  federal  Gentlemen  would  let  the 


1803-1812]  of  James  McHenry  563 

majority  pursue  their  own  Course,  &  only  vote  on  the  final 
passage  of  a  bill. 

"We  have  no  news  from  Florida  of  a  late  Date. 
"In  the  papers  of  this  Day  you  will  see  the  new  non 
Intercourse  Bill.     One  blessing  to  result  from  it  will  be  an 
Increase  of  our  Duties  on  Imports.     A  bill  to  this  Effect  will 
be  imported  shortly. 

"With  Sentiments  of  respect 

"&  Esteem,  I  am  affectionately  yours 
"BENJN.  TALLMADGE." 

About  this  time,  Pickering  received  the  censure  of  the 
federal  senate  l  for  reading  in  public  session  a  letter  of  Tal 
leyrand  written  in  1804,  confidentially  communicated  to  the 
senate  and  from  which  the  seal  of  secrecy  was  not  removed. 
McHenry  wrote  Pickering,  on  January  26,  commending  his 
conduct,  as  there  was  no  obligation  to  further  concealment 
and  each  senator  is  the  judge,  when  the  obligation  ceases.  "I 
dislike  confidential  communications.  They  are  great  evils  in  a 
government  such  as  ours  and  may  be  made  instruments  to  its 
ruin.  If  affairs  are  wisely  administered,  there  will  be  no  need 
for  such  communications." 

Pickering  answered  this  letter  as  follows : 

"City  of  Washington  Jany.  28.  1811. 
"Dear  Sir, 

' '  I  have  been  favoured  with  your  letter  of  the  26th :  and 
altho'  Mens  conscia  recti  is  impenetrable  to  the  shafts  of 
malice,  and  heeds  not  the  reproaches  of  slanderers;  yet  it 
must  be  always  sensible  to  the  approbation  of  estimable  and 
upright  friends.  I  thank  you  sincerely  for  the  strong  expres 
sion  of  your  opinion  condemning  the  proceedings  of  the  Sen 
ate  in  their  vote  of  censure,  in  my  case ;  seeing  no  offence  had 
really  been  committed :  for  the  object  of  the  rule,  its  very  es 
sence,  is  to  prevent  the  disclosure  of  State  Secrets,  and  it  was 
acknowledged  that  I  had  divulged  none.  But  the  letter  of 
the  rule  was  violated :  and  half  the  Senate,  every  day  violated 
another  rule  —  which  forbids  the  reading  of  any  printed  pa 
per  or  doing  some  other  things  incompatible  with  the  proper 
attention  of  members,  while  the  journal  is  reading  and  busi 
ness  transacting.  And  this  inattention  retards  business,  & 


1  Pickering,    iv,    184. 


564  Life  and  Correspondence       [CHAP,  xvm 

occasions  errors  which  might  otherwise  be  prevented.  If  one 
day  had  intervened,  I  have  some  reason  to  think  that  Clay 
would  not  have  offered  his  resolution,  or  that,  finally,  he  would 
have  withdrawn  it,  but  for  the  opposition  of  some  of  his  party, 
especially  of  Saml.  Smith;  who  from  the  first  to  this  last  ses 
sion  of  my  having  a  seat  in  the  Senate,  has  manifested  an 
asperity  &  ill-will  towards  me  for  wrhich,  tho'  perfectly  indif 
ferent,  it  did  not  occur  to  me  how  to  account ;  nor  indeed  did 
I  ever  waste  a  single  thought  upon  it.  But  I  presume  you 
know  that  he  was  principal  in  the  intrigue  with  President 
Adams  to  effect  my  removal  from  office.  Now  I  have  more 
than  once  met  \vith  the  remark  of  some  profound  observers, 
'That  One  man  had  injured  another  too  much  to  forgive  him.' 
This  seems  a  little  paradoxical;  yet  is  probably  correct.  In 
deed  it  seems  to  have  obtained  the  authority  of  a  maxim.  And 
why  should  the  Aggressor  be  implacable?  Because  a  volun 
tary  aggression  originates  in  a  lad  heart :  and  Pride  joins  with 
malice  and  other  base  passions  to  urge  the  wrong-doer  to  per 
sist  in  the  error  or  injury  once  committed. 

"I  have  two  pamphlets  of  yours  —  the  1st  &  2d  part  of 
Thomas  Jefferson's  pretensions  to  the  Presidency,  printed  in 
1796.  I  wanted  to  derive  some  information  from  them,  & 
find  what  I  expected:  but  the  2d  part  is  imperfect,  by  the 
omission  of  a  half  sheet,  in  place  of  which  a  duplicate  half  sheet 
is  inserted.  Perhaps  Judge  Chase  or  other  friend  may  have  it 
entire:  if  you  can  get  it,  have  the  goodness  to  send  it  to  me 
(taking  care  to  have  no  more  than  2  ounces  in  weight  in  one 
packet)  &  I  will  be  careful  to  return  it,  together  with  your 
own,  after  the  close  of  the  session.  Pray  can  you  tell  me  wrho 
wrote  those  pamphlets  ?  The  Author  held  a  good  pen. l 

"I  am  dear  Sir 
"very  affectionately  yours. 
"T.  PICKERING" 

Later  in  the  session,  on  February  28,  Tallmadge  wrote 
McHenry  of  the  progress  of  events. 

"Washington  Thursday  morning 

"Feby.  28th.  1811. 
"My  Dr  Sir 

"I  am  set  down  to  acknowledge  the  Rect.  of  your  Letter 


1  On  January  29,  McHenry  told  Pickering  that  W.  L.  Smith  of  South 
Carolina  wrote  the  pamphlet  for  whose  author  he  asked. 


1803-1812]  of  James  Me  Henry  565 

of  the  26th.  inst,  but  I  own  to  you  the  fatigue  of  the  two  last 
Days  &  nights  has  almost  unfited  me  for  mental  or  bodily 
Exercise. 

"After  working  at  the  non  Intercourse  Bill  for  several 
Days,  &  drawing  out  all  the  force  of  the  friends  to  the  Bill, 
we  began  to  attack  them  at  close  Quarters,  &  to  press  the 
Action  very  close  indeed.  The  objects  of  the  Bill  were  dis 
tinctly  marked  'out,  showing  that  hostility  to  G.  B.,  &  Union 
with  France,  were  the  prominent  features  of  the  Bill.  Every 
Attempt  to  amend  the  Bill  failed,  &  even  on  some  very  plain 
&  necessary  points,  the  Majority  voted  not  to  amend.  The 
speaking  was  now  confined  almost  exclusively  to  the  federal 
side  of  the  House,  &  we  kept  the  side  warm  with  our  Artillery, 
I  assure  you.  This  was  on  Tuesday  last,  &  we  were  told  that 
they  had  determined  to  take  the  Question  before  they  rose. 
By  midnight  it  appeared,  on  several  collateral  Questions,  that 
they  had  not  a  Quorum  present,  &  by  2  o 'Clock  in  the  morn 
ing  we  found  that  without  our  aid,  they  could  not  make  a 
House  for  business.  We  began  occasionally  to  draw  off  into 
Committee  rooms  &c,  when  a  Vote  was  taken  to  send  for  the 
absent  Members.  Not  one  obeyed  the  call  (for  having  no 
Quorum,  they  could  not  form  a  Warrant  to  compel  the  Atten 
tion  of  absent  Members)  &  a  little  after  three  in  the  morning, 
the  House  adjourned  to  the  great  mortification  of  the  Major 
ity.  Yesterday  we  resumed  the  same  subject,  &  continued  the 
Debate  much  in  the  same  manner,  until  nearly  3  ocloek  this 
morning,  when  they  determined  to  bring  the  business  to  a 
close,  &  put  an  End  to  further  Debate.  The  previous  Ques 
tion  wras  moved  on  every  proposition,  &  at  about  Day  dawn 
this  morning  the  final  Question  was  taken  &  carried,  &  that 
obnoxious  Bill  will  go  to  the  Senate  this  Day,  precisely  as  it 
came  to  our  House,  with  Eppes's  printed  amendments.  It  will 
undoubtedly  pass  in  the  Senate. 

"Early  last  Evening,  it  was  discovered  that  the  Bill  had 
been  engrossed  for  its  final  passage  even  while  we  were  pre 
paring  numerous  Amendments.  Mr.  Randolph  made  a  ques 
tion  of  it  in  the  House.  The  Speaker  plead  Ignorance  of  the 
fact,  &  to  save  the  Clerk,  Mr  Eppes  confessed  that  he  had 
requested  the  Clerk  to  have  it  done.  This  drew  from  R.  some 
severe  remarks,  to  which  E.  replied,  &  R.  rejoined  in  such  a 
manner  as  to  wound  E.  severely.  Our  Duelists  say  they  can 
not  avoid  fighting.  Indeed  it  is  said  that  an  exchange  of 
Cards  took  place  promptly. 


566  Life  and  Correspondence       [CHAP,  xvm 

' '  I  will  forward  such  Documents  as  were  preserved  for  me 
during  my  absence. 

"In  this  day  of  increasing  trouble,  let  us  not  preserve 
each  others  Letters.     I  am  yours  truly 

' '  BEN JN.  TALLM ADGE  ' ' 


Pickering  still  retained  his  plan  of  answering  Adams's, 
letters  and  wrote  McHenry  as  follows  on  February  8 : 

"Dear  Sir, 

"Do  you  remember  the  tenor  of  the  conversations  at 
Trenton,  in  the  autumn  of  1799,  when  President  Adams  came 
thither  from  Quincy,  relative  to  the  mission  to  France  ?  You 
will  recollect  that  Judge  Ellsworth  came  also,  &  Govr.  Davie 
—  &  that  Genl.  Hamilton  was  there.  Mr.  Ellsworth,  I  recol 
lect,  was  invited  by  us  (heads  of  departmts.)  in  the  hope  that 
his  opinion  might  have  some  weight  with  Mr.  Adams  to  sus 
pend  the  mission.  But  was  not  Hamilton's  coming  merely 
military?  Mr.  Adams  (in  his  lucubration  published  in  the 
Boston  Patriot,  letter  VI.)  expresses  his  astonishment  at  our 
'obstinacy'  on  this  subject,  &  mentions  Who  has  a  copy  of  this 
letter?  the  letter  we  all  signed  earnestly  entreating  him  to 
suspend  the  mission.  He  says  the  reason  we  gave  was  —  the 
operations  of  the  Austrian  &  Russian  armies  under  Prince 
Charles  &  Suwarrow,  would  speedily  place  Louis  XVIII  on 
the  throne.  He  mentions  Ellsworth  &  Hamilton  as  expressing 
the  same  opinion.  He  also  intimates  that  two  of  the  Heads 
of  Depts.  (meaning  Stoddert,  no  doubt,  &  Mr.  Lee)  had  always 
appeared  moderate  &  candid.  If  you  have  not  this  (&  the 
other  letters  which  Mr.  Adams  has  been  publishing  for  near 
two  years  past)  I  believe  Mr.  Wagner  can  furnish  you  with 
them".  Have  the  goodness  to  recollect  and  communicate  to 
me  what  you  can  on  this  subject.  All  particulars  of  our  con 
versations  with  Mr.  Adams  at  Trenton  have  escaped  me. 

"You  will  recollect  that,  in  Mr.  Adams'  message  to  Con 
gress  June  21.  1798,  He  said  he  would  never  send  another 
minister  to  France,  until  he  reed,  assurances  that  he  wd.  be 
reed.,  respected  &  honoured  as  the  representative  of  a  great, 
free,  powerful  &  independent  nation.  Genl.  Hamilton  in  his 
letter  of  1800,  on  the  conduct  and  character  of  John  Adams, 
President  says  that  all  his  ministers  were  opposed  to  this 
declaration  that  he  wd.  send  a  minister  to  France:  though  Mr. 


1803-1812]  of  James  McHenry  567 

Adams  was  advised  to  say  he  wd.  receive  one  from  France: 
Do  you  remember  this  ?     I  do  not. 

"Some  time  or  other,  if  God  spares  my  life,  I  purpose 
animadverting  on  Mr.  Adams'  publications;  and  wish  to 
obtain  authentic  information  on  every  important  point.  If 
you  can  find  all  his  letters  published  in  the  Boston  Patriot  & 
will  send  them,  you  would  be  enabled  to  give  me  useful  infor 
mation.  Some  time  ago,  I  recollect  to  have  heard  that  Mr. 
Stoddert  asked  with  indignation  —  Whether  all  Mr.  Adams ' 
misrepresentations  (I  do  not  know  but  he  said  lies)  were  to 
pass  unnoticed?  In  Boston,  long  ago,  I  heard  it  said,  'It 
wd.  be  best  to  let  him  go  through'  &  then  answer.  But  he 
has  been  at  it  near  two  years  —  with  the  vain  details  of  his 
diplomacy  and  has  only  come  down  to  the  year  1781. 

"Very  affectionately  yours 
"T.  PICKERING 

"  P.  S.  I  once  saw  your  details  of  Mr.  Adams '  insults  to 
you  prior  to  yr.  going  out  of  office.  I  shall  wish  to  read  again 
your  statement  on  my  way  home. 

"You  doubtless  have  Hamilton's  letter  of  1800,  before 
mentioned :  Will  you  read  it  &  make  remarks  which  may  be 
useful  to  me  —  especially  of  facts  stated  by  Mr  Hamilton." 

On  the  10th,  McHenry  answered  that  he  had  written  an 
article  on  Serrurier's  mission  which  would  appear  tomorrow 
in  Wagner's  Journal.  The  next  day  Pickering  replied. 

"Senate  Chamber  Feby.  11.  1811. 
"Dear  Sir 

"I  have  before  me  yours  of  yesterday.  I  saw  Mr.  Stod 
dert  last  week.  A  question  I  asked  him,  led  him  to  say,  that 
he  had  long  since  read  Mr.  Adams  first  eighteen  letters  pub 
lished  in  the  Boston  Patriot  —  and  in  consequence  had  written 
to  Mr.  Adams  a  long  letter,  stating  his  errors  or  misrepresen 
tations —  that  he  had  reed,  a  short,  but  polite  answer  —  and 
that  he  would  furnish  me  with  copies  of  both.  He  said  ex 
plicitly  that  he  had  no  knowledge  of  the  cause  of  my  dismis 
sion.  I  informed  him  of  the  corrupt  motive.  He  then  men 
tioned  a  fact,  that  at  some  time  before,  Genl.  Smith  &  his 
brother-in-law  Wilson  Gary  Nicholas  spoke  to  him,  by  way  of 
inquiry  —  Whether  some  means  could  not  be  adopted  for  a 
reconciliation,  or  union  (or  some  such  word  which  I  do  not 
precisely  remember)  of  parties:  but  heard  no  more  of  it. 


568 Life  and  Correspondence       [CHAP,  xvm 

"I  have  not  seen  the  answer  of  either  House  of  Masstts. 
Legislature  to  Gov.  Gerry's  speech.  Otis  is  president  of  the 
Senate  —  but  that  body  is  equally  divided  —  20  —  20. 

"I  have  no  information  relative  to  Serrurier's  mission. 
I  cannot  imagine  that  Mr.  Dana  can  have  taken  offence  — 
because  I  believe  you  incapable  of  intending  one  —  and  that 
he  is  too  sensible  &  too  candid  to  admit  an  interpretation  of 
an  ill  aspect  where  he  must  believe  that  a  candid  &  friendly 
face  alone  was  intended  to  be  presented. 

"If  you  have  not  read  Mr.  Adams'  first  18  letters  (I 
believe  about  95  octavo  pages)  I  pray  you  to  read  them.  His 
virulence  against  Hamilton  is  unexampled:  but  the  integrity 
&  talents  of  Hamilton  are  above  the  reach  of  his  veteran  sland 
er.  Yet  he  ought  to  be  scourged  with  scorpions 

' '  Most  truly  yours 
"T.  PICKERING" 

Two  days  later  Pickering  wrote  again : 

"Washington  Feby.  13.  1811. 
"Dear  Sir, 

"Yesterday  I  received  from  Mr.  Stoddert  the  copies  of 
the  letters  mentioned  in  my  last  —  which  have  the  goodness 
to  return  to  me,  when  you  have  perused  them.  Perhaps  they 
may  remind  you  of  some  things  which  may  be  useful  to  me 
to  know.  I  do  not  subscribe  to  all  Mr.  Stoddert 's  opinions 
on  the  duty  of  Heads  of  Departments.  Particularly  that  of 
implicit  obedience,  or  resignation.  On  the  contrary,  I  should 
think  it  their  duty  to  prevent,  as  far  as  practicable,  the  mis 
chievous  measures  of  a  wrong-headed  president.  The  morn 
ing  on  which  Mr.  Adams  nominated  Mr.  Murray,  you  know 
that  every  body  was  astonished:  and  one  of  Mr.  Adams's 
very  special  friends,  a  member  of  the  House  of  Reps.,  stepped 
over  to  my  office,  and  with  an  air  of  alarm  asked  me  '  How  this 
nomination  had  happened  ? '  I  answered,  that  I  knew  no  more 
of  it  than  he.  'Is  the  man  mad?'  Was  his  reply. 

"You  will  notice  Mr.  Stoddert 's  remark  in  his  letter  to 
me,  That  while  I  am  at  liberty  to  make  any  use  I  please  of 
his  letter,  Mr.  Adams'  might  require  more  delicacy. 
.-"I  am  very  sincerely  yours 
"T.  PICKERING." 

On  February  23,  McHenry  wrote  a  long  answer  to  Pick- 


1803-1812]  of  James  McHcnry  569 

ering  1  with  reference  to  Adams 's  letters  in  the  Boston  Pa 
triot,  "From  the  cursory  reading,  I  perceive  he  has  fallen 
into  many  errors,  some  important  forgetfulness  and  not  a 
few  striking  misrepresentations,  to  say  nothing  of  his  coarse 
and  unmanly  abuse  of  a  deceased  statesman." 

"How  many  recollections  have  these  puerile  letters  awak 
ened.  Still  in  his  own  opinion  the  greatest  man  of  the  age, 
I  see  he  will  carry  with  him  to  the  grave,  his  vanity,  his  weak 
nesses  and  follies,  specimens  of  which  we  have  so  often  wit 
nessed,  and  always  endeavored  to  veil  from  the  public."  2 

Adams  depreciated  Hamilton.  While  not  palliating  his 
pleasures,  McHenry  hesitated  not  to  compare  his  public  life 
with  Adams's  and  concluded:  "As  to  their  minds,  abstractly 
considered,  Hamilton's  was  profound,  penetrating,  and  in 
variably  sound  and  his  genius  of  that  rare  kind,  which  en 
lightens  the  judgment  without  misleading  it;  the  mind  of 
Mr.  Adams  like  the  last  glimmering  of  a  lamp,  feeble,  waver 
ing,  and  unsteady,  with  occasionally  a  strong  flash  of  light, 
his  genius  little  and  that  too  insufficient  to  irradiate  his  judg 
ment. " 

Adams's  and  the  secretaries'  foreign  system  for  some 
years  was  the  same.  "Ours  was  General  Washington's.  We 
held  with  him  that  we  ought  never  to  quit  our  own  to  stand 
upon  foreign  ground ;  under  no  pretext  to  weave  our  destiny 
with  that  of  any  European  power ;  that  our  true  policy  was  to 
avoid  permanent  alliances  with  any  portion  of  the  foreign 
world ;  to  trust  to  temporary  ones  for  extraordinary  emergen 
cies,  and  to  suitable  military  establishments  to  enable  us  to  act 
up  to  and  avail  ourselves  of  our  maxims.  Three  of  the  gentle 
men  who  were  heads  of  departments  with  Mr.  Adams  were  also 
heads  of  departments  with  General  Washington.  These  gentle 
men  could  never  for  a  moment  depart  from  his  maxims,  they 
were  the  soul  of  their  system ;  they  could  not  tear  them  from 
their  hearts  and  retain  their  honor  and  integrity;  they  held 
them  to  be  the  only  sound  ones  for  their  country,  the  only  ones 
proper  for  the  guidance  of  our  foreign  affairs  and,  in  no 
instance,  did  they  ever  advise  or  countenance  departure  from 
them." 

Letters  now  passed  frequently  between  the  two  friends. 

Pickering  wrote  from  Washington  on  the  26th  of  Febru~ 
ary,  1811 : 

1  Printed    in    Lodge's    Cabot,    204. 

2  Correspondence   between    Adams  and   Cunningham,    47. 


570  ,      Life  and  Correspondence       [CHAP,  xvm 

"Dear  Sir, 

"To-day  I  reed,  your  letters  of  the  22d  &  23d.  with  the 
mentioned  inclosures. 

"I  had  never  contemplated  the  publishing  of  Mr.  Stod- 
dert's  letter,  or  Mr.  Adams'  answer:  I  was  glad  to  be  pos 
sessed  of  them  —  the  former  for  the  recital  of  what  Mr.  Stod- 
dert  knew,  and  the  latter  for  the  sentiments  of  the  writer. 
Mr.  Stoddert  told  me  that  7  wrote  the  joint  letter  advising  a 
suspension  of  the  mission  to  France :  if  so,  I  doubtless  have  it 
at  home.  I  have  not  looked  over  my  papers  (of  which  I  have 
no  inconsiderable  quantity)  since  I  packed  them  up  a  dozen 
years  ago. 

"As  to  Gerry's  nomination,  I  do  not  recollect  what  you 
said;  but  I  see  the  correctness  of  it,  as  you  recite  it.  I  well 
remember  Wolcott  spoke  against  him,  tho'  with  moderation, 
While  I  was  absolutely  silent.  For  I  had  heard  nothing 
scarcely  of  Gerry's  weakness  &  perverseness  in  the  House  of 
Representatives ;  and  I  had,  during  the  war,  when  he  was  in 
Congress,  entertained  a  favourable  opinion  of  him  —  not  as  a 
great ,  but  a  decent  man,  &  perfectly  honest.  I  remember  Mr. 
Adams  (in  answer  to  some  objections  by  Wolcott  or  you,  or 
both)  said  that  Mr.  Gerry  was  an  honest,  firm  man,  on  whom 
French  arts  would  be  tried  in  vain :  or  words  to  that  effect.  I 
am  sure  of  the  idea. 

"I  must  suspend  other  observations  until  we  meet.  I 
will  speak  to  Colo.  Tallmadge  for  the  documents. 

"Your  affectionate  friend 
"T.  PICKERING. 

' '  The  President  this  day  nominated  Joel  Barlow  minister 
plenipotentiary  to  France!" 

A  second  letter  from  Pickering  is  dated  Washington, 
February  27,  1811 : 

"Dear  Sir, 

"I  have  before  me  your  note  of  yesterday.  Whatever 
you  recollect  to  have  been  omitted  in  your  letters  of  22d  & 
23d,  be  pleased  to  write  down,  &  retain  until  I  call  upon  you ; 
when,  if  more  convenient,  you  can  incorporate  the  same  in 
your  letters  already  written.  I  troubled  you  for  information, 
to  refresh  my  memory,  which  is  not  tenacious ;  and  it  had  that 
effect ;  enabling  me  to  note  to  you  in  my  answer  several  things 
which  otherwise  I  should  not  have  recollected.  I  wish  to  pro- 


1803-1812]  of  James  McHenry  571 

vide  myself  with  every  weapon  for  the  combat  which  may 
ensue  between  the  man  at  Quincy  &  myself :  for  his  atrocious 
conduct  calls  for  a  severe  scourging  which  he  shall  receive. 
He  little  imagines  that  I  know  &  have  long  been  possessed 
of  the  secret  of  my  dismission ;  but  which  I  should  have  per 
mitted  to  have  sunk  into  oblivion  had  he  not  become  an  open 
apostate,  and  a  malignant  slanderer  of  Hamilton. 

"  If  I  get  a  passage  from  here  to  Baltimore  next  Monday, 
I  shall  pass  Tuesday  with  you:  if  for  want  of  a, conveyance, 
I  do  not  reach  your  city  till  tuesday  evening,  I  must  stay 
there  on  "Wednesday  —  perhaps  also  on  Wednesday  —  per 
haps  also  on  Thursday ;  in  order  to  take  the  stage  to  Lancaster. 

"Very  truly  yours 
"T.  PICKERING." 

Pickering  wrote  again  from  Philadelphia,  March  12,  1811 : 

"Dear  Sir, 

"I  am  again  reading  your  long  letter;  and  it  leads  me  to 
ask  if  you  have  recently  read  General  Hamilton 's  printed  let 
ter  on  'the  public  conduct  &  character  of  John  Adams  Esq. 
president  of  the  United  States.'  If  not,  I  wish  you  to  do  it, 
I  think  it  probable  that  it  may  bring  to  your  recollection  some 
facts  which  may  be  useful  in  the  laborious  work  in  which  I  am 
engaged;  and  which,  of  course,  you  will  have  the  goodness  to 
communicate. 

"In  relation  to  Genl.  Hamilton's  being  at  Trenton,  Mr. 
Adams  says  he  ought  not  to  have  been  there  without  his  per 
mission;  but  should  have  remained  with  the  troops,  teaching 
them  military  tactics;  which,  however,  lie  chose  to  leave  with 
one  who  understood  them  better  or  could  teach  them  better: 
Was  not  this  the  President's  son-in-law,  Colo.  Smith?  Pray 
let  me  know. 

"When  Genl.  Marshall  was  at  Washington,  I  laid  before 
him  Mr.  Adams'  first  18  letters,  which  he  had  not  seen.  He 
carried  them  with  him  to  Richmond,  &  returned  them  with  a 
remark  —  That  he  had  read  them  with  avidity,  &  equal  regret. 

"I  am  dear  sir 
"very  sincerely  yours 
"T.  PICKERING. 

"P.  S.  I  have  just  written  to  Mr.  Wagner  a  paragraph 
to  add  to  my  last  number  —  VI.  Do  inquire  if  he  receives  it. ' ' 


572  Life  and  Correspondence       [CHAP,  xvm 

On  March  14,  McHenry  wrote,  referring  to  Adams 's  ignor 
ance  of  military  matters,  and  said  of  Hamilton  that  he  "had 
studied  military  service,  practically  under  General  Washing 
ton  and  his  advice  in  many  instances  (a  fact  known  to  myself) 
had  aided  our  chief  in  giving  to  the  machine  that  perfection 
to  which  it  had  arrived,  previously  to  the  close  of  the  revolu 
tionary  war. ' '  During  that  year,  McHenry  joined  with  Robert 
G.  Harper,  Charles  Ridgely  of  Hampton,  John  Eager  Howard, 
James  Howard,  Walter  Dorsey,  and  Samuel  Sterrett  in  the  call 
of  a  "  conference ' '  with  reference  to  the  approaching  senator 
ial  election  in  Maryland  for  the  state  legislature. 

In  that  year  also  was  published  in  Baltimore  a  work  en 
titled  ' '  The  Three  Patriots,  or  the  Cause  and  Cure  of  Present 
Evils,  Addressed  to  the  Voters  of  Maryland. ' '  This  work  has 
been  attributed  to  McHenry,  though  the  identification  of  him 
as  the  author  is  not  quite  clear.  The  work  is  very  pessimistic 
and  labors  to  show  the  causes  by  which  the  United  States  have 
been  depressed  in  ten  years  to  a  worse  condition  than  that 
from  which  they  had  been  raised  and  to  show  by  what  simple 
means  they  may  be  restored  to  their  once  enviable  situation. 
The  United  States  are  called  by  the  author  "a  federative  re 
public"  and  said  to  correspond  to  no  one  of  Aristotle's  forms 
of  government.  Native  Americans  are  then  properly  all  Fed 
eralists  and  all  Republicans.  The  author  discusses  Freneau, 
Duane,  Callender  and  Bache,  Genet  and  Fauchet.  "He  prays 
that  the  angel,  which  presides  over  the  destinies  of  Maryland, 
may  permit  the  voters  to  choose  suitable  electors  for  the  State 's 
Senate"  and  urges  all  to  vote.  Even  thus  early  the  sale  of 
votes  and  repeating  were  practised  at  elections.  Many  "for 
a  little  self  indulgence,  to  avoid  a  slight  exertion,  a  walk  or 
ride  of  a  few  miles,  will  put  at  risk  the  benefit  of  civil  liberty 
and  all  the  untold  blessings  that  result  from  equal  laws. ' ' 

As  McHenry  passed  into  the  evening  of  his  life,  he  still 
heard  from  Lafayette,  who  wrote  him  from  La  Grange  on 
December  22,  1811: 

"  It  is  an  Age,  My  Dear  McHenry,  Since  I  Had  the  pleas 
ure  to  Hear  from  You,  But  Altho  I  Complain  of  Your  Silence, 
I  Am  Sure  of  Your  friendship.  Vessels,  public  and  private, 
Have  Come  from  the  Bay,  Nay  from  Baltimore  Without  a  Line 
to  me,  Which  Has  Been  a  great  Disappointment,  there  Will 
Be,  no  Doubt,  Dispatches  Sent  to  france  in  the  Spring  —  I 
Beg  You  to  improve  the  opportunity  and  to  write  me  the  par- 


1803-1812]  of  James  Me  Henry  573 

ticulars  Concerning  Yourself  and  family  which  my  Heart  So 
eagerly  wishes  to  know.  My  situation  is  about  the  Same.  I 
Live  in  Rural  Retirement  with  fourteen  Children  and  Grand 
Children  around  me.  Mourning  the  Loss  in  Comparison  to 
which  all  other  present  misfortunes  are  Nothing  to  me,  and 
every  Day  more  attached  to  My  Solitary  plan  of  Life.  We 
Have  Reasons  to  Hope  from  the  Reception  given  to  the  Min 
ister  and  the  expectations  He  Has  Been  Authorized  to  form, 
that  the  Answer  to  his  Note  Will  Be  Better  than  Any  that  Has 
Been  obtained  for  a  long  time  —  that  You  will  more  Certainly 
Know,  when  this  Letter  Reaches  You  —  perhaps  Shall  I  write 
another  Before  the  frigate  Sails  —  in  the  Mean  while  Receive, 
My  Dear  McHenry,  the  Most  Affectionate  Wishes  and  Senti 
ments  of  Your  old  and  Best  friend 

' '  LAFAYETTE ' ' 


War  was  now  imminent  and  throughout  the  winter,  in 
which  the  question  of  declaring  it  wras  debated  in  congress, 
Tallmadge  kept  McHenry  informed  as  to  the  course  of  events. 

Writing  from  Washington,  January  16,  1812,  he  said : 

"My  Dear  Sir 

"I  have  reed  your  letter  of  the  12th.  instant,  &  thank  you 
for  the  Extract  of  a  Letter  inclosed  therein. 

"The  Great  Question  now  before  us  is  the  War  with  G. 
Britain.  If  we  could  draw  any  safe  conclusions  from  the 
noisy,  blustering  Speeches  of  our  Kentucky  &  Tennessee 
Bretheren,  who  are  all  alive  to  the  Distress  &  sufferings  of 
our  Seamen,  &  the  violation  of  our  commercial  rights,  we 
might  wrell  say  that  war  must  be  the  result.  But  the  more 
sober,  reflecting  sort  of  folks,  think  that  the  war  party  must 
fail  for  want  of  two  much  essential  Ingredients,  (viz)  Men 
&  Money.  A  Gentleman  was  in  our  Galleries  yesterday  who 
had  come  quite  from  N.  Hampshire  &  heard  some  of  our  war 
Gentry  Declaim,  &  he  was  perfectly  astonished  —  He  said  he 
heard  nothing  of  war  until  he  reached  N.  York;  at  Philada. 
but  little  more  &  at  Baltimore  not  much  more,  but  when  he 
heard  such  war  Speeches,  he  knew  not  how  to  Credit  his  senses. 
The  moral  of  it  is  this,  that  the  Country  does  not  partake  of 
our  ivarfire  Yesterday  your  Representative  Mr.  Little,  laid  a 
resolution  on  the  Table  calling  on  the  President  for  a  List  of 
all  Vessels  captured  or  detained  by  B.  Cruisers  since  the  year 


574 Life  and  Correspondence       [CHAP,  xvui 

1794 —  It  being  objected  to,  as  unnecessary,  the  reason  he 
offered  in  favor  of  the  measure  was  ;  'to  rouse  up  the  dormant 
spirit  of  the  People  against  that  Nation.' 

"This  Day  the  Prest.  has  sent  us  a  message  containing 
a  late  Correspondence  between  Messrs  Foster  &  Munroe  —  It 
originated  with  Mr.  Foster,  explaining  his  Late  Correspon 
dence  which  he  said  had  been  misrepresented  as  it  related 
to  his  Demand  of  a  Repeal  of  our  non  Importation  Law,  & 
of  his  views  of  the  repeal  of  the  Berlin  &  Milan  Decrees  &c. 
The  Pt.  takes  occasion  to  call  on  us  for  renewed  Exertions 
&c  &c  —  You  will  soon  see  the  Letter  published." 

He  wrote  again  from  Washington  on  February  29,  1812 : 

"My  Dear  Sir 

"I  have  reed  in  due  Course,  your  obliging  Letter  of  the 
22d.  instant,  &  thank  you  very  sincerely  for  your  kind  invi 
tation  to  halt  at  your  hospitable  Mansion  on  my  return  home. 
Mrs.  Tallmadge  unites  with  me  in  cordial  respects  to  Mrs 
McHenry,  &  beg  you  both  to  be  assured  that  we  shall  feel 
very  happy  in  calling  on  you  when  we  pass  on  thro'  Balti 
more,  if  we  can. possibly  spare  the  time.  After  our  absence 
of  six  months  (&  I  fear  we'  shall  continue  our  sessions  for 
that  period)  we  are  all  of  us  very  glad  to  use  all  reasonable 
Dispatch  in  returning  home. 

"You  have  undoubtedly  noticed  the  System  of  revenue 
which  has  been  reported  by  the  Commtee  of  ways  &  means. 
We  have  taken  up  the  items  in  Commtee  of  the  whole  House, 
where  they  passed  with  but  little  opposition.  When  the 
Question  came  before  the  House,  they  fared  very  differently. 
All  that  part  of  the  Report  which  related  to  Import,  Tonnage 
&  Drawbacks  was  carried  by  heavy  majorities  —  As  soon  as 
we  came  to  the  internal  Taxes,  Excise  &c,  it  was  manifest 
that  the  Patriotism  which  they  (the  Democrats)  had  boasted 
of  so  much,  was  increased  very  much  by  self  Interest,  popu 
larity  &  Such  sort  of  principles.  The  Debate  being  confined 
solely  to  the  exclusive  Republicans,  they  began  to  criminate 
one  another  with  want  of  true  patriotism,  &  strong  Intima 
tions  were  given  that,  so  long  as  the  burden  could  be  laid  on 
Commerce,  they  were  willing  to  support  the  war  with  great 
Zeal ;  but  as  soon  as  Salt  was  offered  as  a  fit  subject  for  Tax 
ation,  &  other  matters  of  domestic  manufacture  for  Excise 


1803-1812]  of  James  Me  Henry  575 

&c  &c,  the  war  fever  subsided.     Such  remarks  from   their 
own  friends  were  very  grievous  to  be  borne. 

"On  the  Salt  Tax  the  Phalanx  broke,  &  if  we  had  not 
adjourned,  I  fully  believe  the  Excise  Duties  would  have 
shared  the  same  fate  —  If  you  see  the  N.  Intelligencer,  you  will 
find  in  this  Days  paper,  the  mournings,  &  Lamentations  of 
the  Editor.  It  is  said  motion  will  be  made  on  Monday  to  re 
consider  the  Vote  on  the  Salt  Tax,  but  even  should  they  carry 
that  Tax,  I  think  they  cannot  go  through  with  the  remainder. 

"As  for  their  making  war,  I  have  never  believed  they 
were  sincere  in  their  professions,  altho  there  was  Danger  that 
they  should  so  manage  the  business  as  to  get  our  Country  into 
a  war.  Their  Chance  now  seems  to  rest  upon  some  favorable 
arrangment  to  be  made  with  France  by  Mr.  Barlow,  or  by 
some  favorable  Change  in  the  B.  Council  —  The  latter  does 
not  look  very  probable  &  the  former  Event  would  be  greatly 
to  be  deprecated  —  I  presume  your  London  Correspondent 
has  long  before  this  Seen  Causes  of  Irritation  in  abundance 
in  the  Presidents  Message,  &  the  proceedings  of  Congress  to 
apprehend  that  the  orders  in  Council  will  not  be  speedily 
removed. 

"It  would  seem  as  if  the  madness  of  modern  Democracy 
could  not  wish  to  push  this  Country  in  a  war  with  a  Treasury 
so  exhausted,  &  a  Commerce  so  defenseless  &  so  nearly  ruined. 

"I  have  found  it  very  difficult  of  late  to  get  a  Duplicate 
of  almost  any  Keport  or  Document  laid  on  our  Tables  —  When 
extra  Numbers  are  printed  I  shall  not  forget  You  —  At  pres 
ent  I  have  none  on  hand  —  Please  to  accept  of  the  enclosed 
Speech,  &  believe  me  Sincerely 

' '  &  affectionately  Yours 

"BENJN.  TALLMADGE." 

On  March  9,  Madison  sent  congress  a  message  trans 
mitting  congress  the  papers  which  he  had  bought  for  $50,000 
from  John  Henry,  showing  that  a  short  time  previously  he  had 
been  sent  as  an  emissary  of  Great  Britain  to  report  on  the 
possibility  of  detaching  Massachusetts  from  the  Union.  Tall- 
madge  wrote  McHenry  on  the  13th,  concerning  "this  most 
extraordinary  communication"  and  McHenry  at  once  replied 
in  a  letter  which  has  not  been  found,  giving  Tallmadge  some 
valuable  information  on  the  matter.  When  he  received  this 
letter,  Tallmadge  sent  McHenry  a  copy  of  the  draft  on  the 


576  Life  and  Correspondence       [CHAP,  xvm 

treasury  to  pay  for  the  papers  which  Madison  bought,  enclos 
ing  it  in  a  letter  dated  Mardi  16 : 

''Dear  Sir 

"I  thank  you  most  sincerely  for  your  Letter  of  the  14th. 
instant,  with  the  Record  Evidence  which  accompanied  the 
same  —  It  was  seasonable  &  useful.  The  pitiful  &  mean  at 
tempt  of  the  Pt.  to  accomplish  the  desirable  Object  of  injur 
ing  the  Characters  of  honorable  Men ;  of  endeavouring  to  ex 
cite  a  spirit  of  Indignation  against  G.  B.,  &  of  promoting  his 
own  &  Gerry's  Elections,  I  hope  &  trust  is  seen  thro',  &  will 
in  a  great  measure  fail  —  The  monstrous  Sum  of  money  paid 
to  this  vile  Swindler,  Staggers  &  confounds  many,  &  some 
who  profess  to  have  been  the  friends  of  the  Administration 

-  Since  the  Rect  of  your  proof  relative  to  the  negociation. 

"Of  the  D'ft  on  the  Mechanick's  Bank  three  Members 
of  our  House  from  the  three  Great  States  (viz)  Massachusetts, 
N.  York,  &  Pennsylvania,  Messrs  Quincy,  Emmot,  &  Milnor 
went  over  to  the  Treasury  Office,  determined  to  examine  the 
Books,  as  to  the  origin  of  this  business,  I  mean  the  payment 

-  The  result  shall  be  annexed. 

"Perhaps  it  may  be  tho't  best  to  give  a  summary  of  this 
business,  as  soon  as  the  Materials  are  prepared. 
"I  am  my  Dr.   Sir 

' '  Affectionately  Yours 

"BENJN.   TALLMADGE" 

Tallmadge  wrote  again  from  Washington  on  April  11, 
1812. 

"Dear  Sir 

"I  have  reed,  your  Letter  of  the  5th  inst.  to  which  I  re 
ply,  that  if  any  thing  could  be  relied  on  from  the  Speeches 
&  solemn  Declaration  of  those  who  advocated  the  Embargo, 
while  we  were  in  Conclave,  it  was  to  be  viewed  as  the  pre 
cursor  of  War.  I  have  been  so  long  worried,  &  wounded 
with  such  gasconade  &  nonsense,  that  dreadful  as  I  view  the 
Scourge  of  War,  I  feel  sometimes  almost  willing  that  it 
should  take  place.  If  a  new  order  of  things  could  be  pro 
duced  by  this  dernier  resort,  Dear  as  the  purchase  would  be, 
the  Country  might  perhaps  venture  to  pay  it;  but  I  am  not 
so  sanguine  as  many  who  fully  believe  that  such  an  Event 
would  change  the  whole  political  face  of  our  Country.  Altho' 


1803-1812]  of  James  McHenry  577 

we  are  wholly  unprepared  to  enter  upon  a  war  with  G.  Brit 
ain,  &  altho'  I  have  never  believed  that  the  Administration 
were  seriously  resolved  upon  war,  yet  I  do  believe  if  such  a 
proposition  was  laid  upon  the  Speaker's  Table,  it  would  be 
carried  in  the  House  of  Kept,  by  a  considerable  Majority  - 
Such  seems  to  be  the  madness  &  folly  of  many  of  our  Rulers. 

"Govn.  Wright  seems  to  be  in  a  perfect  phrensy  because 
the  Commissions  are  not  yet  given  out  to  the  Officers  of  the 
new  Army,  nor  any  recruiting  orders  furnished  —  As  the 
King  can  do  no  wrong,  The  Sect,  at  War  takes  all  the  weight 
of  the  Governor's  Artillery. 

"A  proposition  to  repeal  the  non  Importation  Law  has 
been  before  the  House,  but  has  been  postponed  to  monday 
after  next  —  It  met  with  violent  opposition  from  the  war 
hawks,  as  base  &  contemptible,  &  calculated  to  abate  the  Zeal 
for  war  in  the  Country,  as  well  as  in  the  House  —  For  my 
own  part,  I  am  not  fully  convinced  that  the  measure  is  not 
very  deceptive.  If  a  temporary  suspension  of  the  non  Im 
portation  law  should  be  intended  with  a  Clause  preparing  an 
Increase  of  Duties  100  pet.,  the  people  would  thank  them  for 
the  boon,  while  this  would  only  serve  as  a  temporary  relief 
to  the  Treasury,  &  thereby  the  direct  Tax,  Excise  &c  &c,  would 
be  suspended.  The  fact  is,  we  have  so  long  &  so  often  been 
deceived  by  these  French  politicians,  that  it  is  not  amiss  to 
suspect  &  watch  them. 

"We  have  also  before  us  a  proposition  for  an  adjourn 
ment.  A  Commtee.  of  Conference  has  been  appointed,  but  the 
issue  is  quite  doubtful. 

"One  precaution  I  think  we  shall  do  well  to  attend  to, 
&  which  I  request  you  will  observe  (viz)  to  burn  each  others 
Letters. 

"We   have   no   positive   Intelligence    from   the   Hornet, 
altho'  it  is  rumoured  that  She  has  passed  up  the  Chesapeake. 
"I  am  affectionately 

"&  sincerely  yours 

' '  BEN JN.   TALLMADGE.  ' ' 

A  week  later  Tallmadge  wrote: 

"Washington  Apl.   18th.   1812. 
"Dear  Sir 

"I  thank  you  for  your  Letter  of  the  15th.  instant,  the 


578  Life  and  Correspondence       [CHAP,  xvm 

Sentiments  contained  in  which  very  fully  accord  with  my 
own.  I  confess  to  You  that  altho'  I  have  been  repeatedly  dis 
appointed  in  my  hopes  &  Expectations,  I  have  neverless  cher 
ished  the  hope  that  when  the  measures  of  the  Jeffersonians 
policy  become  pretty  fully  exposed,  &  their  deliterious  Ef 
fects  were  felt  &  understood  by  our  Countrymen,  they  would 
be  induced  to  detect  &  change  the  advocates  &  Abettors  of 
them.  The  pertinacious  adherence  of  the  party  to  that  Sys 
tem  of  measures  which  the  past  &  present  Administration 
have  been  pursuing  with  undeviating  Steps,  brings  all  my 
hopes  to  a  stand,  &  I  have  only  to  look  about  me  with  an 
astonishment  that  I  am  unable  to  describe.  I  have  this  morn 
ing  been  conversing  with  some  of  our  Eastern  Democrats, 
particularly  from  Massachusetts,  on  the  Question  of  war,  & 
my  Soul  Sickens  at  the  prospect  that  these  men  should  per 
sist  in  the  Declaration  that  they  will  vote  for  a  Declaration 
of  War,  altho'  they  are  well  convinced  that  it  must  bring 
ruin  upon  themselves  &  their  Constituents.  The  truth  is,  in 
addition  to  the  Evils  which  must  necessarily  result  from  the 
prevalence  of  party  Spirit,  the  Demos  appear  to  me  now  to 
he  under  the  Influence  of  passion  —  The  Defeat  which  their 
Cause  has  lately  reed,  in  Massachusetts  in  the  Election  of 
Oovr.  Strong,  &  the  failure  of  the  Henry  plot  so  far  from 
disheartening  them  seems  to  whet  their  Appetites  for  revenge 
-You  must  not  therefore  be  surprised,  if  a  Declaration  of 
War  should  actually  be  proposed  in  a  few  days.  For  the 
present,  I  shall  omit  to  remark  on  the  political  Consequences 
which  may  possibly  &  not  improbably  result  from  such  a 
measure.  I  hope  as  one  of  the  worst  that  may  be  feared,  You 
•&  I  may  not  witness  the  awful  Calamity  of  seeing  our  own 
Citizens  engaged  in  destroying  one  another. 

"May  we  always  rejoice  that  the  Lord  reigns  &  that  altho' 
Clouds  &  darkness,  as  to  Us,  may  seem  to  be  round  about 
him,  yet  Justice  &  Judgment  will  be  the  habitation  of  his 
throne  forever. 

"I  am  affectionately 
"&  sincerely  Yours 

"BENJN.  TALLMADGE.  " 


At  the  end  of  the  session,  this  letter  came  from  Wash 
ington,  June  17,  1812: 


1803-1812]  oj  James  Me  Henry  579 

"Dear  Sir 

"Having  tided  through  a  long  session  to  very  little  pur 
pose,  in  behalf  of  our  half  ruined  Country,  I  have  now  de 
termined  to  leave  this  place  the  ensuing  week;  believing  that 
before  this  week  shall  close,  the  important  stand  will  be  taken 
by  this  Govt.  —  Heaven  only  knows  what  our  Destiny  is  to 
be ;  but  my  fears  f orbode  every  Evil  —  As  the  Cap  to  this 
Climax,  I  dread  that  above  all,  which  shall  link  us  to  the 
fortunes  &  chain  us  to  the  Carr  of  the  French  Emperor. 

"My  stay  in  Baltimore  will  probably  be  too  short  to 
allow  me  the  pleasure  of  calling  at  your  House  —  I  shall  do 
it  if  I  can. 

"I  shall  enclose,  by  this  days  Mail,  Copies  of  sundry 
Documents  &  am 

"Sincerely  & 

"Affectionately  yours 

"BENJN.  TALLMADGE." 


CHAPTER    XIX 

MCHENRY'S  LAST  DAYS 
1812-1816 

IN  1812  a  mob  destroyed  the  printing  office  of  the  Federal 
Republican,  a  bitter  anti-administration  paper  edited  in 
Baltimore  by  Alexander  Contee  Hanson,  killed  General 
Lingan,  and  severely  injured  several  other  men.     The  city 
was  in  a  turmoil  for  some  time  and  just  after  the  excitement 
McHenry  wrote  thus  to  his  friend,   Robert  Oliver,   on  the 
eve  of  leaving  the  city  for  a  sojourn  in  Allegany  county : 

"Near  Baltimore  24  June  1812. 
"Dear  Oliver 

"You  acted  nobly  at  the  meeting  at  the  Mayor's  office, 
and  all  day  yesterday.  Instruct  our  friends ;  inf orce  it  upon 
them,  that  all  they  hold  valuable  on  earth  depends  upon  a 
union  of  force,  to  discountenance  and  put  down  every  at 
tempt  against  the  laws  and  the  public  peace.  Let  them  do 
as  you  have  done,  face  the  evil,  as  soon  as  it  appears.  If 
they  shrink  from  it,  they  will  quickly  be  made  sensible,  that 
they  walk  the  streets  at  the  mercy  of  the  secret  instigaters  of 
misrule;  that  the  air  of  Baltimore  is  the  air  of  a  prison; 
that  houses  are  no  places  of  safety;  that  there  is  a  mine 
under  them  ready  to  explode,  the  moment,  they  shall  either 
by  word  or  by  look,  give  offence  to  their  masters.  I  lament 
that  I  am  obliged  to  leave  the  City.  I  rejoice,  however,  that 
the  train  in  which  things  now  appear,  leaves  me  little  or  no 
room  to  fear  for  those  friends  I  leave  behind  me." 

The  presidential  election  was  at  hand  and  the  Federalists 
combined  with  the  dissatisfied  Republicans  in  the  support  of 
DeWitt  Clinton  against  Madison,  who  was  a  candidate  for  re 
election.  Of  the  Federalist  position  and  of  the  nomination 
of  Clinton,  we  learn  much  from  a  letter  sent  McHenry  by 
Stoddert : 


DR.  JAMES  McHENRY 

Much  reduced  from  painting  owned  by  the  heirs  of  Dr.  James  McHenry 
(Copyright,  1907,  The  Burrows  Brothers  Company) 


1812-1816]  of  James  McHenry  581 

"Blad[ensburg]    15  July  1812. 
"My  Dear  Sir 

"You  will  probably  think,  &  justly  that  my  own  embar 
rassed  affairs  were  sufficient  to  occupy  my  whole  mind.  But 
I  cannot  help  thinking  also  for  my  Country. 

"Success  in  this  War,  would  most  probably  be  the  worst 
kind  of  ruin  —  But  we  are,  I  believe,  in  no  danger  of  being 
ruined  by  success  —  For  where  can  we  hope  for  success  ? 
not  surely  on  the  Ocean.  As  to  Canada,  the  taking  of  it 
would  be  injury  to  ourselves,  and  would  be  of  trifling  im 
portance  to  our  Enemy  —  it  would  bring  us  no  nearer  to 
Peace. 

"Two  years  duration  of  this  war,  will  produce  one  or 
two  events  —  Division  or  Alliance  with  France  —  which  is 
but  another  name  for  French  Rule  over  us  —  another  name 
would  be  destruction  to  civil  liberty  in  this  hitherto  Free  & 
happy  land. 

' '  There  is  but  one  way  to  save  our  Country.     I  am  thor 
oughly  convinced  and  that  is  to  change  the  administration  — 
and  I  am  not  less  convinced  that  this  can  be  affected  by  bring 
ing  forward  another  Virgn.  as  the  competitor  of  Madison. 

' '  D.  Clinton  can  have  no  chance  —  The  Democrats  in 
every  State  where  they  are  the  ruling  party,  will  support 
Madison  in  preference.  In  New  York,  where  they  have  nom 
inated  him,  they  can  not  secure  to  him  a  vote.  He  has  no 
chance  of  a  vote  South  or  West  of  Maryland,  &  no  chance  of 
general  support  in  the  East.  It  would  be  easier  for  the  Fedts. 
to  elect  an  Eastern  or  Northern  Fedt.,  but  this  they  can  not 
accomplish. 

"Under  this  impression,  I  have  sent  to  the  Spirit  of 
1776,  under  the  signature  of  a  Maryland  Farmer,  an  address 
to  the  people  of  the  U.  S.  but  meant  more  particularly  for 
Virga.  —  recommending  John  Marshall  for  Presdt.  D.  Clinton 
or  R.  King  as  New  York  should  decide,  for  Vice  Presdt.  — 
no  doubt  King  would  be  the  choice  —  and  this  I  have  done, 
because  —  every  body  else  —  seems  to  be  seized  with  apathy, 
the  most  unpardonable  in  the  dangerous  crisis  of  our  affairs, 
and  because  I  felt  it  sacred  duty  &  not  because  —  I  think  my 
talents  fit  me  for  a  writer  to  the  Public. 

"There  is  a  real  change  in  Virga.  —  and  it  will  be  greater 
in  the  Farming  Country,  as  the  Wheat  is  preparing  for  Mar 
ket  —  and  in  the  Farming  Country  there  are  most  votes  — 


582  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xix 

They  vote  for  electors  in  Virga.  by  a  general  ticket,  and  T 
am  thoroughly  persuaded  that  if  the  men  in  that  State,  who 
prefer  Marshall  to  Madison,  can  be  animated  into  Exertion, 
he  will  get  the  votes  of  that  State. 

"What  little  I  can  do  by  private  letters  to  affect  this 
will  be  done  I  have  already  reed,  a  letter  from  Jo  Davies  to 
whom,  being  here  10  days,  I  mentioned  the  subject,  &  wrho 
then  thought  success  impossible  —  but  who  now  writes  me, 
he  has  entirely  changed  his  opinion  —  and  that  if  the  Virgns. 
have  nerve  to  believe  it  will  be  agreeable  to  the  Northern  & 
E.  States,  he  is  sure  Marshall  will  get  the  Virga.  votes. 

' '  Should  he  fail  there,  the  effort  in  Virga.  will  secure  him 
votes  in  North  Carolina,  &  perhaps  further  South  &  in  the 
West  —  and  but  a  few  will  be  wanting  in  these  quarters,  if 
the  Fedts.  every  where  else  unite  for  him. 

"Pinkney  nor  no  other  man  out  of  Virga.  could  have  a 
chance  of  a  vote  in  Virga.  where  there  is  more  State  pride 
than  in  all  the  Union  besides. 

"It  is  not  because  I  prefer  Marshall  to  several  other 
men,  that  I  speak  of  him  —  but  because  I  am  well  convinced 
it  is  vain  to  talk  of  any  other  man.  and  Marshall  is  a  Man 
in  whom  Fedts.  may  confide  —  Perhaps  indeed  he  is  the  man 
for  the  crisis,  which  demands  great  good  sense,  a  great  firm 
ness  under  the  garb  of  great  moderation 

"I  suppose  the  Spirit  of  1776  is  taken  at  your  Coffee 
house.  Pray  read  (perhaps  it  will  be  in  Friday's  paper,  I 
know  not  that  it  is  in  the  paper  of  yesterday)  the  Maryland 
Farmer  —  and  if  you  approve  it  —  and  Hewes  is  not  under 
too  much  control  of  the  Mob.  let  him  insert  it.  but  you  must 
not  stop  here  —  but  by  your  pen  support  a  cause,  on  which 
all  that  is  dear  to  you  depends,  You  can  not  believe  that  the 
men  who  have  plunged  us,  so  headlong  into  this  War,  will 
make  peace.  War  is  what  every  act  of  Madison,  every  word, 
&  every  thought,  has  long  pointed  at  —  but  on  wrhat  Ameri 
can  ground,  God  alone  can  tell  Jefferson  too  has  been  most 
busy  in  urging  the  members  with  whom  he  could  correspond  — 
this  one  of  his  correspondts.  told  me  who  voted  for  Avar  di 
rectly  in  the  teeth  of  his  own  conviction  of  right.  Our  Union 
is  worth  saving,  so  is  civil  liberty  —  so  is  the  prosperity  of 
those  who  possess  it.  All  will  be  swept  away,  if  the  course 
of  Madison  &  the  Arch  Juggler  behind  the  curtain  is  not  im 
mediately  arrested,  this  is  not  the  time  to  object  to  a  man, 


1812-1816]  of  James  McHenry  583 

because  he  is  a  Virgn.,  in  ordinary  times  a  sufficient  objec 
tion  —  the  only  consideration  now  should  be,  who  of  good 
men  can  turn  out  Madison  ? 

"Why,  for  the  honor  of  Balto,  is  there  not  an  associa 
tion  of  all  men  of  property,  &  all  men  of  principle,  whether 
they  have  property  or  not  —  of  the  respectable  Democrats 
&  the  Fedts.  to  support  the  laws  in  Balto  —  in  proportion  as 
this  War  is  unpopular  with  thinking  men,  will  be  the  efforts 
of  those  who  rule,  to  stifle  free  inquiry  —  the  mob  is  the 
most  powerful  auxiliary  of  the  Executive,  &  this  is  known 
at  headquarters  But  the  Union  I  speak  of  would  overcome 
the  mob  of  Balto.  —  and  essentially  preserve  the  Peace,  & 
retrieve  the  Character  of  the  City.  Do  not  flatter  yourselves 
you  have  not  lost  reputation  by  suffering  the  last  disgraceful 
transaction.  Shall  the  House  of  such  a  man  as  E.  Oliver  be 
pulled  down  —  &  the  press  be  muzzled  &  the  character  of 
Balto  sustain  no  injury?  I  do  not  think  so  poorly  of  the 
feelings  &  intellect  of  other  places. 

"An  association  (it  ought  to  be  written  &  signed)  by  the 
Fedt.   alone,   might   lead   to   civil   war  —  every   good   would 
result  from  one  begun  by  Jas  Buchanan  &  such  men  —  and 
including  the  Fedts.  —  and  I  would  make  even  all  the  poorer 
classes  sign  it,  then  would  surely  J  B  with  the  least  encour 
agement,  would  take  an  active  lead  in  this.     I  am  half  de 
termined  to  go  to  Balto  to  endeavour  to  effect  it  —  and  should 
have  done  it,  had  the  expense  been  a  very  easy  thing  with. me. 
"I  am  Dear  Sir  truly  yrs 
"BEN  STODDERT." 

Harper  wrote  Colonel  Lynn,  of  Allegany  county,  from 
Baltimore,  September  25,  1812,  on  the  same  subject : 

"My  Dear   Sir 

"at  the  request  of  some  of  our  friends  in  this  State,  I 
lately  attended  a  meeting  of  federal  Gentlemen  at  New  York 
assembled  from  all  the  States  north  and  East  of  Virginia,, 
to  deliberate  on  the  conduct  which  may  be  proper  for  the  fed 
eral  party  to  pursue,  in  the  approaching  election  of  Presi 
dent.  The  meeting  was  very  full  and  respectable.  It  was 
attended  by  Delegates  from  all  the  States  north  of  the  Po 
tomac,  and  from  South  Carolina. 

"After  a  very  full  and  free  communication  of  Sentiment 
and  information,  we  found  no  hope  nor  chance  of  electing  a 


584  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xix 

federal  President.  Vermont  is  lost  to  us.  It  is  quite  certain 
that  we  could  not  get  the  votes  of  Maryland.  Those  of  New 
York  are  very  doubtful,  and  Pennsylvania  desperate.  We 
might  hope  for  five  or  Six  votes  in  Maryland,  but  cannot  rely 
on  more  than  those.  As  to  North  Carolina,  though  we  learn 
that  very  considerable  changes  have  taken  place,  yet  there 
does  not  appear,  from  any  facts  known  to  me,  any  reason  to 
expect,  that  the  votes  of  that  State  could  be  obtained  for 
a  federal  Candidate. 

"The  choice  of  a  president  of  our  own,  being  thus  des 
perate,  nothing  remains  for  us  but  to  acquiesce  in  the  reelec 
tion  of  Mr.  Madison,  or  take  the  chance  of  getting  rid  of  him 
and  his  political  System ;  the  worst  part  of  it  at  least,  by  giv 
ing  our  aid  to  Clinton. 

"In  favour  of  this  policy  the  meeting  was  almost  unani 
mous.  It  consisted  of  more  than  Sixty  persons,  of  whom  Mr. 
King  and  Mr.  Radcliffe  of  New  York,  and  Mr.  Sitgreaves  of 
Pennsylvania  were  the  only  dissentients.  Mr.  Sitgreaves  ra 
ther  disapproved  the  policy  than  opposed  it.  His  opinion 
was,  that  it  would  be  better  to  take  all  the  hazards  of  Mr. 
Madison's  reelection,  including  that  of  separation  and  french 
alliance,  than  to  endanger,  as  he  thought,  our  own  honour, 
union  and  existence  as  a  party,  by  giving  our  aid  to  Mr.  Clin 
ton.  This  opinion  he  expressed  in  conversation,  but  took  no 
part  in  the  debate.  Mr.  King  warmly  and  very  eloquently 
supported  it  in  debate.  With  these  three  exceptions,  the 
meeting  was,  I  believe,  unanimously  of  opinion  that  we  ought 
to  support  Clinton  in  preference  and  opposition  to  Madison, 
as  the  only  means  now  in  our  power  of  averting  the  evils 
which  have  assailed  and  still  threaten  us. 

' '  The  expectation  that  Mr.  Clinton,  if  elected,  will  change 
the  present  course  of  measures,  in  all  essential  points,  rests 
much  more  on  his  position,  Geographical  and  political,  than 
on  his  professions  and  assurances.  But  they  have  been  ample 
and  positive.  They  were  made  without  reserve.  And  re 
peated  while  I  was  in  New  York.  In  Substance,  they  amount 
to  this;  that  Mr  Clinton  looks  with  abhorrence  on  a  french 
alliance,  in  any  form  or  under  any  circumstances;  that  he 
holds  Buonaparte  and  Ms  views  and  System  in  Such  detesta 
tion  as  to  be  willing  to  bear  a  great  deal  from  England,  rather 
than  throw  the  least  weight,  into  the  french  scale;  that  he 
thinks  a  peace  with  England,  upon  honourable  terms,  is 


1812-1816]  of  James  Me  Henry  585 

easily  attainable,  and  ought  to  be  made  as  Soon  as  possible, 
that  he  is  opposed  to  the  whole  restrictive  System,  and  thinks 
that  commerce  ought  to  be  fostered  and  protected,  to  which 
end  a  navy,  fully  commensurable  with  the  resources  of  the 
nation,  ought  to  be  immediately  provided  and  constantly 
maintained;  and  that,  while  the  present  war  continues,  the 
honour  of  the  nation  ought  to  be  supported,  by  a  vigourous  and 
manly  exertion  of  its  force. 

"If  Mr  Clinton  relied  on  federalists  alone  for  success, 
these  sentiments  ought  to  be  and  no  doubt  would  be,  pub 
lished.  But  he  cannot  be  elected  without  the  aid  of  a  large 
portion  of  the  Democratic  party  which  the  avowal  of  such 
opinions,  or  the  Knowledge  that  any  explanation  had  been 
made  by  him  to  the  federal  party,  would  certainly,  in  a  great 
measure,  and  perhaps  entirely,  alienate  from  his  cause.  We 
must,  therefore,  consider  the  communications  as  strictly  con 
fidential,  and  take  every  precaution  to  prevent  them  from 
becoming  public.  His  sentiments  are  no  doubt  known  to  his 
confidential  friends.  But  we  have  seen  the  grounds  on  which 
they  have  thought  it  best  to  rest  his  pretentions.  The  gen 
eral  probability,  arising  from  his  character  Situation  and 
connections  that  he  will  pursue  a  more  correct  course  than 
Mr.  Madison,  is  a  sufficient  justification  to  us  in  giving  him 
the  preference. 

' '  The  hope  of  electing  Mr.  Clinton  rests  on  this.  We  can 
certainly  give  him  New  York,  New  Hampshire,  Rhode  Island, 
Connecticut,  Delaware  and  part  of  Maryland.  There  is  a 
great  probability  that  we  may,  in  conjunction  with  his  Sup 
porters  among  the  Democrats,  give  him  Massachusetts  Jer 
sey,  Pennsylvania,  and  the  greater  part  if  not  the  whole  of 
Maryland.  We  entertain  the  same  expectation  of  North  Caro 
lina;  and  his  friends  expect  to  carry  Vermont  and  part  of 
Ohio. 

"The  meeting  did  not  resolve  to  recommend  the  support 
of  Mr.  Clinton.  It  was  thought  best  to  take  a  course  some 
what  different,  they  resolved  that  it  appeared  impracticable 
to  elect  and  was,  therefore,  inexpedient  to  propose,  a  federal 
Candidate;  and  that  it  should  be  recommended  to  the  feder 
alists  throughout  the  United  States,  to  exert  themselves  in  the 
approaching  Election  of  Electors,  to  procure  the  choice  of 
such  persons,  as  will  be  most  likely  to  effect  by  their  votes 
a  change  in  the  present  course  of  public  Measures,  They  then 


586  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xix 

appointed  a  Committee,  to  collect  and  disseminate  informa 
tion  on  the  Subject.  The  Committee  sits  in  Philadelphia. 
Three  of  its  members,  Mr.  Hopkinson  Mr.  Binney  and  Mr. 
Meredith,  reside  there.  The  other  two  are  Mr.  Sitgreaves  and 
Mr.  Duncan  of  Pennsylvania. 

' '  The  plan  of  operations  which  appeared  best  to  the  meet 
ing,  and  which  they  resolved  to  recommend  to  their  friends 
generally  is  to  let  the  Clintonian  Democrats  take  the  lead, 
in  all  the  Democratic  States  and  Districts,  and  to  Support 
them  Silently  with  our  votes ;  while  we  every  where  exert  our 
selves  to  the  utmost,  to  place  federalists  in  the  House  of  Rep 
resentatives  and  the  State  Legislatures.  That  seemed  to  be 
the  best  mode  of  keeping  Clinton  right,  if  he  should  be  elected, 
and  of  restraining  Madison  in  his  mischievous  course,  should 
we  be  forced  to  bear  him  four  years  longer. 

"The  plan  adopted  at  New  York  leaves  us  at  large,  to 
profit  by  favourable  events.  "With  as  many  Clintonian  Elec 
tors  as  ,we  can  carry  where  there  are  no  hopes,  or  but  very 
faint  ones,  of  carrying  federalists,  and  with  all  the  Federal 
Electors  that  we  can  get,  we  may  hold  the  fate  of  the  Can 
didates  in  our  own  hands,  and  at  the  decisive  moment,  take 
the  course  which  we  may  deem  best  for  the  public  safety.  We 
do  not  stand  committed  to  Mr.  Clinton.  He  and  his  friends 
must,  therefore,  do  all  in  their  power  to  convince  us,  that  he 
deserves  the  preference,  in  other  words,  that  we  may  expect 
from  him  a  different  course  of  measures,  or  else  we  may 
drop  them  and  try  the  effect  of  submitting  four  years  longer 
to  Madison,  in  hopes  of  a  complete  cure  in  that  time.  We 
may  even  bring  forward  a  federal  Candidate,  should  any 
thing  occur  to  warrant  the  attempt. 

"I  am  my  Dear  Sir,  with  very  great  regard  yours  most 
truly 

"Roe:  G.  HARPER. 
"P.  S. 

"If  you  and  our  friend  Thomas  approve  the  policy  it 
is  not  yet  too  late  to  make  a  change  in  your  arrangements,  I 
submit  it  to  your  consideration  whether  it  would  not  be  best 
for  you  both  to  decline,  in  favour  of  such  Clintonian  demo 
cratic  Candidates  as  may  be  offered  in  your  united  district. 
The  mere  circumstance  of  being  elected  is,  of  course,  no  ob 
ject  with  either  of  you.  Should  your  election  as  federalists 
be  doubtful,  of  which  you  are  the  best  judges,  the  course 


1812-1816]  of  James  Me  Henry  587 

which  I  suggest  would  give  some  additional  chance  for  suc 
cess.  Let  me  know  whether  you  approve  it,  and  I  will  en 
deavour  to  get  Clintonian  Candidates  brought  forward  by 
the  chiefs  of  that  party  here,  whom  I  know,  though  I  have 
had  no  sort  of  communication  with  them.  Perhaps  you  and 
Thomas  can  manage  that  point  better.  Tell  me  what  you 
think  on  that  head. 

"Your's  most  truly 

"ROB:  G.  HARPER." 

An  unsigned  letter  written  from  Baltimore  on  September 
24,  1812,  gives  additional  information: 

' '  My  dear  friend 

"I  returned  a  few  days  ago  and  found  the  town  very 
quiet,  but  no  dependance  can  be  placed  on  the  civil  authori 
ties.  The  privateers  &  army,  have  carried  off  a  large  gang 
of  Ruffians,  but  we  have  still  a  sufficient  number  left  to  do 
mischief,  in  case  any  exciting  cause  should  occur. 

"You  acted  wisely  in  leaving  the  town,  and  I  advise  you 
to  remain  where  you  are  until  our  elections  are  over. 

"The  meeting  at  N.  York  consisting  of  64  members,  de 
cided  almost  unanimously  to  support  C.  —  but  for  obvious 
reasons  their  arrangement  is  to  be  kept  out  of  view  as  long 
as  possible.  He  has  given  the  necessary  assurances  and  I 
look  forward  with  confidence  to  a  happy  change,  in  case  C. 
is  elected  I  think  Mr.  Thomas,  &  Col.  Linn,  should  give  way 
to  C.'s  friends,  unless  they  are  certain  of  success. 

"It  is  impossible  to  form  any  correct  opinion  of  the 
issue  of  the  Presidential  election. 

"If  Madison  is  elected,  &  we  have  not  a  sufficient  majority 
in  the  state  Govt.  to  secure  the  Gov.  &  Council,  our  situation 
will  be  deplorable.  You  wrill  see  by  the  Newspapers  that 
every  thing  goes  on  well  in  Europe.  I  hope  Bonaparte  will 
meet  the  fate  of  Charles  the  12  of  Sweden." 

McHenry  accompanied  his  son  Daniel,  after  the  latter 's 
marriage,  to  his  home  in  Allegany  county  at  Cherry  Tree 
Meadows,  expecting  to  return  in  the  autumn.  Mrs.  McHenry 
wrote  several  years  later  that  "wrhile  there,  my  dear  husband 
was  taken  with  an  infirmity  in  his  legs,  which,  notwithstand 
ing  every  means  was  used  for  his  relief,  gradually  encreased 
till  he  was  entirely  deprived  of  the  use  of  them,  the  winter 


588  Life  and  Cwrespondence        [CHAP,  xix 

then  coming  on,  we  were  obliged  to  remain  there  till  the  fol 
lowing  summer,  when  with  great  difficulty  he  was  got  home. 
From  the  commencement  of  the  disease  he  did  not  expect  to 
recover  &  tried  to  prepare  his  family  to  part  with  him  —  he 
was  so  patient  &  cheerful  during  his  illness  that  many  who 
saw  him  could  not  realize  the  idea  that  he  could  expect  to 
die  with  such  composure ;  but  Blessed  be  God  his  long  &  pain 
ful  confinement  was  made  a  time  of  great  profit  to  him,  he 
was  enabled  to  support  &  improve  it  &  to  say  at  all  times, 
even  in  his  most  painful  moments,  when  praying  for  relief, 
or  patience  to  endure  to  the  end,  not  my  will,  Lord,  but  thine 
be  done. ' '  Tallmadge  continued  to  keep  him  informed  of  the 
course  of  events  and  the  letters  which  passed  between  them 
and  which  follow  are  important  as  showing  the  Federalists' 
position. 

"Washington  Novr.  29th.  1812. 
"Dear  Sir 

"I  have  before  me  your  Letter  of  the  22d.  instant. 
Really  you  have  retired  pretty  much  from  the  bustle  of  the 
wrorld,  &  I  think  your  retreat  very  judicious  at  this  ominous 
period  of  the  police  of  your  quondam  City.  Indeed  it  has 
seemed  as  if  Baltimore  was  almost  ruined,  as  a  place  suitable 
for  Gentlemen  who  loved  Washington  &  imbibed  his  Senti 
ments. 

"Our  Sessions  hitherto,  have  been  rather  barren  of  inci 
dent  than  otherwise.  Govr.  Wright  has  had  another  retal- 
Hating  Bill  before  the  House  which  went  thro'  the  Comtee. 
of  the  whole,  &  was  engrossed  for  its  third  reading  —  The 
Govr.  felt  very  confident  of  Success,  &  in  fact  his  Bill  had 
reed,  no  opposition,  until  it  was  on  its  very  last  Stage,  when 
a  few  of  us  gave  it  Battle  &  it  was  negatived  by  a  Majority 
of  ten. 

"The  House  passed  a  Bill  raising  the  wages  of  Privates 
in  the  Army  to  Eight  Dollars,  &  the  non  commissioned  Offi 
cers  accordingly.  It  also  authorises  the  Enlistment  of  Minors 
above  18  Years  old,  &  secures  from  Arrest  Debtors  of  any 
magnitude  or  Amot.  who  will  fly  to  the  American  Standard, 
as  anciently  Criminals  were  protected  by  the  horns  of  the 
altar.  The  Senate  have  made  some  material  Alterations,  in 
this  Bill,  where  we  could  effect  nothing. 

"I  intended  to  forward  the  Presidents  Message  &  Docu 
ments  accompanying  the  same  —  Also  J.  Russell's  Correspon- 


1812-1816]  of  James  McHenry  589 

dence,  &  last  Statement,  which  is  supposed  to  have  been  writ 
ten  in  the  Latitude  &  Longitude  of  Washington,  for  import 
ant  State  purposes. 

"Our  Northern  &  Western  Armies  seem  to  be  doomed  to 
misfortune  and  Disgrace  —  One  large  Item  in  the  latter  ac 
count  is  the  wonderful  propensity  which  some  of  our  Com 
manders  have  to  write  proclamations  —  Alexr.  Smyth  has 
lately  issued  one  more  replete  with  absurdity  than  any  that 
have  preceeded  it. 

"Perhaps  I  may  occasionally  enclose  an  Eastern  News 
paper. 

"I  am  affectionately  Yours 

"BENJN.  TALLMADGE. 
"  (Forget  not  to  burn)  " 

"Washington  Deer.  5th.  1812. 
"Dr  Sir 

"The  Secy,  at  War  (Dr  Eustis)  has  resigned  &  it  is  whis 
pered  that  Genl.  Armstrong  is  to  succeed  him  —  Other  chang 
es  are  said  to  be  in  Contemplation  for  our  Cabinet. 
' '  Yours   in   Haste. 

' '  BENJN.   TALLMADGE.  ' ' 

"Washington  Deer.  28th.  1812. 
"Dear  Sir 

' '  Your  Letter  of  the  19th.  instant  is  before  me  —  I  take 
it  for  granted  that  you  have  not  given  up  your  habitation 
at  Baltimore,  but  for  a  short  time.  Perhaps  your  Residence 
on  the  Allegany  hills,  may  serve  to  endear  B.  to  you  the  more ; 
provided  nevertheless,  the  Mob  of  that  City  should  not  take 
the  police  of  it  into  their  own  hands.  In  such  Event,  the 
frozen  Coasts  of  Greenland  would  be  prefered  to  it. 

"We  have  passed  the  Bill  from  the  Senate  authorising 
the  Pt.  to  build  4  Ships  of  74  Guns,  &  4  Frigates  of  44  Guns 
Each.  Ays  70  — Noes  56. 

"Also  the  Bill  to  relieve  the  Merchants  from  the  pay 
ment  of  their  penal  bonds—  Ays  64  Noes  61. 

"Our  Military  Commtee.  yesterday  reported  a  Bill  to 
augment  the  Army  20  Regiments,  making  an  addition  of  as 
many  thousand  Men  —  The  Mortality  in  the  northern  Army 
is  wonderful,  &  almost  incredible  —  I  should  suppose,  the 
war  party  would  have  quite  as  much  as  they  could  do,  to  fill 
up  the  old  Establishments  of  35,000  men.  One  thing,  I  be- 


590  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xix 

lieve  I  may  assure  you,  those  who  were  the  most  ardent  for 
war,  at  the  last  Session,  have  become  greatly  cooled  in  their 
zeal. 

"I  am  affectionately  Yours 
"BENJN.  TALLMADGE. 

"P.  S.  As  I  pick  up  &  enclose  almost  any  papers  that 
remain,  after  the  Gentlemen  of  our  Mess  house  selected  such 
as  they  need,  you  may  very  probably  have  some  in  Duplicate, 
&  others  of  very  little  consequence.  If  you  need  the  Presi 
dent's  Message  at  the  Commencment  of  the  Session,  with 
the  Documents  accompanying  the  same,  together  with  Rus 
sell  last  Communication,  they  can  be  forwarded 

"I  do  not  remember  whether  I  have  sent  them  or  not." 

"Washington  Deer.  31st.  1812. 
"Dear  Sir 

"I  have  just  returned  from  the  funeral  of  John  Smilie 
Esq;  long  a  Representative  from  Pennsylvania.  He  died 
yesterday  at  2  oclock  P.  M. 

"Mr.  Hamilton,  the  Secy  of  the  Navy,  has  resigned  the 
Seals  of  his  Office;  so  that  the  War  &  Navy  Departments 
are  now  without  official  heads  as  they  are  said,  by  some,  to 
have  been  without  brains. 

"We  are  progressing  with  an  Increase  of  the  Army, 
by  adding  1  Major  to  each  Regt.  1  third  Lieut.  &  1  Sergeant 
to  each  Company,  &  20  new  Regts  —  20,000  Men  for  one 
Year—  We  have  also  a  Bill  before  us  for  creating  a  long 
List  of  General  Officers  —  We  do  intend  to  contest  the  Ground 
on  these  Bills  but  they  will  all  pass. 

"Was  there  ever  such  a  Disgraceful  Scene  transacted 
by  any  body  of  military  men,  as  our  Armies  of  the  North 
have  exhibited  —  It  affords  serious  Contemplation  to  our  war 
hawks,  &  they  are  excessively  tender  on  that  Subject. 

' '  I  am  sincerely  yours 
"BENJN.  TALLMADGE" 

Very  few  of  McHenry's  replies  to  Tallmadge  have  been 
found.  A  long  and  interesting  epistle  was  written  by  Mc- 
Henry  from  Cherry  Tree  Meadows,  January  15,  1813: 

"Dear  Sir, 

"According  to  geometricians,  called  surveyors,  this  place 
I  now  inhabit  is  elevated  above  Washington,  at  least  three 


1812-1816]  of  James  McHcnry  591 

thousand  feet,  and,  yet,  notwithstanding  the  advantage  of 
commanding  ground,  it  is  very  certain  I  can  see  nothing  of 
what  is  going  forward  in  this  City.  Thus  situated,  and  hav 
ing  been  for  a  fortnight  past  shut  out  from  all  intercourse 
with  friends  (the  severity  of  the  weather  preventing  me  from 
sending  to  the  post  office)  it  entered  into  my  mind  to  try 
whether  or  not,  some  news  could  be  obtained,  through  the 
channel  of  dreams,  to  which  you  know  wise  men  in  all  ages 
of  the  world,  as  well  Christian  as  heathen,  have  resorted, 
without  scruples  and  often  with  success.  Encouraged  by 
such  I  have  had  a  dream  which,  with  your  good  leave,  I  shall 
now  relate  —  I  fancied  myself  in  the  palace  at  Washington, 
where  my  attendance  had  been  requested  by  Mr.  Madison. 
Information,  it  seems,  was  wanted,  which  it  was  supposed  I 
could  give,  respecting  certain  military  officers  of  the  revolu 
tion,  for  whom  stations  Avere  contemplated  in  the  army.  This 
business  being  disposed  of,  Mr.  Madison  asked  me,  what  I 
thought  of  the  times?  Perceiving  that  his  table  was  covered 
with  federal  news-papers  from  all  parts  of  the  union,  here, 
Sir,  said  I  are  intelligencers,  better  able  to  satisfy  you  than 
I  am  — I  acknowledged  the  merit  of  the  information,  he  re 
plied,  but  I  cannot  always  rely  on  their  reasoning  or  trust 
to  their  facts.  They  announce  that,  as  President,  I  have  lost 
the  confidence  of  a  vast  portion  of  the  people,  of  the  Eastern 
and  middle  States,  and  in  other  sections  of  the  union,  that 
doubts  and  surmises  are  eating  my  popularity,  and  under 
mining  its  very  foundation.  Believe  them,  also  and  the  war 
must  soon  die  a  natural  death,  from  this  diminution  in  pub 
lic  confidence,  the  impossibility  of  raising  men  and  an  ab 
solute  want  of  money  to  carry  it  on.  In  all  this,  I  can  see 
the  wishes  of  federalists,  but  not  the  truth.  You  are  of 
opinion  then,  said  I,  that  the  public  confidence  has  under 
gone  no  change,  and  the  result  of  late  elections,  in  various 
districts  of  Country  is  no  evidence  of  the  fact  ?  If  I  thought 
otherwise,  he  replied,  I  should  think  very  erroniously.  What 
experienced  mariner  is  alarmed  by  the  variations  of  the  nee 
dle?  It  would  be  strange,  indeed,  was  the  art  that  has  fixed 
for  so  many  years  the  character  of  the  times,  all  at  once  to 
loose  its  virtue.  But  I  find,  you,  as  well  as  some  of  my  weaker 
friends  have  mistaken  the  mere  semblance  of  a  change,  for  a 
real  change;  not  considering  that  this  semblance  being  pro 
duced  by  transient  causes,  like  those  false  suns  sometimes  seen 


592  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xix 

in  the  heavens,  must  soon  disappear.  As  to  the  war,  Eng 
land  is  too  seriously  occupied  in  Europe,  to  occasion  us  much 
trouble  in  America.  I  fear  nothing  from  want  of  men  or 
money.  All  this  case  requires,  is  to  give  to  the  war  sufficient 
duration,  which  without  victories,  many  men,  or  much  money 
must  secure  its  object.  It  was  the  voice  of  Mr  Madison  I 
heard,  but  on  looking  at  him  he  had  the  very  form  of  Mr. 
Jefferson.  Suddenly  loosing  sight  of  the  spectre,  the  palace, 
and  Washington,  I  imagined  my  self  seated  on  the  banks  of 
the  Duero.  The  English  army  appeared  at  some  distance, 
its  tryumphant  ensigns  waving  in  the  wind.  Alas,  said  I, 
your  victories,  though  splendid,  have  not  been  conclusive,  and 
the  means  of  your  nation  for  continuing  this  war,  tho'  great, 
are  opposed  by  means,  perhaps  greater.  A  train  of  painful 
reflections  now  took  possession  of  my  mind,  from  which  I 
was  roused  by  a  noise  on  my  left,  that  seemed  to  partake  of 
flight  and  dismay.  On  turning  round,  I  saw  Bonaparte  pur 
sued  by  a  Russian  bear,  his  guards  scattered,  and,  the  animal 
gaining  fast  upon  him.  He  cannot  escape,  I  exclaimed,  when, 
the  next  instant,  I  saw  him  in  Paris,-  with  Barlow  on  his 
knees,  in  the  act  of  presenting  a  letter  from  the  President  of 
the  United  States,  which  read  one  way,  congratulated  him 
on  his  successes  in  the  North,  and  near  approach  of  the  free 
dom  of  the  sea,  read  another  seemed  to  call  for  justice  and 
the  fulfilment  of  a  promise.  Blockheads,  said  Bonaparte, 
crushing  the  paper  in  his  hand  and  turned  from  the  prostrate 
minister,  without  inviting  him  to  rise. 

"I  again  fancied  myself  in  Washington,  that  the  13 
Congress  had  met,  and  that  I  saw  the  new  and  old  federal 
members  convened  and  deliberating  together  on  the  properest 
course  for  them  to  pursue.  It  was  under  discussion,  whether 
or  not,  as  a  means  to  bring  about  peace  (to  effect  which  it  was 
observed  most  of  them  were  elected)  they  ought  to  oppose 
all  grants  of  money  for  military  purposes.  The  speaker 
seemed  to  think,  that  appropriations  for  maintaining  the  war 
should  be  resisted,  excepting  such  as  were  required  for  the 
protection  of  the  frontiers  and  extension  of  the  navy.  This 
procedure,  it  was  argued,  if  it  did  not  force  the  President 
into  a  peace,  would  at  least  change  the  war  from  offensive  to 
defensive,  and  thereby^  in  all  probability,  abridge  its  evils. 
The  debate  intermitted.  Mr.  Randolph  now  rose.  I  could 
perceive,  that  several  members  seemed  surprised  how  this 


1812-1816]  of  James  McHenry  593 

gentleman  got  amongst  them.  Without,  however,  noticing 
their  surprise,  he  said,  he  would  take  the  liberty,  in  addi 
tion  to  the  proposition  under  debate,  to  offer  a  few  reflec 
tions  for  consideration  to  be  cast,  if  they  should  be  approved 
of,  into  a  proper  form,  and  submitted  to  the  President  of 
the  United  States. 

"I  lay  it  down,  he  said,  as  a  great  political,  nay  moral 
maxim,  that  if  it  be  in  our  power,  it  becomes  our  duty,  to  put 
an  end  to  this  war.  To  affect  this,  let  us,  in  the  first  place, 
bring  together  into  one  account  the  vast  sums  of  money  al 
ready  expended  on  a  war  yet  hardly  commenced.  Let  us 
next  show,  that  this  war,  if  prosecuted  according  to  the  sys 
tem  avowed  by  the  late  President,  in  one  of  his  messages  to 
Congress,  and  practiced  upon  by  the  present  President,  viz, 
of  fighting  with  militia,  till  such  time  as  a  regular  army  can 
be  raised  and  disciplined  for  actual  service,  it  must  occasion 
a  most  dreadful  and  unprofitable  sacrifice  of  useful  lives, 
render,  from  the  expensive  nature  of  the  system,  the  public 
expenditures  unsupportable,  and  induce,  from  mere  deficiency 
of  means,  a  resort  to  foreign  subsidies,  and  foreign  troops. 
Let  us  then  state  that  the  view  of  our  unsettled  differences 
with  great  Britain,  derived  from  public  documents,  happily 
presents  no  obstacle  to  their  adjustment,  so  obstinate,  as  can 
not  be  removed;  that,  on  the  contrary,  it  encourages  a  rea 
sonable  expectation,  that  a  fair  trial  to  adjust  them  cannot 
fail  of  success.  Here  let  a  mission  be  recommended,  to  con 
sist  of  men  perfectly  cognizant  with  the  commercial  and  other 
great  interests  of  the  union,  to  proceed  immediately  to  Lon 
don,  with  authority  to  conclude  a  treaty  of  peace,  compris 
ing  an  arrangement  of  all  our  differences  with  the  United 
Kingdom  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland.  And  if  it  so  pleases 
you,  but  this  proposition  perhaps  you  may  not  choose,  con 
sidering  the  crafty  character  of  our  Cabinet,  let  the  repre 
sentatives,  ever  true  to  the  interest  and  dignity  of  the  nation, 
pledge  their  honour  that  should  a  negociation  thus  begun, 
fail  in  attaining  a  settlement  of  differences  on  fair  and  equit 
able  terms,  to  call  into  action  all  their  capacities  and  ener 
gies,  in  the  prosecution  of  a  vigorous  war  by  land  and  sea. 

"I  may  gentlemen  be  mistaken,  for  who  is  he  who  may 
not;  but  I  cannot  help  entertaining  belief,  if  this  measure 
shall  be  adopted  without  delay,  and  these  ideas  expressed,  in 
plain  and  respectful  language,  it  cannot  fail  to  make  a  strong 


594  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xix 

and  salutary  impression,  as  well  on  the  public  as  on  the  Presi 
dent.  Yes,  I  say  adopted  without  delay.  Moments  in  the 
present  situation  of  things  are  precious.  Depend  upon  it, 
If  there  be  a  manouvre  in  the  tactics  of  the  palace,  by  which 
the  President  can  prolong  the  war,  and  yet  appear  to  the 
public  most  anxious  to  bring  it  to  a  close,  it  will  be  practiced. 
Would  not  a  proposition  for  an  armistice  be  of  this  nature, 
accompanied  with  an  offer,  if  accorded  to,  of  sending  a  Min 
ister  forthwith  to  London,  to  arrange  and  settle  terms  of  a 
treaty.  The  people  would  not  see,  that  the  proposition  was 
deceptions ;  they  could  not  be  made  to  comprehend  why,  in 
this  stage  of  the  business,  the  preliminaries  or  basis  of  a 
treaty  must  be  adjusted,  between  the  two  nations  previous  to 
a  suspension  of  hostilities.  May  not  also  the  same  purpose 
be  affected  by  a  law,  rendering  it  penal  to  employ  on  board 
our  ships  of  war  or  merchantmen  British  subjects,  to  take 
affect  whenever  Great  Britain  should  do  certain  things  in 
admissible  in  fact  or  in  form. 

"There  is  another  consideration  not  less  cogent  for  our 
doing  whatever  is  proper  for  us  to  do  without  loss  of  time. 
The  present  is,  perhaps,  the  only  one  that  is  allowed  us,  in 
which  to  rescue  our  Country  from  the  calamities  of  war,  nay 
from  calamities  still  greater.  Should  the  effort  to  obtain 
the  proposed  mission  be  delayed,  till  after  Great  Britain  shall 
have  settled  her  plan  for  the  war,  and  entered  upon  its  exe 
cution,  who  can  expect  from  it  success?  For  myself,  I  do 
not.  A  new  obstacle  will  have  then  interposed,  too  obstinate 
I  fear,  to  be  removed.  While  fiddling  about  Canada,  and 
playing  the  rogue,  at  Augustine,  New  Orleans  will  pass  into 
the  hands  of  Great  Britain,  and  be  rendered  impregnable 
against  our  arms.  What  think  you,  Gentlemen !  Will  not 
this  event  stamp  a  new  character  on  the  war?  Will  not  ten 
thousand  considerations,  political  and  commercial,  make  the 
English  nation  see  in  the  permanent  possession  of  this  place, 
complete  remuneration  for  years  of  war  and  millions  of 
money.  Who  among  us  will  undertake  to  say,  when,  or  how, 
a  wTar  is  likely  to  terminate,  between  people,  one  of  which, 
will  feel  the  strongest  interest  to  retain,  that  which  the  other 
has  the  most  powerful  motives  to  recover?  This  is  no  fancy, 
no  child  of  fairy-land.  I  see  the  reality  before  me.  It  af 
fects  my  senses,  as  forcibly  as  did  the  fatal  writing  on  the 
wall,  the  mind  of  Belshazzar.  Do  not  deceive  yourselves. 


1812-1816]  of  James  Me  Henry  595 

New  Orleans  once  occupied  by  Great  Britain,  the  war  becomes 
interminable,  or  the  United  States,  are  no  more.  No  matter 
then  who  reigns  as  President,  or  what  party  preponderates, 
that  circumstance  will  work  no  change  in  our  destiny.  The 
thought  sickens  me  almost  to  fainting.  But,  he  continued, 
lifting  up  his  eyes  to  heaven  and  looking  beyond  means  and 
instruments,  I  know  there  is  a  power  which  baffles  devices  the 
most  cunningly  formed,  against  whom,  no  wisdom  or  under 
standing  can  prevail! 

"Randolph  sat  down,  a  deep  &  solemn  pause  of  some 
minutes  ensued.  Mr.  Pitkin  now  rose.  At  this  instant,  I 
was  summoned  to  my  lodgings,  and  before  I  got  back,  the 
meeting  had  adjourned. 

"Perceiving  Mr.  Dana  coming  out  of  the  house,  well, 
said  I,  taking  him  by  the  arm.  What  is  done  ?  Great  things, 
he  replied,  We  have  caught  the  fox,  and  only  wait  for  the 
arrival  of  your  friend,  Mr.  Pickering,  to  kill  him. 

"I  now  imagined  myself  advanced  several  centuries  into 
futurity.  The  occupations  and  pursuits  of  men  did  not  ap 
pear  to  have  undergone  any  change,  their  dress  only  had  al 
tered.  Curious  to  learn  what  was  said  by  its  writers  of  the 
transactions  of  the  present  period,  I  examined  the  most 
esteemed  history,  and  found  them  compressed  into  a  very  few 
pages.  I  searched  in  vain  for  the  names  of  the  generals, 
popular  orators  and  statesmen  who  had  occupied  so  great  a 
space  in  our  newspapers  and  public  dispatches,  but  their 
names  were  not  recorded.  I  observe  also,  that  even  the  char 
acters  of  our  Presidents  were  given  in  a  few  short  sentences. 
The'  first  it  was  remarked  possesed  no  splendid  talents,  but 
shone  the  real  'patriot  King.'  The  second  had  acted  the 
sage  and  the  fool,  by  fits.  The  third,  excelled  in  hypocrisy, 
and  governed  by  deception.  The  fourth  had  virtues,  but  sunk 
them  in  the  vices  of  his  predecessor.  What!  I  exclaimed, 
not  allow  one  genuine  ray  of  candor  and  upright  dealing  in 
the  Presidential  lives  of  two  such  popular  statesmen !  In 
saying  this,  the  book  fell  from  my  hands,  and  I  awoke. 

"And  now  feeling  myself  no  longer  under  the  influence 
of  fancy,  I  beg  you  to  believe,  that  I  am  not  dreaming,  when 
I  assure  you,  that  I  am  very  sincerely  your  friend  &  hble 
serv. ' ' 

Tallmadge  sent  a  brief  note  from  Washington  on  Jan 
uary  16,  1813. 


596  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xix 

"Dear  Sir 

"The  Senate  have  ratified  the  Nomination  of  Genl.  Arm 
strong,  Secy  at  War,  &  Wm.  Jones,  Secy,  of  the  Navy.  The 
former  rubed  hard  in  the  Senate,  &  it  finally  passed  18  to  15. 

"The  Bill  to  raise  20.000  additional  Troops  will  probably 
finally  pass,  altho'  it  had  a  hard  time  in  our  House.  The 
Debate  has  embraced  the  whole  range  of  our  foreign  Rela 
tions. 

"I  am  affectionately  yours 
' '  BENJN.  TALLMADGE.  ' ' 

A  second  letter  from  McHenry  dated  Cherry  Tree  Mea 
dows,  Saturday,  January  23,  1813,  accompanied  the  longer 
one  written  earlier  in  the  month. 

"Dear  Sir 

"The  snow,  and  distance  of  the  post  office,  (16  miles) 
from  this  place,  shut  me  out  from  all  news  for  a  fortnight. 
Last  Saturday  however,  my  messenger  surmounted  all  diffi 
culties,  and  brought  me  next  day,  the  accumulation  of  weeks. 
What  I  did  during  this  time  you  will  be  told  by  and  by. 
Istly.  I  have  to  acknowledge  your  letters  under  date  of  the 
19,  28,  30,  &  31st  ulto.  and  two  of  the  5th.  and  9th.  2dly. 
To  beg  you  to  thank  Mr.  Davenport  for  the  aid  he  has  so 
kindly  lent  to  furnish  amusement  to  a  man  confined  to  his 
room,  by  gout,  or  something  very  like  it,  and  unable  to  walk 
across  it  without  assistance.  3dly.  To  request  you  to  send 
me  half  a  dozen  copies  of  Mr.  Quincy's  speech  on  the  army 
bill,  should  it  appear  in  a  pamphlet  form.  The  short  sketch 
I  have  seen  of  it  in  the  Baltimore  Federal  Gazette,  and  your 
account  of  its  pungency  &  brilliancy,  makes  me  anxious  to 
see  it  entire,  and  to  give  it  circulation.  Mr.  Quincy  adds  the 
graces  of  the  elegant  scholar  to  the  talents  of  the  statesman. 
4thly.  You  have  furnished  me  one  copy  of  the  President's 
message  &c.  and  Mr.  Russel's  Supplementary  evidence,  an 
other  will  oblige  me,  that  I  may  have  one  set  to  leave  with 
my  son,  and  a  second  to  take  home.  I  shall  also  be  grate 
ful,  if  you  can  spare  me  copies  of  the  printed  reports  made  by 
the  heads  of  Departments  in  the  course  of  the  session.  These 
furnish  facts,  the  knowledge  of  M'hich  is  necessary  to  a  cor 
rect  understanding  of  our  public  affairs  and  the  manner 
in  which  they  are  conducted.  And  now  you  shall  know  how 


1812-1816]  of  James  McHenry  597 

the  interval  I  have  spoken  of  has  been  employed.  Vouch 
safe  to  accept  of  the  enclosed  dream,  not  by  way  of  a  return 
for  your  many  favours,  for  it  is  no  equivalent,  but  because  I 
have  nothing  better  to  send,  and  because  I  thought  it,  the 
result  of  a  few  idle  hours,  was  better  to  send  than  nothing 
at  all  at  all  &  having  thus  committed  myself,  let  me  entreat 
you,  as  the  dream  is  intended  to  be  perused  by  you  and  your 
friends  only,  who,  occasionally,  confer  together  how  best  to 
promote  the  public  good,  that  it  may  not  pass  this  limit. 
There  it  will  be  understood,  elsewhere  it  might  not" 

During  the  year  1813,  a  number  of  additional  letters  from 
Tallmadge  have  been  preserved  in  which  he  speaks  freely  of 
events  at  the  capital.  Thus  from  Washington,  on  February 
8,  1813,  he  wrote: 

"Dear  Sir 

"I  thank  you  for  your  obliging  Letter  of  the  23d.  with 
its  accompanying  Document.  Although  it  comes  under  the 
figure  of  a  Dream,  I  would  give  more  for  it,  as  a  State  paper, 
than  any  or  all  the  Documents,  relative  to  our  foreign  Rela 
tions,  that  have  been  laid  before  us  during  the  present  reign. 
In  fact,  it  has  one  prominent  superiority  over  the  latter,  in 
asmuch  as  it  exhibits  the  truth,  altho'  in  a  figure.  I  wish  I 
could  with  propriety  say  as  much  of  the  others.  Be  assured 
that  no  improper  use  shall,  on  any  Account,  be  made  of  it. 
It  has  passed  under  the  eye  of  some  of  our  friends  among 
whom  is  Majr  Davenport.  In  no  case  (I  repeat  it)  shall  it 
be  used  to  the  Injury  of  the  Dreamer. 

"The  Documents  communicated  at  the  commencment  of 
the  Session  shall  be  inclosed:  but  there  are  many  which  are 
printed  during  the  Session  of  which  only  a  single  Copy  can 
be  obtained. 

"We  have  been  almost  over  whelmed  with  News  from 
Russia,  &  the  last  Arrivals  from  Europe  bro't  Intelligence  of 
the  Death  of  Bounaparte,  which  gained  great  Credit.  We 
have  a  Rumour  this  day,  however,  that  he  has  reached  Poland. 
Expectation  is  all  alive  for  further  Intelligence:  &  while 
some  look  forward  to  the  Death  of  that  military  Despot,  as 
an  Event  most  auspicious  to  the  peace  of  Europe :  others  view 
it  with  foreboding  apprehension.  For  my  own  part,  I  can 
say  with  great  truth,  that  if,  in  the  Course  of  divine  Provi- 


598  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xix 

dence,  he  should  be  taken  away,  I  shall  most  heartily  acquiesce 
in  the  Dispensation.  At  all  Events,  I  believe  it  may  be  re 
lied  on,  that  the  loss  of  the  F.  Army  in  the  Horses,  Artillery, 
Baggage,  &  even  Men,  must  be  immense. 

"We  have,  for  some  time,  been  discussing  the  Bill,  ac 
companied  by  a  Report  of  our  Commtee  on  foreign  Relations, 
relative  to  Seamen  —  It  is  well  understood  that  both  of  those 
papers  came  from  the  Cabinet,  thro  the  aforesaid  Commit 
tee,  to  Congress,  without  the  alteration  or  addition  of  a  single 
word.  Whether  the  Object  in  view  is  to  enable  the  Admin 
istration  to  open  a  Negociation  for  a  peace,  on  liberal  terms, 
with  frankness  &  sincerity;  or  whether  this  Bill  is  intended 
to  deceive  the  people,  by  apparently  removing  the  Cause  in 
Dispute  between  the  two  Countries,  &  then  throwing  all  the 
blame  of  continuing  the  war  on  G.  B.  is  not  well  settled.  I 
confess  I  have  never  doubted  for  a  moment  that  the  Intention 
of  the  Admn.  was  to  continue  the  wrar,  if  by  any  means  they 
could  make  it  so  popular  as  to  engage  the  people  on  their 
side.  Unless  the  Bill  should  be  considerably  amended  in 
some  of  its  propositions,  it  will  get  the  support  of  the  peace 
party  in  Congress.  Without  their  aid,  it  seems  as  if  it  would 
not  pass.  The  ardent  warmen  do  not  like  it,  lest  it  should 
produce  peace.  I  am  Dr  Sir, 

"Sincerely  &  affectionately  Yours 
"B.  TALLMADGE." 

"Washington  May  30th.  1813. 
"Dear  Sir 

"We  have  yet  done  nothing  worthy  of  notice,  nor  shall 
we  before  the  Committee  shall  report. 

' '  Our  Intelligence  from  Europe  is  highly  important.  We 
may  noAv  calculate  on  Russia,  Prussia,  Sweden  &  Austria 
having  united  to  limit  the  power  of  Bounaparte  —  May 
Heaven  grant  that  they  may  succeed,  &  that  our  own  Country 
may  not  be  found  ultimately,  a  solitary  friend  of  this  great 
Robber  of  Nations. 

"I  am  affectionately  yours 
' '  BEN JN.  TALLMADGE.  ' ' 

"Washington  June  10th.  1813. 
"My  Dear  Sir 

' '  I  have  been  made  very  happy  by  the  Reet.  of  your  Let- 


1812-1816]  of  James  Me  Henry 

ter  dated  the  4th.  instant,  &  hope  you  may  continue  to  amend 
in  health  —  Happy  is  that  man,  who  from  the  furnace  of 
affliction  can  look  up  to  his  merciful  Protector  &  say  'not 
my  will  but  thine  be  done. '  At  this  trying  hour  the  peculiar 
Excellency  of  Religion  is  made  manifest,  &  then  the  Be 
liever  is  enabled  to  exhibit  the  peculiar  worth  of  his  faith, 
inasmuch  as  it  serves  to  support  him  even  in  the  near  pros 
pect  of  Dissolution,  when  to  the  Infidel  every  thing  must  be 
shrouded  in  Gloom  &  darkness  &  despair. 

"The  Mission  to  Russia  has  not  yet  reed,  the  advice  & 
Consent  of  the  Senate ;  not  so  much  as  to  its  Object,  as  the 
means  employed.  In  fact,  it  has  become  very  questionable 
whether  Mr.  Gallatin  can  execute  the  Office  of  Embassador  & 
still  retain  his  hold,  over  the  Treasury  De  Partment. 

"The  P.  has  also  nominated  Mr.  Russel  a  Minister  to 
Sweden.  This  will  not  probably  pass  the  Senate,  as  the  Ex 
pediency  of  such  a  Mission  seems  to  be  questioned,  &  of  Course, 
there  being  no  vacancy,  the  Pt.  had  no  Vacancy  to  fill  in  the 
recess  of  the  Senate. 

' '  This  day  the  Commtee  of  Ways  &  Means  reported  their 
System  for  Taxes,  consisting  of  twelve  bills,  all  of  which  are 
made  the  order  of  the  Day  for  monday  next,  By  some,  it 
seems  to  be  doubted  whether  these  bills  can  be  carried ;  &,  by 
others,  whether  the  friends  to  the  War  will  not  move  a  post 
ponement  of  them  to  the  next  Session  —  at  any  rate,  they  will 
come  up  to  the  business  with  some  reluctance. 

"That  the  Admn.  have  no  serious  &  cordial  wish  to  have 
a  peace,  I  have  long  believed;  &  hence  the  Mission  to  Russia 
has  no  very  prominent  features  indicative  of  peace.  Never 
theless,  in  the  present  State  of  the  European  world,  Peace 
may  come  to  us. 

"The  loss  of  the  Frigate  Chesapeake,  is  a  most  mortify 
ing  occurence.  We  have  no  particulars  of  the  action,  only 
from  those  who  were  at  some  Distance,  &  beheld  the  short  Con 
flict.  I  expect  shortly  to  get  the  Intelligence  from  Hallifax. 

"New  London  is  at  this  time  full  of  apprehension,  oc- 
casiond.  by  the  arrival  of  three  of  our  public  Ships,  having 
been  pursued  in  by  a  superior  B.  Fleet.  I  understand  there 
are  4  Ships  of  74  Guns  lying  off  New  London  Harbour,  &  it 
would  not  be  very  wonderful  if  they  should  enter  in,  &  try 
which  can  do  the  other  the  most  harm.  In  such  an  Event,  the- 
City  of  N.  London  must  suffer  greatly. 


600  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xix 

"Your  particular  friends  here  are  well.  Col  Pickering 
has  written  to  You  since  I  reed,  your  last.  Wishing  you  all 
possible  happiness. 

"I  am  sincerely 
' '  &  affectionately  yours 
"BENJN.  TALLMADGE" 

"Washington  II.  of  Reps.  June  16th.  1813 
"Dear  Sir 

"In  one  of  the  enclosed  papers,  you  will  find  an  able  re 
port  from  a  Comtee,  made  to  the  Genl.  Assembly  of  Massa 
chusetts.  One  of  a  similar  Nature  has  been  made  to  the 
Legislature  of  Maryland.  A  petition  has  this  day  been  pre 
sented  to  Congress,  by  the  Corporation  of  the  City  of  N.  York, 
praying  for  assistance  from  the  Genl.  Govt.  to  defend  that 
City.  I  think  the  Admn.  will  have  as  much  as  they  can  attend 
to,  if  the  Militia  are  harrassed  &  called  out  by  the  Govt  of  the 
States,  to  repel  Invasions  &c,  from  the  multiplied  Calls  that 
will  be  made  upon  the  Genl.  Govt.  for  payment  &  support. 
This  war,  my  friend,  is  a  very  troublesome  thing  &  the  sooner 
we  can  be  relieved  from  it  the  better. 

"We  have  this  morning  reed,  unpleasant  Intelligence 
from  our  Northern  Army.  It  is  said  that  Genl.  Chandler  & 
Winder,  with  about  170  Men,  were  surprised  &  Captured. 

"We  seem  to  be  doomed  to  suffer  disgrace  from  that  Qr. 

"The  Taxes  remain  untouched  as  reported. 

' '  I  am  sincerely 
' '  &  truly  yours 
"BENJN,  TALLMADGE" 

"Washington  June  24th.  1813 
"Dear  Sir 

"I  thank  You  for  your  Letter  of  the  18th.  instant,  & 
altho'  I  am  always  rejoiced  to  hear  from  You,  &  especially  to 
get  a  letter  written  by  yourself ;  yet  I  must  say  to  You  that  I 
will  forego  that  pleasure  at  any  time,  rather  than  have  you 
fatigue  &  injure  yourself 

"We  are  now  working  on  the  Taxes,  &  really  they  seem 
to  drag  heavily  on.  The  Advocates  for  ,the  war,  who  have 
indeed  made  it  necessary  for  us  to  lay  these  burdens  upon 
the  people,  cannot  agree  on  the  principles  to  govern  in  the 
direct  Tax.  If  I  could  judge  from  what  has  already  taken 


1812-1816]  of  James  Me  Henry  601 

place,  I  should  believe  the  Taxes  would  not  be  laid  during  this 
Session. 

' '  The  enclosed  paper  will  give  you  the  acct.  of  the  Capture 
of  the  Chesapeake,  with  all  the  particulars  that  have  come  to 
hand -relative  to  that  important  Affair.  That  single  Conflict 
is  enough  to  make  a  Christian  mourn  over  this  calamitous  War. 

"Adieu.     I  am  affectionately 

' '  BEN JN.  TALLMADGE 

"P.  S.  The  Pt.  continues  quite  unwell  —  it  is  said  the 
B.  fleet  below  Menace  even  an  approach  to  this  place,  if  not 
by  their  Ships,  by  their  Men  from  on  board" 

"Washington  July  9th.  1313. 
"My  Dr.  Sir 

"With  much  pleasure  I  acknowledge  the  Rect.  of  your 
Letter  dated  the  22d  ulto.  &  hope  this  may  find  You  in  toler 
able  health,  &  above  all  that  you  may  grow  in  Grace,  &  be 
ripening  for  a  better  world. 

"We  have  now  got  through  with  the  heaviest  part  of  the 
Taxes,  The  Land  Tax  &  the  whiskey  Tax  constitute  more 
than  half  the  labour  of  the  whole  System.  Great  difficulties 
have  presented  themselves  as  we  progressed  in  the  business^  & 
great  Inequalities  &  Injustice  have  been  done  in  Apportioning 
the  Land  Tax.  For  Instance,  in  the  State  of  Ohio,  the  Sum 
apportioned  to  that  State  was  laid  solely  on  its  — population 
to  the  amot.  of  $104.000.  Then  to  make  the  thing  go  down 
with  the  people,  they  laid  only  42.000  on  the  Resident  & 
$62.000  on  the  non  Resident  Population.  This  was  so  enorm 
ously  oppressive,  that  it  went  down  hard,  even  in  our  House. 

"The  Pt.  has  got  so  much  better  that  he  begins  again  to 
attend,  to  public  business.  He  has  replied  to  the  Senate  re 
specting  Mr.  Gallatin's  Nomination  on  the  Mission  to  St. 
Petersburg,  &  pleads  both  precedent  &  the  Constitution  to 
justify  him.  Whether  the  Senate  or  the  Pt.  will  recede  cannot 
yet  be  determined.  If  the  Senate  regard  their  own  Character 
for  Consistency,  I  think  they  will  not  easily  be  driven  from 
their  Ground. 

"Our  War  seems  to  go  with  marvelous  Effect.  We  loose 
Army  after  Army,  &  Detachment  after  Detachment,  until  I 
should  suppose  our  force  must  be  considerably  reduced.  One 
General  passes  away  after  another,  until  finally  Gcnl.  Wilkin 
son  is  called  to  the  North.  Genl.  Williams,  (of  Artillery  mem- 


602  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xix 

ory)  is  now  here.  I  have  just  been  giving  him  a  Caution  not 
to  venture  too  rashly  across  the  Niagara  frontier. 

"So  far  as  I  can  judge,  there  is  no  disposition  to  relax 
on  the  War  Establishing  They  must  have  more  money,  & 
their  means  of  obtaining  it  are  limited.  But  so  long  as  they 
will  borrow  on  unlimited  premiums,  or  rates  of  Interest,  they 
will  probably  get  money. 

"As  I  purpose  to  leave  this  place  for  Connecticut  in  a 
day  or  two,  I  can  only  wish  you  the  best  of  Heavens  blessings 
&  am 

"sincerely  & 
' '  Affectionately  yours 
"BENJN.  TALLMADGE. 

"P.  S.  It  is  intimated  by  those  who  peep  behind  the  Cur 
tains  that  Genl.  Armstrong  is  to  command  the  Army.  Some 
difficulties  have  arisen  as  to  Munroe's  Claims,  this  being  a 
Stepping  Stone  to  the  next  Presidency." 

Davenport  who  has  been  referred  to  by  Tallmadge  wrote 
from  Washington  July  28th,  1813 : 

"Dear  Sir 

"Your  favor  of  the  23rd.  of  the  present  month  was  re 
ceived  yesterday.  I  can  assure  you  it  affords  me  great  satis 
faction  that  I  have  contributed  in  any  degree  to  your  grati 
fication  and  amusement  —  your  confinement  and  seclusion 
from  the  busy  world,  calls  loudly  upon  your  friends  to  afford 
you  such  relief  as  in  their  power  and  they  certainly  cannot  be 
averse  to  gratifying  your  wishes  by  producing  to  your  view 
the  passing  eventful  scenes  with  which  the  world  now  groans 
the  wormwood  and  the  gall  seem  to  be  our  portion,  and  the  vile 
passions  of  mankind  are  sublimating  the  dose  to  the  ruin  of  all 
around  them. 

"I  fear  Bonaparte  is  again  successful  and  that  he  has 
made  the  Russians  &  Prussians  drink  abundantly  of  the  bitter 
cup,  of  which  he  has  no  small  share  himself.  That  he  con 
sents  to  an  armistice  does  not  prove  that  his  victory  has  been 
complete.  Our  French  friends  rejoice  above  measure  and  con 
sider  the  day  as  theirs,  and  speak  of  a  festival  on  the  event. 
In  my  opinion,  our  disasters  at  home  call  for  sorrow  and 
mourning,  rather  than  rejoicing  at  foreign  success.  I  fear 
the  day  of  peace  is  far  off.  It  must  be  our  consolation  in  the 


1812-1816]  of  James  McHenry  603 

day  of  calamity  and  distress  that  the  Lord  reigns,  that  He  will 
achieve  good  from  evil,  and  that  the  rage  of  man  shall  praise 
Him,  and  that  'the  remainder  of  wrath  he  will  restrain.' 

"My  ardent  wish  and  prayer  is  that  you  may  speedily 
have  restoration  of  your  limbs  to  their  former  activity  and 
that  your  health  may  be  again  established 

' '  I  remain  dear  Sir  very  affectionately 
"your  obedt.  servt. 

' '  JN.  DAVENPORT  JR.  ' ' 

Pickering  had  neglected  writing  to  McHenry  lor  some 
time,  but  did  so  on  June  9,  as  follows : 

"City  of  Washington  June  9.  1813. 
"Dear  Sir, 

' '  Colo.  Tallmadge  yesterday  showed  me  your  letter  to  him 
in  which  you  remember  'your  old  friend.'  It  was  a  remem 
brance  which  I  take  pleasure  in  acknowledging;  and  joined 
to  the  sentiments  expressed  in  regard  to  your  own  situation, 
afflicted  with  bodily  infirmities,  could  not  fail  to  excite  reflec 
tions  of  the  most  serious  kind.  I  am  some  years  older  than 
you ;  but  my  constitution  &  health  are  unimpaired :  yet  not  one 
day  passes  in  which  I  fail  to  think  on  the  frailty  of  every 
human  frame ;  and  that,  when  I  close  my  eyes  to  sleep,  I  may 
not  see  the  light  of  another  day.  If  I  am  not  depressed,  it  is 
because  my. best  hopes  &  expectations  lie  beyond  the  grave. 
Early  instructed  in  the  duties  of  virtue  &  religion,  &  with 
pure  examples,  in  my  parents,  daily  before  me,  I  have  always 
endeavoured  to  'keep  myself  unspotted  from  the  world';  yet 
with  a  consciousness  of  deficiencies  to  humble  me  before  the 
searcher  of  hearts,  when  repeating  'forgive  me  my  trespasses, 
as  I  forgive  those  who  trespass  against  me.' 

"Such  is  the  nature  of  my  consolations  amid  the  calami 
ties  of  life  &  in  the  prospect  of  a  future  existence:  and  such 
also  must  be  yours.  This  I  say,  because  in  my  whole  inter 
course  with  you,  I  have  seen  nothing  but  undeviating  rectitude 
of  conduct,  exemplary  manners,  &  the  serious  deportment  of  a 
Christian.  I  have  not  forgotten  —  I  shall  never  forget  —  your 
parting  words  at  our  last  interview.  '  If  we  do  not  meet  again 
in  this  world,  I  hope  we  shall  in  a  better.'  To  which  my 
heart  &  mouth  responded  assent.  In  a  volume  of  dissertations 
by  Dr.  Price,  there  is  one  on  the  happiness  of  those  who  were 


604  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xix 

friends  in  this  world,  meeting  together  in  another.  It  is  a 
most  pleasing,  cheering  &  animating  discourse.  In  a  note,  he 
quotes  a  passage  from  Cicero's  works,  by  which  it  appears 
that  that  celebrated  orator  &  moralist,  in  the  most  feeling  man 
ner,  anticipated  the  same  happiness.  I  wish  I  could  recollect 
the  whole  sentence.  '0  proclarum  ilium  diem'  (he -begins) 
when  he  should  go  to  the  assembly  of  departed  worthies,  'et 
ad  Catonem  meum,  quo  nemo  vir  ullus  melior  natus  est,  nemo 
pietate  praestantior. ' 

' '  The  day  before  yesterday  I  met  Bishop  Carroll,  with  the 
fine,  calm,  composed,  but  cheerful  countenance  which  distin 
guishes  that  good  man.  He  mentioned  with  tender  affection 
&  regret  the  situation  of  'my  friend  Mcllenry. '  There  is  a 
charm  in  the  manners,  &  especially  in  the  face,  of  Bishop  Car 
roll,  of  which  I  have  rarely,  if  ever,  seen  the  equal. 

''Present  my  kind  regards  to  Mrs.  McHenry  and  believe 
me  ever  most  truly  yours. 

"TIMOTHY  PICKERING. 

"P.  S.  If  you  favour  me  with  an  answer,  note  the  year 
&  day  of  your  birth.  My  own  are  July  17.  1745." 

On  June  13,  McHenry  answered,  speaking  of  Bishop  Car 
roll  as  a  "truly  good  man,  I  can  safely  say,  from  a  long  and 
social  intercourse  with  him,  that  the  benignity  which  you 
describe  as  appearing  so  strikingly  in  his  countenance  is  not 
greater  than  the  real  benignity  of  his  heart."  He  speaks  of 
his  own  health  which  is  now  better,  and  of  Pickering's,  and  of 
reunion  in  a  future  state.  The  universality  of  the  opinion 
that  such  reunion  will  occur  is  not  only  an  expression  of  a 
thing  wished  for,  but  also  evidence  of  its  reality. 

On  July  24,  McHenry  wrote  Pickering  again,  "When  we 
labored  together  in  the  same  cabinet  for  the  public  welfare,  I 
conceived  for  you  a  real  esteem  and  sincere  friendship.  I 
could  not  mistake  your  character  and  valued  it  according  to  its 
worth.  It  wanted  the  courtly  charm  of  pliancy  but  possessed, 
what  is  better,  the  roughness  of  inflexible  integrity  and  a 
candor  that  defied  concealment.  The  calumnies  that  have 
since  assailed  you  (in  which  I  have  also  partook),  as  I  knew 
them  to  be  unmerited  and  unfounded,  could  in  no  ways  lessen 
this  esteem."  These  cal-umnies  were  exposed  by  McHenry 's 
letter  to  the  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  which 
McHenry  had  printed,  but  "distributed  only  a  few  of  them, 
with  an  injunction  not  to  publish  their  contents.  This  is  the 


1812-1816]  of  James  Me  Henry  605 

only  trouble  these  calumnies  gave  me,  and  the  only  notice  I 
ever  took  of  them,  public  or  private,  Keligion,  I  thank  God, 
enabled  me  to  forgive  their  inventors,  as  for  those,  who,  too 
ignorant  to  discern  the  motives  in  which  they  originated  and 
the  purposes  for  which  they  were  propagated,  and  who  yet 
entertain  them,  they  never  stood  in  need  of  my  forgiveness. 
I  pitied  them  as  mistaken  and  deceived  enthusiasts.  With 
respect  to  a  different  description  of  men,  who  knew  their 
falsity,  but  not,  withstanding,  will  seize  occasions,  in  cold 
blood,  to  keep  them  alive  among  the  populace,  I  forgive  them 
and  I  pray  that  they  may  be  forgiven  by  God." 

He  has  gained  a  little  strength  and  wishes  to  try  by  short 
stages  to  return  to  Baltimore,  where  his  children  anxiously 
await  him.  "The  physicians,  too,  urge  exercise,  as  essential 
to  recovery.  I  have  determined,  therefore,  to  make  the  experi 
ment  and  leave  the  issue  to  that  Being  whose  providence  is 
like  extended  to  individuals  and  nations,  without  whose  priv 
ity  a  sparrow  does  not  fall  to  the  ground. ' ' 

This  letter  Pickering  answered  at  once: 

"City  of  Washington  July  27.  1813. 
"My  dear  Sir, 

"To-day  I  received  your  favour  of  the  24th.  I  hope  it 
will  not  be  the  last  to  me :  I  hope  you  may  recover  strength 
'to  regain  your  old  home,'  and  have  the  happiness  to  see  the 
faces  of  your  children :  you  now  enjoy  the  greatest  consolation 
on  this  side  Heaven  —  pious  resignation  to  the  will  of  the 
author  of  our  being. 

"You  refer  to  your  vindicatory  pamphlet :  I  may  have  it 
at  home;  yet  I  should  wish  to  have  another  copy  set  apart  for 
me,  to  be  received  if  I  should  live  to  return  hither,  next 
autumn,  through  Baltimore. 

"I  have  had  occasion,  many  times,  to  recite  to  different 
friends,  the  base  attempt  of  president  Adams  to  degrade  Ham 
ilton  from  the  rank  of  first  to  that  of  third  major  general,  in 
1798:  that  after  you  had  made  out  the  commissions  for 
; '  Hamilton 
' '  Pinckney 
"Knox 

"you  sent  them  to  Quincy  for  the  President's  signature:  that 
he  did  not  sign  them,  but  directed  you  to  express  his  opinion 


606  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xix 

to  Genl.  Washington,  that  these  gentlemen  ought  to  rank  thus 
"Knox 
' '  Pinckney 
' '  Hamilton : 

"and  if  the  General  should  be  of  the  same  opinion,  then  that 
their  commissions  should  be  arranged  accordingly:  but  that 
before  you  had  time  to  consult  General  Washington  &  to  re 
ceive  his  answer  you  received  from  Mr.  Adams  a  peremptory 
order  to  make  the  commissions  in  that  order:  that  you  of 
course  obeyed:  but  that  General  Washington  demanded,  in 
strong  terms  —  terms  which  Mr.  Adams  could  not  disregard  — 
that  the  commissions  should  conform  to  his  original  arrange 
ment  :  —  and  that  Mr.  Adams  was  constrained  to  yield,  &  did 
yield ;  and  I  believe  altered  the  commissions  you  had  a  second 
time  sent  him,  with  his  own  hand. 

"If  you  find  yourself  strong  enough  to  favour  me  with 
an  answer  —  correcting  errors,  if  there  be  any,  and  adding 
facts  and  circumstances  which  it  may  be  useful  for  me  to 
know  (especially  in  unmasking  baseness  and  hypocrisy)  I 
shall  be  much  gratified.  If  your  prayer  for  the  prolonging 
of  my  life  should  be  answered,  I  mean  to  resume  my  original 
design  of  tracing  the  calamities  of  our  country  to  their  true 
source  —  Thomas  Jefferson  —  exposing  him  &  his  second,  Mad 
ison,  in  all  their  frauds  and  baseness  to  the  view  of  the  world 
—  as  the  necessary  means  of  undeceiving  the  People  deluded, 
by  their  deceitful  practices,  to  pursue  the  paths  which  have 
led  to  their  ruin.  This  I  shall  not  attempt  in  a  weekly  news 
paper —  but  in  a  book  deliberately  reviewed  and  methodized. 

"I  believe  that  no  one  who  has  read  my  letters  of  1811 
can  doubt  that  the  outrages  practised  by  Mr.  Adams,  towards 
the  close  of  his  administration  in  respect  to  individuals  among 
federalists  and  against  the  federal  cause,  &  positively  my  own 
removal  from  office,  were  the  fruit  of  his  intrigues  with  the 
democrats,  to  secure  his  re-election  to  the  presidency.  I  have 
reason  to  believe  that  Samuel  Smith  and  Wilson  Gary  Nich 
olas  were  prime  agents  in  this  intrigue,  in  which  the  old  man 
was  their  dupe.  But  it  did  not  occur  to  me,  till  a  year  after  I 
wrote  those  letters,  that  the  unlooked  for  nomination  of  Mur 
ray  to  negociate  a  treaty  with  France,  might  probably  be 
ascribed  to  the  same  cause.  I  think  it  not  unlikely  that 
Jefferson,  who  knew  the  superlative  vanity  of  Mr.  Adams, 
touched  that  very  sensitive  chord ;  flattering  the  old  man  with 


1812-1816]  of  James  McHcnry  607 

visions  of  everlasting  fame,  added  to  the  immediate  plaudits 
of  the  people  of  the  II.  States,  hailing  him  the  Deliverer  of  his 
country  from  the  calamities  of  war ;  thus  laying  a  sure  founda 
tion  (as  Mr.  Adams  would  infer)  for  his  reelection. 

"I  remain,  my  dear  sir, 
"ever  most  truly  yours. 
' '  TIMOTHY  PICKERING.  ' ' 

On  McHenry's  return  to  Baltimore  he  was  somewhat  re 
stored  to  health  and  took  his  last  public  position,  that  of  pres 
ident  of  the  newly  organized  Bible  Society  of  Baltimore,  whose 
address  to  the  public  he  prepared,  showing  a  pure  and  elevated 
Christian  faith.  1 

Apparently  Pickering  did  not  receive  the  pamphlet  he 
asked  for  until  the  next  winter,  when  he  wrote  in  acknowledg 
ment : 

"City  of  Washington  Feby.  12.  1814. 
"Dear  Sir, 

' '  Mr.  Boyd  sent  me  the  printed  copy  of  your  letter  to  the 
House  of  Representatives,  and  a  pamphlet  having  the  title  of 
the  '  Three  Patriots, '  committed  by  you  to  his  care,  for  which  I 
pray  you  to  accept  my  thanks.  The  pamphlet  was  printed 
'for  the  author'  I  have  read  it  with  interest,  and  wish  to 
know  who  wrote  it. 

"Colo.  Tallmadge  &  I  came  on  together  from  New  York, 
&  arriving  at  Baltimore  to  dine,  intended  to  have  called  to  see 
you  at  the  edge  of  the  evening :  but  company  detained  us  until 
we  were  apprehensive  it  might  be  too  late,  in  your  particular 
situation.  Tho'  enfeebled  in  body  by  the  malady  which  has 
so  long  afflicted  you,  I  am  happy  to  find  you  consoled  by  the 
mental  enjoyments  which  are  the  companions  of  virtue  & 
piety.  These  consolations  will  never  desert  you.  Accept  the 
assurances  of  affection  &  esteem. 

"TIMOTHY  PICKERING" 

From  Pittsburg  on  the  30th  of  September  1813,  Mc- 
Henry  's  old  friend  James  Ross  wrote  him : 

"Dear  Sir 

"During  the  summer  I  have  been  long  absent  from  Pitts- 
burg  and  did  not  receive  your  letter  written  on  your  departure 
from  the  Glades  Until  a  few  days  before  your  other  of  the  20th 
instant  reached  me  by  last  mail. 

1  This  address  was  reprinted  in  the  70th  report  of  the  Maryland 
Bible  Society  in  1903. 


608  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xix 

"It  gives  me  great  pain  to  learn  the  infirm  state  of  your 
health,  and  the  more  so  as  your  journey  into  the  Mountains,  & 
the  exercise  necessarily  attending  it,  might  have  reasonably 
been  expected  to  rouse  and  renovate  the  system:  Still  how 
ever,  the  good  effects  of  moderate  exertion  may  be  hoped  for, 
and  may  display  themselves  after  you  are  settled  at  home: 
And  still  you  possess  the  Undiminished  faculties  of  a  Mind 
stored  with  science,  fortifyed  by  sound  philosophy,  and  tran 
quillized  by  all  the  consolation  of  a  well  spent  honourable  life : 
A  life  that  I  ardently  pray  may  be  prolonged  for  the  happi 
ness  of  yourself  your  family  &  friends: 

' '  I  have  not  been  forgetful  of  the  Kenhawa  lands :  The 
sale  for  U.  S.  direct  Taxes  was  made  to  a  company,  that  has 
not  chosen  to  disclose  the  persons  who  composed  it  and  from 
all  that  I  have  been  able  to  learn ;  one  of  the  Company  (Mr. 
Jackson)  now  in  Congress  was  the  real  purchaser  who  has 
since  disposed  of  these  among  other  lands :  It  is  in  my  opin 
ion  very  certain  that  the  sale  is  a  Nullity,  as  the  assessment, 
entries  on  the  Books,  sales,  deeds,  every  thing,  is  in  a  wrong 
name  viz.  James  Mitterny,  instead  of  James  Mcllenry :  —  of 
this  opinion  also  are  all  the  council  with  whom  I  have  con 
versed  ;  —  and  some  of  them  speak  of  the  whole  transaction  at 
the  Sale  as  being  defective,  and  clearly  against  the  provision 
of  the  Acts  of  Congress :  —  on  that  head  there  is  nothing  to 
fear  — 

"As  to  the  State  taxes,  I  sent  by  a  friend  of  Mine  the 
Abstracts  of  your  patents,  and  the  Surveys  to  enable  him  to 
pay  in  Wood  County  where  the  lands  lie.  But  no  charge  was 
found  on  the  Books  there  against  you ;  Altho,  they  had  also  a 
charge  against  a  certain  Mitterny:  At  the  time  my  friend 
was  making  these  enquiries,  Mr.  Caldwell  Sent  there  also,  to 
pay  all  arrearages  and  wras  satisfied  that  Nothing  could  be 
legally  demanded,  Until  a  new  assessment,  after  wrhich,  if  they 
be  back-Taxes  reported,  I  shall  take  care  that  the  taxes  are 
paid  for  you,  should  Mr.  Caldwell  neglect  it :  In  future,  he 
will  probably  be  More  Attentive,  as  he  has  sold  his  Mills,  & 
returned  to  the  practice  of  the  law,  which  will  carry  him  twice 
a  year  into  that  County : 

"Should  he  fail  hpwever  in  Attention,  My  friend  Mr. 
Robinson  who  lives  in  this  place,  goes  once  a  year  into  Wood 
County  where  your  lands  lie,  &  he  will  not  forget  to  do  all 
that  is  requisite,  and  it  will  give  him  no  trouble,  as  he  has  a 


1812-1816]  of  James  McHenry  609 

large  estate  there  himself,  and  has,  hertofore,  very  obligingly 
done  for  you  all  that  I  requested. 

' '  Mr.  Caldwell  is  now  in  New  Jersey,  and  I  expect  to  see 
him  here  on  his  return,  when  I  will  press  upon  him  a  division 
of  the  land,  and  a  final  Settlement  of  the  whole  business: 
Lest  he  should  pass  by  another  road  to  Wheeling,  I  will  write 
to  him  again  respecting  these  lands,  and  press  him  to  visit 
them,  and  take  from  all  the  occupants  Written  lease:  this  he 
long  since  engaged  to  do,  but  I  fear  it  is  yet  to  do : 

"Should  any  thing  else  occur  to  me  which  would  be  Use 
ful,  I  will  have  it  done  without  waiting  for  your  directions,  & 
I  cannot  but  think  that  all  is  yet  Safe. 

' '  You  will  have  heard  that  Commodore  Perry  has  achiev 
ed  a  most  signal  victory  over  the  British  on  Lake  Erie,  and 
captured  their  whole  fleet  on  the  upper  lake:  This  in  its 
consequences  to  our  frontier  is  little  short  of  Genl  Waynes 
Victory  over  the  Indians  in  1794.  The  Indians  must  retire 
and  Separate  before  Winter,  &  will  no  more  reassemble.  Up 
per  Canada  will  devolve  to  the  U.  S.  without  any  effort  by 
Genl.  Harrison,  who  has  always  threatened  Much  but  has  done 
Nothing^  Unless  you  call  an  expense  of  five  Million,  Nothing: 

"It  is  singular,  that  the  heroes  who  have  excelled  our 
National  flag  triumphantly  over  the  Enemy  on  the  Ocean  & 
on  the  Lake,  should  be  all  federalists :  Perry  is  so  decidedly 
a  federalist,  that  his  friends  thought  his  politicks  bordered 
upon  intolerance  of  his  opponents. 

"I  observe  that  you  expect  a  peace,  but  to  me  it  appears 
improbable  that  we  can  reckon  upon  a  solid  durable  peace 
being  made  by  those  who  have  made  war  merely  to  please 
France;  Unless  there  be  general  European  peace:  Should 
Mr.  Madison  break  off  from  the  Confederacy,  he  might  expect 
denunciation,  &  exposure  of  all  that  has  ever  been  written  or 
proposed  between  Bonaparte  &  Mr.  Jefferson  on  the  present 
Administration,  and  I  vehemently  suspect,  that  rather  than 
see  such  an  exposure  the  war  would  be  continued  by  our  pres 
ent  Rulers. 

"Present  me  very  Respectfully  to  Mrs.  McHenry,  to  Mr. 
&  Mrs.  Boyd  and  believe  me  to  remain  with  most  affectionate 
regard  "Dear  Sir 

"Your  faithful  friend  & 
"Most  obedt.  Servt. 
"JAMES  Ross." 


610  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xix 

McHenry  wrote  Pickering  on  March  10,  stating  that  the 
history  of  the  past  12  years  should  be  written  by  the  federalist 
minority  and  mentioning  that  he  hears  members  of  congress 
suggest  Dexter  for  presidential  nominee  in  1816.  Though 
he  was  but  little  over  sixty  years  of  age,  McHenry 's  health, 
which  had  never  been  robust,  was  entirely  shattered  by  his 
attack  of  paralysis  and  from  the  beginning  of  1814  he  was 
almost  a  helpless  invalid.  Mrs.  McHenry  later  wrote : 


"While  he  was  thus  suffering,  our  excellent  son  Daniel 
brought  his  wife  to  her  mother's  to  be  confined,  after  which 
owing  to  his  reluctance  to  leave  his  Father,  we  cou'd  not  get 
him  to  fix  a  day  for  setting  out  for  his  home.  At  length,  my 
beloved  husband  mentioned  one,  &  insisted  on  their  starting  — 
but  oh!  my  dear  madam,  how  shall  I  tell  you,  that  he  left  us 
in  health  in  the  morning,  &  before  night  was  brought  home  a 
corpse.  I  leave  you  to  judge  what  our  situation  was,  for  I 
cannot  describe  it,  but  I  recollect  all  consideration  for  myself 
was  lost  in  apprehendsion  of  the  effects  of  the  shock,  on  the 
dear  affectionate  parent  then  laying  on  a  bed  in  extreme  pain 
from  which  he  was  never  to  rise ;  for  my  poor  Anna  who  was 
advanced  in  pregnancy  &  my  widowed  daughter-in-law  — 
surely  we  should  have  been  overwhelmed  had  we  not  been  up 
held  by  an  Almighty  arm  —  our  God  and  Saviour  sustained  us 
by  the  precious  promises  of  the  gospel  &  enabled  us  to  derive 
comfort  from  the  recollection  of  the  good  and  virtuous  life 
he  had  led;  which  gave  the  sweet  consolation  of  faith,  that 
altho'  he  was  suddenly  &  awfully  taken  from  us,  he  was  not 
surprised  &  that  the  Redeemer,  whom  he  trusted,  would  merci 
fully  supply  whatever  was  wanting  in  his  preparation  for 
death  —  He  rode,  unknown  to  us,  a  vicious  horse  who  had  the 
habit  of  throwing  his  rider  —  he  threw  our  beloved.  We  had 
scarcely  got  over  our  first  poignant  distress  after  this  sad 
event,  when  we  were  thrown  into  great  alarm  by  the  British 
Fleet  &  Army,  threatening  an  attack  on  Baltimore.  Our  ter 
ror  was  inexpressible,  my  husband  could  not  be  moved,  my 
daughter  would  not  seek  safety  by  leaving  us,  my  only  son 
thought  it  his  duty  to  leave  his  Father,  tho'  his  attentions 
were  so  needful  to  him,  to  go  out  in  our  defence,  he  was 
foremost  in  battle  at  North  Point,  we  thought  we  should 
never  see  him  alive  again,  when  we  parted  with  him  &  great 
indeed  must  have  been  our  desolation  &  suffering  &  that  of 


1812-1816]  of  James  McHenry  611 

thousands  had  not  an  Almighty  &  ever  merciful  God  inter 
posed  in  our  behalf  —  may  we  ever  gratefully  remember  this 
great  deliverance  —  my  son  was  restored  to  us  alive,  but  being 
previously  much  weakened  by  his  long  confinement  with  & 
watchful  care  over  his  Father,  the  fatigues  of  marching  &  his 
laying  on  the  ground  one  night  in  a  heavy  rain  brought  on  a 
billions  cholic,  from  which  he  suffered  much  by  repeated  at 
tacks  —  for  many  months  the  same  fall,  my  daughter  was 
seized  with  billions  fever  during  which,  she  gave  birth  to  a 
very  delicate  infant  &,  in  two  months,  she  was  called  upon 
to  resign  it.  Her  health  was  much  injured  by  the  many  se 
vere  trials  she  had  experienced  in  body  &  mind.  I  thought 
I  knew  all,  but  part  was  concealed  from  me,  Mr.  Boyd  in 
the  fall  was  troubled  with  an  intermittant  which  shook  his 
frame  a  good  deal,  after  he  got  rid  of  the  chills,  he  became 
nervous  &  took  a  religious  turn,  but  owing  to  the  scene  of 
peculiar  distress  in  which  I  was  constantly  engaged,  I  was 
not  aware  of  his  real  situation,  indeed  we  were  all  strangely 
blind  to  it  for  a  long  time,  &  my  dear  husband  &  myself 
often  talked  of,  &  felt  thankful  for  the  change  that  had  taken 
place  in  him,  seeing  him  more  attentive  to  his  religious  duties, 
and  accounting  for  his  depression  by  his  participation  in  our 
affliction." 

It  was  soon  found,  however,  that  Mr.  Boyd,  the  husband 
of  McHenry 's  daughter  Anna,  was  of  disordered  mind  and 
this  affliction  increased  the  family's  sorrow. 

On  October  10,  1814,  Hugh  Williamson  l  wrote,  sending 
his  regards  and  regrets  on  account  of  McHenry 's  paralysis. 

"We  find  but  one  more  letter  from  Tallmadge,  dated  Wash 
ington,  March  24,  1814: 

"My  Dear  Sir 

"I  am  happy  in  receiving  a  letter  from  You  dated  the 
llth.  instant,  &  rejoice  to  find  that  your  present  State  of 
Health  permits  you  to  use  your  pen. 

"The  Subject  most  immediately  in  view  in  your  Letter, 
I  have  submitted  to  some  of  our  friends,  as  requested.  No 


1  A  Presbyterian  clergyman  and  physician.  In  1772,  he  visited  Europe 
to  collect  funds  for  Newark  Academy.  He  lived  in  North  Carolina  whose 
history  he  wrote,  removed  to  New  York  in  1793  and  was  in  congress 
from  1791  to  1793. 


612  Life  and  Correspondence         [CHAP,  xix 

difference  of  opinion  exists  as  to  the  importance  of  preserv 
ing  &  condensing  certain  public  Documents  for  the  last  12 
years,  so  that  the  world,  &  particularly  those  who  may  suc 
ceed  us,  might  examine  the  measures  we  have  been  pursuing, 
&  if  possible,  profit  by  our  Example.  I  fully  believe  many 
things,  literally  true,  will  by  posterity  be  treated  as  fabu 
lous  Such  a  Collection  of  facts,  or  history  of  the  times,  will 
undoubtedly  be  furnished  —  It  will  be  no  easy  matter  to  en 
gage  different  Gentlemen  to  contribute  their  Exertions  in 
such  a  Work.  A  person  by  the  name  of  Palmer,  has  already 
commenced  a  work  in  the  form  of  a  history  intending  to  em 
brace  the  great  Events  which  have  occurred  for  a  few  years 
past  —  My  fear  is  that  he  does  not  commence  his  work  far 
enough  back;  but  as  I  have  not  seen  his  labours,  I  can  only 
report  from  others  —  I  learn  that  he  has  compleated  two 
Vols.  &  intends  to  progress. 

"We  have  some  reason  to  believe  that  the  late  friends 
of  the  Embargo  begin  to  doubt  its  Efficacy  in  subduing  or 
starving  the  Enemy.  A  proposition  is  before  the  Senate,  to 
be  called  up  on  Friday  next,  to  repeal  the  Embargo.  If 
the  Eastern  Members  should  advocate  the  Continuance  of 
this  System  (&  some  begin  to  believe  that  it  is  doing  good  to 
our  Country)  or  if  they  should  withhold  their  opposition  to 
the  passage  of  such  a  law,  most  probably  it  would  pass. 

"We  are  debating  the  Yazoo  Bill,  &  rather  believe  it  will 
finally  pass.  If  this  Bill  could  be  disposed  of,  it  seems  very 
probable  that  we  might  adjourn  by  the  llth  proxo.  as  pro 
posed. 

' '  I  am,  Dr  Sir,  very  affectionately 
"&  sincerely  your  friend  &c 
"BENJN.  TALLMADGE" 

From  Georgetown,  District  of  Columbia,  Archibald  Lee 
wrote  on  December  20,  1814,  and  gave  a  gloomy  view  of  the 
prospects  for  peace: 

"My  Dear  Sir. 

"I  wish  I  could  give  you  satisfactory  intelligence  upon 
our  foreign  &  Democratic  relations  —  indeed  I  am  sick  at 
heart  there.  I  found  awaiting  my  return  a  long  letter  from 
Mr.  Bayard  19th  Au.  He  predicts  a  long  war  and  assures  me 
'it  will  neither  be  the  fault  of  the  Administration  nor  the 


18H-1816]  of  James  McHenry  613 

Commissioner's  should  the  negotiation  fail' --we  have  heard 
a  great  deal  of  stuff  about  the  polite  attentions  of  Alexander, 
He  says.  'In  Russia  we  had  generally  to  wait  two  months 
for  an  answer  to  a  note  —  here  we  were  all  here  more  than  a 
month  before  the  B.  Commrs.  made  their  appearance,  and 
this  was  nearly  four  months  after  Ghent  was  appointed  or 
fixed,  by  the  B.  Govt.  So  that  in  fact  we  have  had  our 
ministers  dancing  attendance  for  18  months  on  a  fool's  er 
rand  —  a  pretty  Republican  negotiation  and  a  dignified  pro 
cedure  for  the  only  free  people  on  Earth  such  we  would  be 
though  what  course  the  Hartford  convention  may  deem  justi 
fied  by  the  state  of  the  country  I  am  unwilling  to  anticipate. 
The  characters  selected  to  deliberate  are  grave  and  valuable 
members  of  society,  they  are  reflecting  and  prudent  men,  and 
such  are  unlikely  to  put  to  risk  important  objects  —  we  are 
certain  such  men  will  not  act  upon  a  bare  majority,  and  no 
rash  measure  can  probably  obtain  the  support  of  a  large  ma 
jority  —  there  are  certainly  many  weighty  subjects  deserving 
consideration  and  there  are  some  changes  in  the  present  tat 
tered  constitution  certainly  called  for  —  I  believe  nothing 
short  of  certain  correctives  will  satisfy  the  Eastern  people  — 
and,  certainly,  no  measure  out  of  God  knows  how  many  silly 
projects  will  bring  home  with  more  force  the  necessity  of  a 
change  —  than  the  power  given  to  the  President  to  call  upon 
Inferior  Officers  of  the  militia  to  order  out  the  Drafts  in  the 
event  of  the  Governors  of  State  refusing  to  obey  his  orders  — 
a  pretext  of  law  that  never  can  be  sanctioned  by  the  States 
and  certainly  calling  for  decided  notice  —  whatever  power 
may  be  extracted  from  the  ragged  remnant  of  a  once  valuable 
Constitution  to  countenance  conscription  —  I  should  have  sup 
posed  this  creation  in  states  of  an  imperium  in  imperio  would 
have  been  shunned'  —  Mr.  Bayard  closes  his  letter  by  observ 
ing  that  'after  being  amused  as  long  as  their  purposes  may 
require,  we  shall  be  civilly  dismissed'  —  no  doubt  this  will  be 
the  issue." 


J.  Foncier,  the  builder  of  Fort  McHenry,  wrote  McHenry 
on  September  13,  1814,  when  on  the  eve  of  returning  to  France, 
expressing  his  gratitude  for  favors  and  asking  for  a  letter 
of  recommendation,  and  another  French  friend,  Paquiet, 
a  former  professor  at  St.  Mary's  College,  wrote  on  September 
1,  1815,  from  Annapolis,  stating  that  he  regrets  "parting  with 


614  Life  and  Correspondence        [CHAP,  xix 

you  and  your  respectable  family,  whose  kind  regard  to  me  has 
been,  for  a  number  of  years,  the  only  enjoyment  which  allevi 
ated  my  labors.  Accept,  together  with  them,  my  hearty 
thanks  for  all  that  benevolence,  with  which  you  have  hon 
oured  me ;  and  believe  that,  to  whatever  distance  I  may  be  re 
moved,  I  shall  ever  preserve  the  remembrance  of  it,  as  one  of 
the  most  flattering,  the  most  relished  favours  I  ever  received 
in  my  life." 

During  1815,  McHenry  continued  in  about  the  same  con 
dition,  as  is  shown  by  letters  from  him  and  his  wife  on  August 
7  to  his  son  John,  who  was  summering  at  York  Springs, 
Adams  county,  Pennsylvania: 

"My  dear  son 

"Robinson  will  perhaps  find  a  conveyance  for  these  few 
lines  tomorrow,  intended  to  express  our  wishes  that  you 
should  give  the  waters  a  fair  chance  to  operate  effectually  on 
your  system,  by  not  leaving  them  just  when  they  seem  to  be 
having  the  desired  effect.  Your  Father  is  laid  down  for  the 
night  (after  having  been  propt  on  his  side  to  take  tea  &  for 
some  time  after)  or  he  would  have  written  himself;  but  he 
desires  me  to  assure  you  that  we  are  doing  very  well,  he  con 
tinues  easy,  his  wounds  are  almost  healed,  &  he  entreats  you 
to  set  your  mind  at  rest  about  him,  that  you  may  receive  full 
benefit  from  your  present  advantages. 

"Your  ever   affectionate 
"Mother 
"M.  MCHENRY" 

' '  Tuesday  morning  — 
"My  dear  son 

"By  no  means  leave  the  springs  before  you  have  reaped 
the  benefit  now  promised  by  the  use  of  the  waters.  Break 
fast  is  on  the  table,  and  I  must  send  this  to  Mr.  Robinson  who 
goes  early  to  town  in  search  of  a  conveyance.  I  confirm  all 
your  mother  has  written  respecting  me. 

"Your  affectionate  father 
"JAMES  MCHENRY" 

The  love  for  the  old  friends  continued  to  the  last,  and 
on  December  17,  1815,  he  invited  Pickering  to  come  over  and 
dine  with  him  on  Christmas  day. 

On  March  28,  1816,  Pickering  sent  the  following  letter 
of  introduction  of  two  of  his  children  to  McHenry : 


1812-1816]  of  James  McHenry  615 

"My  Dear  Sir, 

"This  will  be  presented  to  you  by  my  youngest  son, 
Octavius,  who  is  on  his  return,  with  his  sister,  to  Massachu 
setts.  My  daughter  has  seen  Mrs.  Boyd ;  and  I  have  a  de 
sire  that  she  and  her  brother  may  be  made  acquainted  with 
the  other  members  of  your  family. 

"Having  heard  nothing  to  the  contrary,  I  presume  you 
are  as  comfortable  as  when  I  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you. 
You  will  believe  that  I  sincerely  wish  you  all  the  enjoyment 
compatible  with  your  situation.  The  greatest  possible  hap 
piness  consists  in  the  composure  of  mind  &  pious  resignation 
belonging  to  the  character  of  a  Christian. 

"Adieu! 

"T.  PICKERING." 

The  letter  was  never  presented.  John  McHenry  wrote 
Pickering  on  the  next  day  that  his  father  was  ill  with  an 
"obstinate  fever." 

McHenry  lingered  for  a  month  longer  and  died  on  May  3. 
His  wife  wrote  of  the  event: 

"In  May  1816,  my  dearest  and  best  earthly  friend  was 
taken  from  me,  &  altho'  I  had  been  long,  in  a  great  measure, 
prepared  for  this  event,  yet,  when  it  came  to  the  point  of 
separation,  the  loss  of  such  a  husband  could  not  be  borne 
without  much  affliction ;  but,  I  thank  God,  I  had  not  to  mourn 
as  one  without  hope.  I  believed  he  was  going  to  the  enjoyment 
of  that  felicity  we  had  long  so  fondly  anticipated;  Oh!  how 
soothing  is  such  a  hope  to  the  mourner's  heart.  I  sought  to 
rejoice  that  he  was  not  only  relieved  from  great  misery  here, 
but  received  to  that  world  of  inconceivable  bliss  to  which  he 
had  long  aspired." 

Here  we  come  to  the  end  of  the  life  of  a  courteous,  high- 
minded,  keen-spirited,  Christian  gentleman.  He  was  not  a 
great  man,  but  he  participated  in  great  events  and  great  men 
loved  him,  while  all  men  appreciated  his  goodness  and  the 
purity  of  his  soul.  His  highest  titles  to  remembrance  are  that 
he  was  faithful  to  every  duty  and  that  he  was  the  intimate 
and  trusted  friend  of  Lafayette,  of  Hamilton,  and  of  Wash 
ington. 


APPENDIX    I 

McHenry's  interests  in  trade  and  commerce  and  his  offi 
cial  position  as  member  of  the  congress  of  the  confederation 
led  him,  in  March,  1784,  to  write  a  series  of  three  articles  en 
titled,  "Observations  relative  to  a  commercial  treaty  with 
Great  Britain."1  In  these  articles,  McHenry  forcefully  ar 
gued  that  "Peace  is  the  moment  when  past  injuries  ought  to 
be  forgotten  *  *  *  America  experiences  by  the  peace  a  new 
situation ;  a  momentous  arrangement  demands  her  attention ; 
a  commercial  treaty  with  Great  Britain  that  may  ascertain  the 
interests  of  the  two  nations  so  as  to  obviate  future  dissen- 
tions. ' '  His  purpose  in  writing  was  ' '  that  our  ardor  for  ob 
taining  an  honorable  treaty  of  commerce  may  not  be  checked, 
or  false  resentments  encouraged"  and,  after  showing  that 
there  was  no  opportunity  for  the  peace  commissioners  to  make 
such  a  treaty,  he  stated  that  the  British  ministry  "build  their 
expectations  of  leading  us  to  their  own  terms  *  *  by  a  pre 
sumed  want  of  unity  in  our  councils,  a  factitious  display  of  the 
superior  credit  of  their  manufactures  and  the  perfect  reliance 
of  this  country  upon  these;  artfully  concealing  the  absolute 
dependence  of  England  upon  the  United  States  for  the  con 
sumption  of  her  manufactures  and  prosperity  of  her  West 
India  Islands."  He  then  claimed  "that  America  is  in  a  situ 
ation  to  enforce  a  liberal  treaty."  The  West  Indies  are  so 
dependent  upon  the  United  States  that  Maryland,  in  1773, 
exported  thither  84,500  barrels  of  flour;  10,333  barrels  of 
bread;  4,500  bushels  of  rye;  266,000  bushels  of  wheat;  and 
233,000  bushels  of  Indian  corn.  The  United  States  "are  alone 
able  to  supply"  these  islands  with  such  products,  "at  a  price 
necessary  to  their  prosperity,  regularly  and  efficaciously." 
"The  supplies  of  the  British  West  Indies  were  derived,  dur 
ing  the  war,  from  the  United  States,  by  capture  and  through 
neutral  islands."  If  Great  Britain  cut  us  off  from  these  mar- 


1  Reprinted  in   Carey's  American   Museum,  V,   317,    464,   550. 


620  Appendix  I 

kets,  our  surplus  exports  may  easily  be  sent  to  the  continent 
of  Europe.  There  are  also  many  articles  which  we  can  import 
cheaper  from  other  countries  than  from  Great  Britain.  "We 
ought  to  confine  our  imports  from  Great  Britain  to  such  arti 
cles  only  as  she  can  sell  cheaper  than  her  neighbors  or  other 
nations,  especially  whilst  our  custom  for  other  articles  is  to 
remain  without  an  equivalent.  We  have  obtained  a  range  of 
markets  as  wide  as  our  wishes  and  the  cheapest  must  soon 
be  universally  known. ' '  The  British  ' '  grasp  at  the  exclusive 
trade  of  America,  even  without  a  treaty,"  and  "do  not  per 
ceive  that  their  proceedings  are  operating  as  a  stamp  act  and 
bringing  the  United  States  to  act  as  a  nation. ' ' 

A  long  list  is  given  of  articles  which  can  be  imported  from 
the  several  European  nations  cheaper  than  from  England  and 
of  the  usual  exports  to  those  nations.  "Charged  with  these 
facts,  our  commissioners  may  hold  a  candid  but  decisive 
language  with  the  British  administration."  The  taste  of 
America  has  been  in  favor  of  British  manufactures  in  the  past, 
but  agents  from  the  continental  nations  will  soon  learn  how  to 
meet  this  point.  "But  what  is  more  than  all  to  be  heeded  by 
Great  Britain  is  the  establishment  of  manufactures  in  Amer 
ica,  for  which  she  is  so  happily  gifted ;  and  which  must  grad 
ually  take  place  and  succeed,  till  at  length  she  will  find  little 
occasion  for  the  manufactures  of  Europe.  Nothing  but  a 
commercial  treaty,  on  the  most  liberal  principles,  can  check 
the  progress  of  things  in  America,  which  is  approximating 
to  this  independent,  desirable,  and  respectable  situation." 
The  plausible  argument  that  we  import  more  from  Great  Brit 
ain  than  we  export  to  her  and,  therefore,  are  forced  to  con 
tinue  trade  with  her,  McHenry  answers  by  saying  that,  if  the 
imports  are  greater,  we  pay  the  difference  by  bills  of  exchange 
drawn  on  countries  to  which  our  exports  are  greater  and 
might  well  transfer  trade  to  these  lands.  The  future  will  en- 
crease  our  ability,  by  giving  greater  payments  for  greater 
commerce  from  a  greater  country,  which  country  will  be 
richer  by  the  establishment  of  manufactures  and  will  receive 
imports  at  a  lower  price,  because  of  the  world's  competition. 
The  states  should  not  "leave  the  accomplishment  of  a  com 
mercial  treaty  entirely"  to  commissioners,  but  should  pass 
needed  laws.  ' '  Maryland"  is  proceeding  in  this  great  business 
with  caution ;  she  has  laid  some  light  duties  upon  goods  import 
ed  in  British  bottoms,  but  I  presume  she  expects  the  other 
states  will  follow  her  example;  as  remaining  singular  would 


Appendix  I  621 

not  answer  the  intention  of  these  duties.  She  has  also,  in  the 
same  act  laying  the  duties,  proposed  a  new  article  for  the 
confederation;  but  this  cannot  be  operative  till  every  state 
agrees  to  one  substantially  the  same.  The  power  it  contains 
is  pointed  at  no  kingdom,  and,  in  its  fullest  extent,  must  in 
crease  our  navigation;  and  we  may  reasonably  expect  that, 
under  this  power,  Congress  would  devise  a  navigation  act 
suited  to  the  circumstances  of  this  country." 


APPENDIX    II 

In  addition  to  the  letters  published  or  referred  to  in  this  work, 
the  following  letters  from  Dr.  James  McHenry's  correspondence 
have  been  printed: 

1.  In  a  pamphlet  entitled  "Autograph  Letters,   etc.,"   containing 
the  text  of  a  number  of  letters  given  by  James  Howard  McHenry 
to  be  sold  for  the  benefit  of  the  Maryland  School  for  the  Blind 
in  1859  are  found  the  following  letters  to  McHenry  from  Wash 
ington,  June  26,  1799;  Pickering,  January  28,  1800;  Charles  Lee, 
November  25,  1799;  Lafayette,  March  7,  1800;  Wolcott,  'Decem 
ber    12,    1800;    William    Pinkney,    March    20,    1800;    Lafayette, 
August  6,  1805;   Tallmadge,  March  10,  1812;  Rush,  February  3, 
1780;   Jefferson,  November  25,  1792;  Washington,  December  10, 
1783;    Chase,  September  24,  1796;   Wayne,  February  24,  1796; 
Charles    Carroll   of    Carrollton,    December   2,    1796;    Pickering, 
August  3,  1796;   Hamilton,  January  19,  1797;  W.  H.  Harrison, 
'May   12,   1797;    Rufus   King,  August  4,   1797;    C.   C.   Pinckney, 
September  19,  1797;  T.  Pinckney,  December  11,  1797;   Stoddert, 
May  28,  1798";   Hamilton,  September  9,  1798;  Washington,  July 
30,  1798;   John  Adams,  September  21,  1798,  and  July  27,  1799; 
Washington,  August  2,  1798;    R.   G.  Harper,  August  16,   1799; 
and  from  Thomas  Paine  to  Washington,  June  5,  1778.     These 
letters  were  all  reprinted  in  Dawson's  Historical  Magazine,  2nd 
series,  ii,  363  and  ff. 

2.  In  Johns  Hopkins  Newsletter  for  March  10,  1904,  vol.  8,  no.  3, 
Address  to  Citizens  of  Baltimore  City  in  behalf  of  Baltimore 
College  (1804)  by  McHenry  and  his  letter  to  his  son  John  writ 
ten  about  1806. 

B.  In  Green  Bag,  xvi,  ('March,  1904),  172,  "An  Interesting  Criminal 
Case"  containing  a  letter  from  Pickering  and  McHenry's  answer 
of  December  3,  1807. 

4.  In  70th  Annual  Report  of  Maryland  Bible  Society,  1903,  Address 
of  the  Bible  Society  of  Baltimore  to  the  Citizens  of  the  State 
of  Maryland  written  by  McHenry,  1813. 

5.  In  Army  and  Navy  Journal,  xlii,  (October  22,  1904),  195,  "The 
Case  of  Gen.  Anthony  Wayne,"  contains  letters  from  Hamilton 
to  McHenry,  July  15,  1796;    from  Chase,  July  22,  1796;   from 
Charles    Lee,    November    20,    1796;    and    from    William    Vans 
Murray,  August  8,  1796. 

6.  In  William  and  Mary  "College  Quarterly,  xiii,   (October,  1904), 
102,  letters  are  printed  from  John  Steele  to  McHenry,  March  27, 
1796;  from  Josiah  Reddick  to  Zach.  Copeland,  January  25,  1799; 
and  from  J.  Parker  to  McHenry,  April  29,  1799. 


Appendix  II  623 

7.  In  Virginia   Magazine,  xii,    (January,   1905),   257,  are   printed 
letters  from  Jefferson  to  John  Wise,  February  12,  1798;   from 
Thomas  Dillon  to  McHenry,  May,  1796;  from  Charles  Lee,  Feb 
ruary   2,   1797;    from   Pickering,   April   23,   1796;    from   Joseph 
Anderson,  1797   (?);  from  Benjamin  Hawkins,  May  23,  1799. 

8.  In  Virginia  Magazine,  xii,  (April,  1905),  406,  are  found  letters 
from  Charles  Carter,  Jr.,  to  Washington,  July  25,  1798;    from 

Wolcott  to   McHenry,  May  28", ;    from  Hamilton,   May  15, 

1799;   from  R.  G.  Harper,  July  29,  1799;   and  from  Harper  to 
C.  C.  Pinckney,  July  26,  1799;  from  C.  C.  Pinckney  to  McHenry, 
March  20,  1800. 

9.  In  Pennsylvania  Magazine,  xxix,  (January,  1905),  53,  are  found 
letters  from  Rush,   May  17,  1778;   from  John  Beatty,  October 
15,  1778,  and  October  26,  1778;   from  Lord  Stirling  to  General 
Phillips,    January    3,    1779;    from    John    Cochran    to    McHenry, 
January  29,  1779;  from  Rush,  June  2,  1779;  from  a  French  offi 
cer,  November  7  and  14,  1779;   from  Robert  Troup,  November 
10,  1779;  from  Rush,  January  19,  1780. 

10.  In  Pennsylvania  Magazine,  xxix,   (July,  1905),  326,  are  found 
letters  from  Richard  HowelL,  December  6,  1798;  William  Hind- 
man,  April  14  and  December  17,  1794;  and  from  John  'McHenry 
to  his  sister  Anna  M.  Boyd,  August  1,  1809. 

11.  In  Southern  History  Association  Publications,  ix,  (March,  1905), 
99,  are  found  letters  from  W.  B.  Grove,  August  20,  1798;  from 
Robert  Adam  to  Grove,  August  16,  1798;  from  Hugh  Williamson, 
April  29,  1800,  and  November  29,  1800;   from  D.  Harris,  March 
3,  1796;  from  Mrs.  A.  Boyd  to  John  McHenry,  July  14  and  July 
15,   1809;    and  from  Mrs.   James  'McHenry  to  John   McHenry, 
August  13,  1817. 

12.  In  Southern  History  Association  Publications,  ix,   (September, 
1905),  311,  are  found  letters  from  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton, 
'March.  13,  1785;  from  A.  Boyd  to  John  McHenry,  September  2, 
18'09;   from  R.  H.  Goldsborough,  etc.,  June  1,  1811;   from  J.  R. 
Plater,  etc.,  June  3,  1811;    from  Nicholas  M.  Bosley,  July  23, 
1811;  from  Rev.  Mr.  Paquiet,  September  1,  1815;  and  a  broad 
side  attacking  the  supporters  of  'McHenry  and  Coulter  in  the 
Baltimore  town  election  of  1788. 

13.  In  Sewanee  Review,  xiv,  (January,  1906),  76,  the  correspondence 
of  William  Smith,  of  South  Carolina,  with  McHenry  while  the 
former  was  minister  to  Portugal. 

14.  In  Southern  History  Association  Publications,  ix,    (November, 
1905),  374,  are  found  letters  from  James  Winchester,  April  22, 
May  1,  and  November  16,  1796;  William  Vans  Murray,  June  24, 
September  24,  October  9  and  28,  November  2,  15,  20,  and  23, 
1796;   Philip  Key,  1796;   Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton,  Novem 
ber  28,  1796;  and  Samuel  Chase,  December  4,  1796. 

15.  In    Southern    History    Association    Publications,    x,    (January, 
1906),  31,  letters  from  William  Hemsley,  November  13,  1797; 
Uriah  Forrest,  December  6  and  8,  1797;   David  McMechen,  De 
cember  7,  1797;  Samuel  Chase,  December  10,  1797;  and  Charles 
Carroll  of  Carrollton,  December  8,  1797. 


624  Appendix  II 


16.  In  Southern  History  Association  Publications,  x,  (March,  1906), 
p.  101,  letters  from  George  Salmon,  July  31,  September  25,  and 
October   7,   1798;    William   Hindman,   September   8,   1798;    and 
David  Stewart,  September  15,  1798. 

17.  In  Southern  History  Association  Publications,  x,   (May,  1906), 
p.  150,  letters  from  S.  Chase,  January  19,  1799;  William  Hind 
man,  June  1  and  7,  November  .'29,  and  December  9,  1799;  John 
Dennis,  June  24,  1799. 

18.  In    Southern    History    Association    Publications,     (September, 
1906)  p.  289,  letters  from  John  Adams,  September  4,  5,  14,  17, 
October  4,  5,  1798,  April  14,  1799;  Alexander  Hamilton,  Decem 
ber  17,  20,  1798,  January  19,  June  22,  1799,  March  26,  1800;  and 
William  Vans  Murray,  August  20,  1798. 

19.  In  Pennsylvania  Magazine,  xxx,  (January,  1906),  110,  letters  of 
Timothy  Pickering  to  James  and  John  McHenry,  September  12, 
1797,  December  13,  1804,  February,  1807,  January  6  and  19,  1816. 
In  Pennsylvania  Magazine,  xxx,  118,  Tench  Coxe  to  the  president 
of  the  United  States,  April  5,  1797. 

20.  In  Southern  History  Association  Publications  will  shortly  ap 
pear  letters  from  W.  S.  iSmith,  December  20,  1798;   Lafayette, 
September  3  and  December  3,  178- ;  Margaret  C.  'McHenry,  18"0- 
(2  letters);  Anna  M.  Boyd,  August  28,  1809;  Uriah  Tracy,  1800, 
(2  letters),  and  an  anonymous  letter  from   Cork,   Ireland,  in 
1797. 

21.  In  American  Historical  Review,  xi,   (April,  1906),  595,  papers 
on  the  Federal  Convention  of  1787. 

22.  In  Granite  Monthly,  xxxviii,  123,  letter  from  John  T.  Gilman, 
May  22,  1799. 

James  McHenry's  letters  recorded  in  American  Book  Prices  Current, 
1902,  p.  613,  as  sold  at  auction,  10069,  A.  L.  S.,  1  page,  4to. 
Fayetteville  near  Baltimore,  December  9,  1792,  to  Tench  Cox«. 
Henkels',  November  ,29,  1901.  $4.00. 

1905.  A.  L.  unsigned,  3  pp.,  4to.  Ambler's  Plantation  (opposite 
James  Island)  July  8,  1781,  to  Major  General  Greene.  Henkels', 
January  27,  1905.  $5.50  (printed  in  Magazine  of  American 
History,  ii,  (November,  1905). 

A.  L.  S.,  3  pp.,  4to.  Head  Quarter's  nea*r  Soan's  Bridge  July  10, 
1781,  to  Governor  Lee.  Henkels',  January  27,  1905.  $5.50. 

A.  L.  S.,  1  p.,  4to.  An  address,  Annapolis,  October  16,  1786,  to 
Daniel  of  'St.  Thomas  Jenifer  asking  for  relief  for  members  of 
Annapolis  Convention.  Carson,  Henkels',  October  26,  1904.  $3.50. 

A.  L.  S.,  2  pp.,  with  franked  address,  Philadelphia,  April  12,  1796, 
to  Peter  Hoffman.  Treaty  with  Great  Britain.  Carson,  Hen 
kels',  October  26,  1904.  $3.00. 

A.  L.  S.,  2  pp.,  4to.  Holt's  Forge,  July  10,  1781,  to  'Governor  Lee. 
War  letter  of  Greene's  movements.  Henkels',  January  27,  1905. 
$5.50. 


INDEX 


ADAMS,  Charles,   258. 

Adams,    Charles   Francis    453. 

Adams,  John  53,  87,  vice  president 
117,  137,  188. 

Adams,  John,  chosen  president  191, 
197,  198,  200,  202,  204,  205,  206, 
administration  1797-1798  208,  209, 
211,  213,  French  policy  in  1797 
223  to  225,  234,  242,  258,  259,  266, 
268,  270,  271,  272,  283,  .286,  288, 
291,  295,  299,  302,  305,  sends  Mur 
ray  to  Holland  226,  229,  appoints 
Washington  General  and  strife  ov 
er  precedence  309  to  311,  313  to 
316,  320,  321,  323,  326  ,to  328,  335, 
337,  338,  340,  341,  344  to  351,  355, 
362,  368,  605,  606,  607,  events  af 
ter  sending  embassy  to  France 
370  to  372,  378,  380  to  382,  384,  386 
to  389,  394,  395,  397,  399,  400, 
406  to  409,  413,  414,  417  to  424, 
430,  431,  conduct  in  Fries's  Rebel 
lion  and  Western  affairs  4'32,  435, 
437,  438,  440,  443,  446,  dismisses 
McHenry  453,  454,  515,  547,  558, 
564,  McHenry's  opinion  of  him 
453,  463,  468,  477,  479,  553,  569, 
595,  in  presidential  campaign  of 
1800  452,  453,  455,  456,  458  to  461, 
463  to  466,  469,  473,  474,  476.  478, 
480  to  482,  492,  his  appointments 
to  office  490,  491,  503,  defends  ca 
reer  in  Boston  Patriot  552,  557, 
566  to  570. 

Adams,  Mrs.  John  313,  327,  349, 
430. 

Adams,  John  Quincy  226  to  228, 
230,  239,  241,  494. 

Adet,  Pierre  A.  160,  185,  186,  189 
to  193,  201  to  206,  248,  276. 

Adlum,    Capt    437. 

Albany,    N.    Y.    29,    485. 

Albemarle  Co.,  Va.  317,  389. 

Alexander  I,  Czar  of  Russia  613. 

Alexandria,  Va.  9.2,  94,  118,  311, 
312,  316,  355,  387,  506. 

Alexandria,    Egypt    331. 

Algiers,  Dey  of,  Frigate  for  180, 
181,  251. 

Allegany  County,  Md.  75,  125,  397, 
553,  580,  583,  587,  589. 

Allen,  John  393. 

Allentown,  Pa.   436. 

Allison,  Rev.  Francis,  incorporator 
of  Newark  Academy  2,  preaches 
at  Annapolis  81. 

Allison,   Mrs.   Grace,   62,   73,   75. 


Allison,    Rev.    Patrick,    incorporator 

of    Newark    Academy    2. 
Allison,  Capt.  William  1,  2,  5,  6,  64, 

73,   75. 

Ambler's   Plantation  38. 
Amboy,   N.   J.    29. 
American  Museum   95,   127,   619. 
American   Philosophical  Society   92. 
Ames,  Fisher  189,  421,  463,  464. 

Ames,  317. 

Amiens,    Treaty  of    524. 
Amsterdam,   Holland   128,   208,   211, 

225,  2,26,  227,  235,  242,  275,  283. 
Anderson,    Joseph    (U.    S.    Senator) 

556. 

Angersteen,    Mr.    486. 
Annapolis,    Md.    36,    41,    54,    55,    59, 
61,  64  to  68,  71,  72,  78,  83,  85,  89, 
108.    110,    123,    124,    139,    143,    154, 
162,  179,   197,  202,  205  to  207,  305, 
306,   456,   4>65,  470,   473,   613. 
Anne   Arundel    County,    Md.    2,    109, 

138 

Anthony,  Mr.  372. 
Antil,   Dr.    11,    13. 

Appointments  to  office  178,  288,  345, 
346,  384,  3S6,  411  to  413,  431,  490, 
491,    502,    503. 
Archer,    ,Mr.    204. 
Arkansas  260. 
Armstrong,  Genl.  John  53,  540,  543, 

544,    547,    549,    56,2,   589,    596,    602. 
Army  organization  in   1796    182. 
Army  organization  in  1797  288,  293. 
Army  organization  in  1798  303,  307. 
Army  organization    Provisional   309 
to  314,  316,  317  to  327,  336  to  341, 
344   to    369,    438. 
Army   organization   in    1799    375    to 

406,   409   to  418,   422   to  431. 
Army  organization  in   1807   538. 
Army   organization    in    1812    588    to 

590,    596. 
Ash,    Jas.   333. 
Atley,    Col.    9. 
Augusta   Co.,   Va.    121. 
Aurora,  The  185,  203,   461,  468,   476 

533,    534,    557. 

Austria,    344,    374,   375,    598. 
Auteuil,    France    541. 


BACHE    372,    572. 
Bahamas    143. 
Baker,    Capt.    235. 
Ballymena,   Ireland    1. 
Balston,    N.   Y.    554. 


626 


Index 


Baltimore,  Md.  1,152,  34,  35,  42  to 
44,  64  to  66,  71,  75,  76,  78,  79,  82 
to  85,  92  to  94,  100,  108,  114,  117 
to  119,  129J133  to  13'6,  138,  139, 
142  to  145ri67,  168,  172,  191,  194, 
199,  202,  205,  207,  211,  251,  255, 
274,  284,  287,  305,  333,  397,  407, 
457,  458,  460,  461,  464,  476,  481, 
482,  483,  497,  498,  500,  509,  514, 
•52'6,  531,  534,  536,  548,  549,  561, 
571  to  574,  579,  583,  587,  588,  605, 
607. 

Baltimore  fortifications   406,    407. 
Baltimore  College  520. 
Baltimore,    Lord.     See    Calvert. 
Baltimore    Mob    of    1812    580,    583, 

589. 
Baltimore  aids  continental  army  35 

to  37. 
Baltimore     incorporated     144,     153, 

154. 

Baltimore   Theatre    43. 
Baltimore   in   1S14    610. 
Baltimore  Co.,  Md.   109. 
Banister,     Mrs.     120. 
Bank  in  Baltimore   154,   162,   207. 
Bank  of  U.   S.   562. 
Banneker,    Benjamin,    Negro    math 
ematician   127. 
Banning,    Col.,    of    Dorchester    Co., 

Md.    142. 
Baraud,   M.   93. 
Barbary    Powers    511. 
Bard,   I>r.    117. 

Barlow,    Joel    470,    570,    575,    592. 
Barnard,  Major  Gen.  John  G.   76. 
Barros   279. 
Barthelemy    279. 
Bayard,   Jas.   A.   195,    370,   464,   488, 

493,   512,    513,   612,   613. 
Bayly,   Wm.    137. 
Bear,  Mr.   198. 
Beaumarchais    535,    551. 
Bedford  Springs  553. 
Belgium   229,   232,    238,   373. 
Bellfield,  Md.   199,   209,  249,  334. 
Bergamo,   Italy   229. 
Berkeley  Springs,  Va.   159. 
Berlin,  .Germany   343,    494. 
Berlin  Decree  574. 
Bernadotte,    General    523. 
Best,   Mr.    317. 
Bethlehem,   Pa.   432,   434. 
Bible   Society  of  Baltimore   607. 
Biddle,   Col.   290,   389. 
Bielfeld.   Baron  de   241. 
Bingham,    Mr.    372. 
Binney,   Dr.  '28. 
Binney,   Mr.    586. 

Bladensburg,  Md.  543,  544,  557,  581. 
Blair,     Will,     witnesses     McHenry's 

will  5. 

Bland,   Dr.    123. 
Blodget,    545. 
Blount,    Gov.    Wm.     175,    262,     268, 

269,   448,    449. 
Boissy    d'Anglois    275. 
Bolman  288,   332. 

Bonaparte,  Napoleon  208,  232,  .238, 
277,  285,  331,  430,  473,  487,  494, 
507,  533,  540,  541,  543,  579,  584, 
587,  592,  597,  598,  602,  609. 


Bond,    Mr.,    British   charge   des   af 
faires  to  U.   S.   161. 

Books  bought  by  McHenry  229,  242, 
243,    246,    274. 

Boole  Lt.   432. 

Boston  200,  236,   274,  367,  397,   407, 
413,    504,    505,    540,    551,    559,    567. 

Boston  Patriot  552,  566,  567,  569. 

Botetourt,  Va.   147. 

Boudinot,   Elias   15,    16. 

Bourdeaux,    France   235. 

Bourgoing,   M.   430. 

Bowie,   Walter  137. 

Boyd,  James  P.  76,  542,  554,  607, 
611. 

Boyd,   Mary  76. 

Boyd,   James   McHenry   76. 

Boyd,  Andrew   76. 

Boyd,  John  Pillar  76. 

Boyd,  Anna,  see  McHenry. 

Boylton,    Capt.    235. 

Bradford,   Capt.  .50. 

Brant,  Joseph  (Thayendanega)   169. 

Breck,    Miss    372. 

Bremen,  Germany  283,  343. 

Bristol,    Penn.    399. 

British  hospitals  at  New  York  10 
to  14. 

British    prisoners    at    Frederick    43. 

Brooks,  Gen.   319,   322. 

Brown,  F.  J.,  author  of  sketch  of 
James  McHenry  2 

Brownjohn,  Dr.    13. 

Brownsville   270. 

Bruff,    Capt.    171,    174. 

Buchanan,  James  461,   583. 

Buchanan,    J.    A.    306. 

Bucks  Co.,  Pa.  432,  437. 

Bullers,    Dr.    5~40. 

Burke,    Rev.    Edmund    173. 

Burke,    Edmund    209. 

Burr,  Aaron  200,  204,  471,  472,  482, 
483,  484  to  490,  492,  campaign  for 
Governor  and  duel  with  Hamilton 
529,  530,  conspiracy  533,  534,  548. 

Burrows,   Major  354,   355. 

Burrows,   257. 

Bushtown,   Md.   98. 

Butler,    Col.    19,    268,    447. 

Butler,    Capt.    383. 


CABARRUS   243. 

Cabot,    George    212,    213,    226,    463, 

464,    470. 

Cadwalader,   Mr.   41. 
Caldwell,  John  26,  75,  117,  260,  473, 

497. 

Caldwell,   Margaret,   see  McHenry. 
Caldwell,   Mrs.   Margaret  75,    120. 
Caldwell,    David   75. 

Caldwell,   608,    609. 

Calhoun,  James   211. 

Callender's    "Prospect    before    Us 

547,   572. 

Calonne,   M.   de  87. 
Calvert,   Frederick,    Lord  Baltimore 

fi  7 

Calvert,     George,     Lord     Baltimore 

525. 

Campbell,   Mr.   335,   482. 
Cambridge,  Mass.  4,   6. 


Index 


627 


Cambridge,  Md.  142,  189,  195,  198. 
.208,  511. 

Campion,   M.   93,   94. 

Canada  86,  McHenry  plans  trip 
thither  8,  fears  England  will  cede 
to  France  250,  named  265,  515, 
581,  594,  609. 

Canning,   George   543. 

Cape  Francois    191,    192. 

Cape   of   Good   Hope   247. 

Capua,   Italy   373. 

Caracas,    Venezuela    533. 

Carey,  Jas.   261. 

Carleton,  Sir  Guy,  Lord  Dorchester, 
47,  49,  173. 

Carlisle,    Pa.    410. 

Carlyle,   Mr.   38. 

Carmichael,  Mr.   108. 

Carnot,   M.   276,   279. 

Caroline   County,    Md.    136,    199. 

Carondelet,   Baron  de  260,  261,   269. 

Carper,  Mr.   147,    148. 

Carrington,  Col.  E.  declines  Sec.  of 
War  163,  accepts  brig.  gen.  314, 
388,  on  election  of  1800  469. 

Carroll,  Charles,  of  Carrollton,  97, 
108,  115,  friendly  to  Jefferson  136, 
137,  wrote  Hamilton  in  1792  139. 
resigns  from  U.  S.  Senate  139,  in 
Md.  Senate  154,  writes  of  French 
affairs  .202,  204,  250,  approves  of 
Washington's  address  206,  writes 
305,  named  30'6,  431,  461,  463,  468 
to  470,.  472,  476,  479,  500. 

Carroll,  Bishop  John,  controls  Ger 
man  Catholics  137,  138,  writes  on 
Indian  missions  171,  173,  Picker 
ing's  opinion  of  604. 

Carroll,  Daniel  59,  62,  87,  97,  100 
to  104,  106  to  108. 

Carter,  Mrs.  Angelina  (Schuyler) 
44,  45. 

Carter,   Chas.  Jr.   317,   318. 

Carter,  John   44,   45. 

Carter.    Wm.    Champe   317. 

Cary.  Wilson  Miles  2,  76. 

Gary,    Sarah    Nicholas    76. 

Casberry,    Mr.    57. 

Caughnawaga,  (Cohnawaga)  169, 
170. 

Cecil  Furnace,   Md.   181. 

Ceylon    247. 

Chamberlain,   Mr.    140. 

Champagny,  M.  539,  540,  543  to 
545. 

Championnet,    M.    373. 

Champlin,  Mr.  463. 

Chandler,   Gen.    600. 

Chapin,  Indian  Superintendent,   169. 

Charles  I.  King  of  England  525. 

Charles  II,  King  of  England  525. 

Charles,    Prince  of   Austria   566. 

Charles  XII  of  Sweden   587. 

Charleston,  S.  C.  49,  56,  92,  93,  142, 
235 

Charlotte,   N.   C.    266. 

Charlottesville,   Va.    388. 

Chase,  Samuel  41,  46,  59,  83.  88,  95, 
97,  108.  110,  113,  114,  137,  153, 
158,  160,  547,  552,  564,  asked  by 
Washington  through  McHenry  to 
accept  seat  In  Sup.  Ct.  163,  ac 


cepts  164,  168,  opinion  as  to 
Wayne  183,  of  France  in  1796  203. 
205,  invests  in  Western  lands  273, 
opinion  as  to  printer  431,  regrets 
McHenry's  resignation  456,  In 
Presidential  election  of  1800  463, 
465,  469,  impeached  547. 

Chase,   Jeremiah  T.   7,    465,    469. 

Chastellux,   M.   de  31,   52'5,   526. 

Chastellux,    Mme.    525. 

Chastellux,    Alfred    5.25   to    527. 

Cherokee  Indians  174,  175,  260  to 
262,  273,  445  to  449. 

Cherry  Tree  Meadows,  Md.  587, 
590,  596. 

Chesapeake  Bay  106,  536,  577. 

Chesapeake,  U.  S.  .S.  537,  538,  542, 
599,  601. 

Chester,  Pa.  54,  318. 

Chestertown,    Md.    138. 

Chippewa   Indians    443. 

Chisholm,    John    D.    177. 

Choptank    River    142. 

Christie,    Gabriel    198,    199. 

Church,   John    Carter   44,    45. 

Church,    Philip    319. 

Cincinnati,    Ohio    261. 

Cincinnati   .Society    87. 

Claiborne,   T.   389. 

Clapham,    Mr.    67. 

Clark,    Mr.    335. 

Clarkson,    Genl.    532. 

Clay,    Henry    564. 

Clinton,  DeWitt  580,  581,  584,  585, 
587. 

Clive,    Lieut.    26. 

Cobb,    Genl.    319. 

Cobenzl,   Count  343,   344. 

Cochran,   Capt.   432,   437. 

Cochran,   John   76. 

Cocke,    Wm.    268. 

Cole,    Mr.    256. 

Commerce,  Federal  Regulation  of 
90,  91. 

Conde,  Prince  de  237. 

Congress,  Continental,  passes  reso 
lutions  commending  McHenry  8, 
commissions  McHenry  as  Major 
32,  Gov.  Lee  writes  it  of  Md.  38, 
McHenry  dissuades  Hamilton  from 
membership  in  it  44,  peace  nego 
tiations  47,  McHenry  enters  it  55. 
his  service  in  it  56,  57,  59,  62,  67, 
78,  82,  83,  87,  88,  Md's.  contribu 
tions  of  money  to  89,  regulation  of 
commerce  .by  90. 

Congressional  election  of  1792  136 
to  139. 

Congressional  election  of  1794    156. 

Congressional  election  of  1796  196 
to  199. 

Connecticut  106,  328,  351,  377,  378, 
392,  393,  398,  399,  436,  462,  469, 
477,  481,  483,  508,  518,  585,  602. 

Connecticut    cider    470. 

Constable,   Wm.   354. 

Constellation,  Frigate  251  to  256, 
302. 

Constitution  of  U.  S.,  Adoption  of 
94,  96  to  113. 

Constitution.  Amendments  proposed 
to  132,  139,  144,  154. 


C28 


Index 


Consuls   89. 

Contee,    Mr.    108. 

Cook,    Wm.    546. 

Cooke,    Mr.    521. 

Cooper,   John   435. 

Copenhagen,  Denmark  430. 

Cornwallis,    Lord   38,    507,    508. 

Coulter,   John  108,    114,   115. 

Coxe,  Mr.   449. 

Coxe,  Daniel  269,  270. 

Coxe,  Tench  108,  140,  142,  420,  468. 

Coxe,  Zachariah  266,  267,  269,   271, 

.272,    440,    448,    449. 
Crabb,  Mr.   198. 
Craik,   Dr.    118,   310. 
Craik,   Mr.   132,   134,   223,   463. 
Creek    Indians    174,    175,    261. 
Cromwell,  Oliver  525. 
Crookshank's   Tavern    118. 
Cul pepper,   Va.   317. 
Cumberland,  Tenn.   171. 
Cumberland  River  261,   272. 
Cumberland,    Md.    554. 
Cunningham,   Wm.   553. 
Gushing,    Mr.    463. 
Custis,   Eleanor  P.   182,   355  to   359. 
Custis,  Washington  P.  318,  359,  396, 

411. 

Cutter,  Mr.   512. 
Cutting,  John  B.   97,  113. 

DALE,   Commodore    302,    511. 

Dallas,   Mr.   201. 

Dalmatia   232. 

Dana,    Mr.   234,    235,    481,    547,    568, 

595. 
Dandridge,  Mr.  183,  187,  ,227,  341  to 

343    371 

Davenport,   Anthony   &   Moses    236. 
Davenport,    Major    John,    Jr.     596, 

597,  602. 
Davie,   Genl.  Wm.  R.   266,   371,   411, 

416   to   418,    450,    566. 
Dayton,   Gen.   319,   345. 
Deakins,    Mr.   '204. 
Dearborn   550,   551. 
Debt  of  U.    S.    109,    602. 
De  Bute,  Dr.  Louis  11  to  13. 
De   Costa,   Capt.    191. 
Delacroix,  M.   301. 
Delaware   River   &    State    142,    195, 

198,   463,  464,  472,  483,  492,  504. 
Del   Campo,    Marquis  243. 
De   Lesa,    Manuel   263. 
Delft,    Holland    249. 
Delozier,   Daniel,   suggested  for  of 
fice   138. 

Dember's  Artillery   26'4. 
Denmark   331. 
Dennis,   John   199,   244,    301. 
Dent,    Mr.    463. 
D'Entrigue,   Comte  279. 
Deserters  381,    382. 
D'Estade,   M.    229. 
Detroit,   Mich.   173,  265,   444,   443. 
De  Winter,  Adml.   285. 
Dexter,    Samuel   169,    458,   463,    465, 

482,    483,    610. 
Dickinson,    Philemon    465,    468,    469, 

471,    472,    478,    482. 
Digby,  Adml.   47. 
Dillon,   Thomas   171. 


Dinsmoor,  Silas  175,  2'61,  447. 

Diplomatic  service   89. 

Done,  Mr.   197. 

Dorchester,  Lord,  see  Carleton. 

Dorchester   Co.,    Md.    142,    198,    199, 

201. 

Dorsey's    Ferry    2. 
Dorsey,    Mr.    306. 
Dorsey,   W.    198. 
Dorsey,  Walter   572. 
Doughoregan    Manor,    Md.    250. 
Downingstown,    Penn.    257. 
Dray  ton,    Gen.    313. 
Drayton,    Wm.    92. 
Duane,    572. 
Du   Bourg,   Wm.    143. 
Duck    River,    261. 
Dulany,    Mrs.   Nancy   49.- 
Dumas,   M.   275. 
Dumfries   236. 
Dumfries,    Va.    93,   261. 
Du    Mouriez,    M.    430. 
Dunbar,    Mrs.    120. 
Duncan,  Adml.  ,238,   285. 
Duncan,    Mr.    586. 
Dunkinson,    Mr.    195. 
Dunlap,   Jas.,   named  in   McHenry's 

will  5. 

Dunlop    (printer)    100. 
Dupont,    Victor   &   Co.    510. 
Duvall,   Gabriel  204,    473. 

Duvall,  559. 

D'Yrujo,  Spanish  .Minister  261,  266, 

269. 

EAST  Chester,  N.  T.   230,  258,   259, 

399. 
Eastern    Shore    132,    134,    136,    142, 

157. 

Easton,    Pa.    336,    436,    437,    504. 
Eccleston   140,   141,    197,   201. 
Eden,  Sir  Robert  66. 
Education  in  Md.  supported  by  Mc- 

Henry    144,    154,    155. 
Ehrenbreitstein,    Germany    375. 
Elbe  River   238. 

Elk   River,    Head  of   35,   '54,    78. 
Ellicott,  Mr.  178,  261,  263,  269,  270. 
Elliot,   Capt.   373,   391,   402. 
Ellsworth,  Oliver  371,  416,  417,  424, 

495,    496,   5'66. 
Embargo  of    1807    539,    542,    544    to 

54'6,    550. 

Embargo   of   181,2    576. 
Emmot,    Mr.    576. 
English    Privateers    144. 
England,  Bank  of  89. 
Epes,    Mr.    551,    557,    562,    565. 
Erie,    Lake    609. 
Eustis,    Dr.,   .Sec.   of  War,    589. 
Evans,    Walter    271,    272. 

FALLING  Springs,  Va.   121. 

Farris,    Jas.,    Jr.    271,    272. 

Fauchet  159,   160,   572. 

Federal    Gazette    596. 

Federal    Republican,    The    580. 

Federalist,    The    110. 

Fenno's  Gazette  230,   241,   246,   266, 

372.   394,   456. 
Fishkill,  N.  Y.   25. 
Fitzherbert,   Mr.   50. 


Index 


G29 


Fitzpatrick,    Gen.    510. 

Fitzsimmons,   Mr.    105. 

Fleury,    Mme.    de    429. 

Flint,   Daniel   435. 

Flint   Parker  &  Co.    110. 

Florida,  Boundary  of  178,  261,  295. 

Florida,  395,  43S,  440,  5.24,  559,  560, 
562. 

Foncier,  J.   613. 

Ford,    Major   433. 

Foreign  trade,  McHenry's  views  as 
to  142,  619. 

Forrest,  Uriah  77,  115,  urges  Mc- 
Henry  for  U.  S.  Senate  145,  161, 
on  Md.  politics  198,  writes  305. 

Fort   Jay   43'2. 

Fort  McHenry  144,   406,   613. 

Fort    Massac   264,    272.    440   to   442. 

Fort   Mifflin,   Penn.   289,   377. 

Fort   Ontario   174. 

Fort  Washington  9,   261. 

Fort   Wayne   265,    440. 

Fortifications  256,  288,  367,  406, 
450. 

Foster,   Mr.    542,    574. 

Fox,   Mr.   510. 

Fox,   Josiah    180,    181. 

France,  Revolution  178,  193,  224, 
237,  238,  247,  275  &  ft.  329,  331. 

France,  foreign  policy  in  Europe 
0<)S  to  234,  236  to  238,  245  to  247, 
277,  341,  343,  372  to  375,  430,  506, 
507,  524,  598,  602,  609. 

France,   relations  with  Indians   260. 

France,  intrigues  in  West  264  to 
266,  272,  438,  439,  516. 

France,  privateers  142,  143,  191  to 
193,  195,  235,  292,  302. 

France,  relations  with,  in  1796  187 
to  195,  201  to  206. 

France  rejects  Pinckney  '208  to  222. 

France,  relations  with.  In  1797  216 
to  ?25,  2,28  to  235.  240,  242  to  252, 
257,  276,  277,  288. 

France,  captures  of  our  vessels  235, 
236,  245,  276. 

France,  government,  X.  Y.  Z.  mis 
sion  274  ff.,  284,  286,  289  to  301, 
304,  307. 

France,  relations  with,  in  1798  302 
to  305,  315,  329,  331,  343,  370, 
440. 

France  in  West  Indies  42,  43,  191. 
315. 

France,  French  Sailors  recruited  at 
Baltimore  143. 

France,  relations  with,  after  nom 
ination  of  envoys  370,  393,  406  to 
409,  416  to  420,  429,  453,  454,  473 
to  475.  482.  487,  490,  493  to  496, 
506,  557,  558,  5-66,  567,  570,  606. 

France,  relations  with,  in  Revolu 
tion  87,  94,  10'9,  508. 

France,  relations  with,  in  1806  and 
following  years  535,  536,  538,  540, 
5-42  to  545,  549,  551. 

France,  relations  with,  under  Mad 
ison  559,  562,  565,  570,  573,  575, 
581. 

Francis.  Tench  391,  396,  411. 

Franklin,   Benjamin  52,   87,  89,  107. 


Frederick,     Md.     146,     152,     British 

prisoners  at   43. 
French,    Mrs.    515. 
Freneau,    Philip    572. 
Frey,   Capt.   402    to   404,    433. 
Fries's  Rebellion  41S,   431  to  437. 
Fries.    Mr.    436,    437. 
Friuli,    Italy   229,   232. 
Furguson,  Henderson  &  Gilson,  236. 


GALE,    Geo.    115,    141,    142. 

Gallatin,  Albert  .272,  334,  Mc 
Henry's  opinion  of  500  to  502,  517, 
554,  561,  599,  601. 

Ganevain,    John    143. 

Gardoqui  (Spanish  minister)    89. 

Gayoso,   261,   26'J,   440. 

Genet    173,    201,    203,    551,    572. 

Genoa,   Italy  229,   246,  276. 

Georgetown,  D.  C.  59,  195,  303,  453, 
4S2,  511,  512,  534.  542,  543.  612. 

Georgia  272,  328,  360,  363,  377,  448, 
459. 

Georgia  relations  with  Indians  174, 
186. 

German  Empire  229,  232,  238,  279, 
331. 

Gerry,  Elbridge,  McHenry's  exper 
ience  with,  224,  225,  on  embassy 
274,  275.  239,  300,  307,  373,  463, 
named  67,  104,  568,  570,  576. 

Ghent,    Belgium    613. 

Gibbon,    Edward    228. 

Gibbs,    Major    26. 

Gibbs,   Caleb   435. 

Gibson,   Gen.  259. 

Giles,   Wm.   B.    534,    551,   560. 

Giles,   Major  Edward  41. 

Gilmor,   284,    531,    534. 

Gilpin    204. 

Godoy,  Prince  of  the  Peace  261. 

Goode,  Mr.  389. 

Goodhue,  Benjamin  199,  200,  458, 
463. 

Gordon.    Dr.    William,    historian   37. 

Gorham,   Mr.   105. 

Gouvion,  Col.  87. 

Gracie,   Mr.   532. 

Grant's  Tavern   118,   126. 

Grave  Creek  438. 

Graybil.    Capt.    499. 

Great  Britain,  relations  with  U.  S. 
before  1801  166,  195,  220,  231, 
232,  235,  250,  294,  295,  329,  408, 
416.  470,  508,  521. 

Great  Britain.  relations  with 
France  228.  229,  231.  238,  243. 
247,  277,  2.80,  293,  298,  315,  330, 
343.  495,  506,  524. 

Great  Britain,  intrigues  in  West, 
261,  265.  266,  269,  284. 

Great  Britain,  relations  with  U.  S. 
after  1801  508,  521,  534,  536  to 
545,  549,  555. 

Great  Britain,  relations  under  Mad 
ison,  560.  562,  565. 

Great  Britain.  War  of  1812  with 
573  to  579.  581,  584.  588.  59-2,  593, 
595,  598  to  601,  609  to  613. 

Great  Britain,  peace  with,  in  1783 
47,  48,  50,  51,  55,  71. 


630 


Index 


Great  Britain,  navigation  laws  90, 
.91. 

Great  Britain,  trade  with  129,  131, 
619. 

Greenbrook  410. 

Greene,  Gen.  Nathaniel,  gives  Mc- 
Henry  oath  of  allegiance  17,  wish 
es  McHenry  as  aid  31,  writes  La 
fayette  of  war  at  .South  35,  writes 
McHenry  from  Guilford  Court 
House  37,  from  high  Hills  of  San- 
tee  38,  referred  to  39,  writes  Mc 
Henry  1783  56,  Lafayette  suggests 
statue  of  89. 

Greenleaf,   Mr.   200. 

Greville,   Mr.   47,   49. 

Griswold,   Roger  481,    512   to   514. 

Guilford  Court  House  37. 

Guion,   Capt.   264,    265. 

Gunn,   Gen  360,  .366,    367. 

HABERSHAM,   Mr.    174. 

Hacker,    Capt.    289. 

Hague,  The  125,  226,  228,  229,  248, 
281,  285,  299,  341,  343,  371,  429, 
453,  496,  558. 

Hague,  The,  Embassy  at  238,  239, 
299. 

Haiti,   470. 

Halifax,  Nova  Scotia  599. 

Hall,    Col.    J.    C.    137. 

Hall,  Annie  Eliza  76. 

Hall,    Martha   125. 

Hamburg,  Germany  188,  210,  283, 
341,  37.2. 

Hamden,    Lord   2 28. 

Hamilton,  Alexander,  writes  Mc 
Henry  1778  15,  is  prescribed  for 
by  Me  Henry  17,  in  Washington's 
military  family  19,  McHenry  de 
fends  his  bravery  20,  writes  Mc 
Henry  28,  31,  marries  29,  30, 
writes  McHenry  of  breach  with 
"Washington  34.  McHenry  writes 
him  41,  43,  Washington  writes 
him  of  McHenry  51,  in  Constitu 
tional  Convention  100,  congratu 
lated  on  Treasury  Secretaryship 
by  McHenry  123,  McHenry  ap 
proves  his  plan  for  U.  S.  Bank 
129,  corresponds  with  McHenry  on 
appointments  to  office  129,  130, 
138,  141,  142,  McHenry  asks  his 
advice  as  to  accepting  position 
in  Md.  Senate  131,  correspondence 
on  Congressional  election  of  1792 
136,  137,  slandered  by  Mercer  137, 
instructions  as  to  privateers  143, 
Monroe  protests  against  sending 
him  as  minister  to  Great  Britain 
144,  resigns  Secretaryship  1&5, 
156,  158,  159,  suggests  McHenry 
to  Washington  for  Secretaryship 
of  State  161,  friendship  for  Mc 
Henry  615,  advises  McHepry  on 
various  matters  166,  167,  180,  183, 
and  advises  sending  McHenry  to 
France  188,  warns  against  French 
war  189,  on  Pinckney's  reiection 
212,  213  to  223,  influence  on  Mc 
Henry  225,  291,  295,  writes  on 
Spanish  relations  266,  on  N.  Y. 


forts  288,  289,  on  French  rela 
tions  Jan.  1798  291,  30.2,  Harper 
complains  of  McHenry  -to  him  301, 
named  304,  307,  question  of  prece 
dence  as  general  311  to  314,  321, 
322,  325  to  32i8,  338  to  341,  344  to 
346,  454,  605,  606,  in  provisional 
army  315,  316,  319  to  321,  324, 
325,  344,  347,  351  to  353,  360  to 
363,  365  to  367,  complains  of  Mc 
Henry  to  Washington  319,  347, 
general  in  army  1799  375  to  378, 
381,  382,  384  to  387,  390  to  392, 
394  to  400,  409  to  411,  413  to  415, 
417,  418,  suggested  for  president 
389,  writes  on  dispute  with  Mc 
Henry  as  to  subordinate  officers 
40.2  to  405,  receives  a  game  from 
McHenry  395,  on  Washington's 
death  421,  commands  in  West  440 
to  444,  450,  451,  in  presidential 
campaign  of  1800  452  to  454,  456 
to  458,  461,  463,  466,  469,  478, 
479,  attacks  Adams  455,  461,  464, 
472,  475,  47*6,  480,  481,  '567,  op 
poses  Burr  for  President  484  to 
488,  named  496,  505,  50>6,  attacked 
by  Adams  568,  569,  571,  his  mili 
tary  knowledge  572,  in  Army  368, 
422,  424  to  426,  428,  429,  566,  in 
Fries's  Insurrection  432  to  434, 
437,  his  death  529  to  532. 

Hamilton,  Mrs.  Alexander  29,  45, 
129,  558. 

Hamilton,   Philip  505. 

Hamilton,    Major   263,    264. 

Hamilton,   Sec.  of  Navy,   590. 

Hammersly,   Mr.    140. 

Hammond,  Abijah  354. 

Hammond,  British  minister  to  U.  S. 
160,  161. 

Hammond,   Mr.   133  to  135. 

Hampshire  Co.,   Mass.   546. 

Hamtranck,   Col.   441   to   444. 

Hancock,    Md.    553. 

Hanover,    23.8. 

Hanson,  Alexander  Contee  108,  124,. 
580. 

Harford  Co.,  Md.   109,  .125. 

Harford,    Henry    67. 

Harned,    David   118. 

Harper,  R.  G.  285,  298,  301,  304, 
407,  430,  434,  458,  464,  521,  572, 
583. 

Harper's  Ferry  arsenal  182,  183, 
307,  391,  401,  402,  415. 

Harris,    Dr.    336. 

Harrison,    Col.    195. 

Harrison,    R.    H.    124. 

Harrison,  William  Henry  261,  263, 
609. 

Hartford    Convention    613. 

Harwich,   England   343. 

Haverstraw,   N.   Y.   21,   23,   31. 

Havre,    France    496. 

Hawkins,    Dr.    12. 

Hawkins,  Benjamin  175,  177,  407. 

Hay,   Col.   23. 

Hays,   Capt.    388. 

Heath,    Col.    388. 

Helder,  The  ,226,  227. 

Hemsley,  Mr.  197. 


Index 


631 


Henly,  Col.,  Indian  agt.   171. 

Henley,  Capt.   Samuel  318. 

Henry,  John  115,  139,  141,  156,  204, 
222,  223,  306,  307,  575. 

Henry,   Patrick   371,   408,   416. 

Henry,    Capt.    432,    437. 

Hewes,    Mr.    5 82. 

Hierschell's  Tavern  118. 

Hill,    Mr.    372. 

Hillhouse,    Mr.    533,    548,    549,    551. 

Hillsboro,   N.   C.    445. 

Hindman,  Wm.,  candidate  for  Con 
gress  1792  136,  in  1796  197  to  199, 
on  Pinckney's  rejection  208,  writes 
McHenry  249,  271,  301,  303,  334 
to  336,  on  Jefferson's  election  489. 

Hitchborn,  Col.   373,   374. 

Hite,    Mr.    365. 

Hoche,    Lazare   238. 

Hodge,   Dr.    Hugh   13. 

Hodgdon,    Mr.    181. 

Hodgsdon,   Mr.   386. 

Holland,  227  to  250,  274,  281,  283, 
285,  300,  301,  330,  331,  343,  465, 
495,  debt  to  109. 

Holland    Co.    485. 

Hollingsworth,  Mr.  133  to  136,  299, 
306. 

Holstein,   Denmark   287,    328. 

Holston   River,   171,   267. 

Holston  Treaty  175. 

Hooper,    Mr.    142. 

Hoops,  Major  402,   404,   433. 

Hopkins,    Major   138. 

Hopkinson.    586. 

Horner,   Miss  60. 

Hornet,   The  577. 

Horry  238. 

Howard,  John  Eager  39,  7€,  115, 
143,  declines  Sec.  of  war  163,  sug 
gested  for  Congress  194,  elected  to 
U.  S.  Senate  202,  205,  named  319, 
370,  396,  572. 

Howard,    James    572. 

Howard,  Juliana  Elizabeth  76. 

Howe,  Sir  William  9,  10,  13,   14. 

Huger,   Mr.   288,   332,   333. 

Hugues,    Victor    192. 

Humphreys,  David  86,  180. 

Humphreys,  Capt.   537. 

Huntington,   Gen.    363. 

Hutchinson,  Dr.  James,  writes  Mc 
Henry  15. 

Hutton,   Gaun   M.    497. 

Hydestown,    N.  J.    13,    15. 

ILLINOIS  Indians  172. 
Illinois   country   265,    273. 
Indian  affairs  in  1796  168  to  178. 
Indian  affairs  in  1797  259,  261,  262, 

26«    to   269,    271    to  '273,    438. 
Indian  affiairs  in  1799  407,  418,  441 

to  443,  445   to  451,   513,   515. 
Indian  education  176,   177,   261. 
Indian  missions  171  to  173,  176. 
Indians  86,   609. 

Indians  killed  near  Pittsburg  129. 
Tntendant   of    Md.    41. 
Ireland   525. 

Iroquois   Indians   169,    170. 
Istria   232. 
Italy   229,    232,    494. 


Izard,    Capt.    284. 

JACKSON,  Andrew  177. 

Jackson,  435,   466. 

Jackson,   Jonathan   476. 

Jackson,  British  minister  554  to- 
556,  560. 

Jamestown,   Va.    38. 

James   River   39. 

James  Island   38. 

Jannin,    Rev.    271. 

Jay,  John  87,  155,  198,  289,  .311, 
456,  551,  refuses  Chief  Justice 
ship  489  to  491. 

Jay  Treaty  170,  179,  194,  200,  284r 
296. 

Jefferson,  Geo.  547. 

Jefferson,  Thos.  97,  108,  113,  121, 
158,  corresponds  with  McHenry  on 
business  128,  on  politics  136,  rela 
tions  to  U.  S.  Constitution  137, 
Chas.  Carroll's  opinion  of  139, 
named  190,  191,  defeated  in  1796 
198  to  200,  203  to  205,  212,  213, 
229,  288,  306,  317,  334,  335,  389, 
in  presidential  campaign  of  1800 
45.2,  455  to  457,  459  to  461.  463, 
465,  466,  473,  482  to  485,  488  to 
490,  492,  493,  as  president  500, 
502,  508,  512,  533,  534,  536  to 
•542,  544  to  548,  550,  552,  556,  557, 
561,  564,  on  war  of  1812  582,  592, 
593,  595,  606,  609. 

Jellico   261,   448. 

Jenifer,  Daniel,  of  St.  Thomas,  42, 
89,  90,  97,  99  to  104,  106,  107,  132. 

Johnson,   John   266,   267. 

Johnson,   Judge   551. 

Johnson,    Louisa    241. 

Johnson,  Thomas  55,  97,  108,  112, 
113,  115,  124,  161. 

Jones,    David    264. 

Jones,   Wm   596. 

Jonesborough,    Tenn.    266. 

Jourdan.    Camille   279. 

Judiciary,    Act   of    1802    508. 

Juimpi,   Lt.    287,    288. 

KANAWHA  Lands  60S. 

Kentucky  111,  118,  261,  2'64,  271,. 
272,  363,  377,  438,  516,  573. 

Kentucky    Resolutions    436. 

Key,  Philip  202,  204  to  206. 

Kilty,  Wm.  143. 

King,  Rufus,  writes  of  Pinckney's 
rejection  208,  named  294,  .298.  315. 
371,  392,  505,  508,  509,  suggested 
as  vice  president  581.  584. 

Knox,  Henry  108,  155,  1»6.  158, 
164,  254,  255,  312  to  314,  319  to 
323,  325  to  328,  337,  338.  340,  346 
to  350,  378.  454,  605,  606. 

Knox,   Col.   119. 

Knox,  Mr.  261. 

Knoxville,  Tenn.   171,  267,   447,   448. 

Kosciusko,  Genl.   288. 

Kreyestein,  Adml.  285. 

LABIGAR,  Mr.  191. 

Lafayette,  G.  M.  de  19,  51,  97,  I3T, 
McHenry  on  his  staff  29,  writes 
McHenry  on  French  and  English 


632 


Index 


liberty  32,  takes  command  of 
forces  in  Va.  35,  38,  stops  at 
Baltimore  36,  has  McHenry  with 
him  in  Virginia  campaign  37, 
wishes  McHenry  as  secretary  53, 
writes  from  Paris  87,  90,  sends 
animals  to  Washington  92,  men 
tioned  128,  project  to  buy  house 
for  in  Washington  133,  McHenry 
asks  to  be  sent  to  secure  his  re 
lease  144,  145,  writes  McHenry 
287,  328,  406,  429,  430,  487,  506, 
509,  511,  523,  526,  541,  572,  615. 
Lafayette,  G.  W.  184,  185,  332,  54:2. 
Lafayette,  Mme.  287,  328,  510,  528, 

541. 

Lafayette,   JNoailles  288. 
La    Grange,    France    429,    506,    509, 

5,24,   572. 

Lancaster,   Pa.    436,   571. 
Larned,    Mr.    169. 
Latour,    Maubourg,    287. 
L<aurens,   Henry  20. 
Laurens,   Col.   John  20. 
L'Aussat,    Prefect   of   New    Orleans 

528. 

Lauzon,   Gen.    49. 
Law,   Thomas   324. 
Law,    Mrs.    324. 

Lear,   Tobias   183,   354,   365,   376. 
Le  Couteulx,   Messrs.   129. 
Ledyard,    John    484. 
Lee,   Archibald  612. 
Lee,     Charles,     Atty.     Gen.     under 
Washington       166,        183,       under 
Adams    208,    224,    258,    370,    382    to 
384,    401,    417,    419,    424,    438,    453, 
566,  letter  from  5fr5. 
Lee,    Gen.    Charles    19,    20. 
Lee,  Gen.  Henry  165,  210,   314,  484. 
Lee,  Gen.   388,   425. 
Lee,    J.    10'S. 
Lee,    Gov.    Thos.    Sim    37,    38,    108, 

143 

Le   Freire,    Chev.   161,   185,    186. 
Leopard,   H.    M.   S.   537. 
Lepeaux,    M.    279. 
Letomb,    M.    436. 
Lewis,   Capt.    185. 
Lewis,  Major  .173,   174. 
Lewis,    Lawrence    318,    359. 
Lewis,    S.    513. 
Lewis,  T.  .272,   497. 
Leyden,    Holland    242,    281. 
Liancourt   430. 

Liberty,    French    &    English,    com 
pared  by  Lafayette  32. 
Lindsay,    Mr.    43. 
Lingan,   Gen.    580. 
Lisbon,  Portugal  240,  282,  288,  372, 

456,   458,   505. 

Lisle,   Belgium   238,   243,   280. 
Liston,    British    Minister    185,    186, 

461. 
Litchfield,   Conn.   350,   392,   393,  416, 

436. 

Little,   Mr.    573. 
Livingston,    Mr.    234. 
Livingston,    R.    R.    51    to    53,    517. 
Lloyd,    Col.    134. 
Lloyd,   Edward  59. 
Lloyd,   Jas.    55,    138,    305,    306,   396. 


Lodge,    H.    C.    226. 

Loftus  Heights  450,   451. 

Lombardy,    246. 

London,    England    52,    53,    195,    208, 

211,    296,    343,    423,    505,    538,    539, 

575,    594. 

L'Orient,   France    93,    235. 
Loring,      Joseph,      Commissary      of 

Prisoners  at  N.  Y.   10,   11,   14. 
Louis,   Col.    170. 
Louis  XVI  of  France  '551: 
Louis   XVIII   of   France   566. 
Louisiana    260,    263,    315,    395,    440, 

515   to   517,   522. 

Louisiana  Treaty   520,  >521,    524. 
Lynn,  Mass.  ;204. 

Lynn,  Col.  John  553,  554,  583,  587. 
Lyon,  Matthew  493. 

MA  AS   Sluys  241. 

Maas  River  343. 

McAlpin,    Mr.    369,    390. 

McCurdy,    Mr.    498    to   500. 

McGaw,   Col.   Robt.   9,   12. 

Macharg,  Mr.   317. 

McHenry,  Agnes  1,  2. 

McHenry,   Anna   1. 

McHenry,  Anna  [Mrs.  Boyd]  75, 
482,  521,  554,  609  to  611,  61o. 

McHenry,    Charles   Howard   76. 

McHenry,  Daniel,  settles  in  Balti 
more  as  merchant  1,  death  2, 
James  McHenry  names  him  in  will 
4,  receives  letters  from  son  16, 
23,  dies  50. 

McHenry,  Daniel  William  75,  118, 
119,  123,  482,  497,  521,  587,  610. 

McHenry,  Grace   75,   77,   505. 

McHenry,  James,  birth  1,  2,  early 
education  1,  emigration  to  Amer 
ica  1,  at  Newark  Academy  2, 
writes  verses  2  to  4,  60,  77,  83, 
portraits  2,  studies  medicine  4, 
enters  Continental  army  4,  will  4, 
surgeon  at  Cambridge,  Mass.  6, 
receives  resolution  of  commenda 
tion  from  Congress  8,  surgeon 
Fifth  Pa.  Bat.  (McGaw's)  at  Fort 
Washington  9,  prisoner  at  New 
Tork  9,  writes  of  hospital  life 
there  10,  paroled  14,  exchanged 
15,  summoned  to  Washington's 
camp  16,  appointed  military  secre 
tary  16,  17,  prescribes  for  Hamil 
ton  17,  at  Monmouth  19,  defends 
Hamilton  20,  marches  with  Wash 
ington  to  Haverstraw  22,  23,  re 
ceives  no  pay  ;28,  48,  132,  plans 
European  trip  28,  on  Lafayette's 
staff  29,  at  Hamilton's  wedding 
29,  30,  seeks  definite  military 
rank  31,  discovers  Arnold's  trea 
son  31,  wishes  to  join  Greene  31, 
is  commissioned  as  Major  32,  re 
turns  to  Baltimore  32,  35.  entry 
into  political  life  suggested  by 
Lafayette  34,  induces  Baltimore 
merchants  to  aid  Continental 
army  and  gives  money  to  it  him 
self  35,  goes  to  Annapolis  36,  in 
Virginia  campaign  37  to  39,  elect 
ed  to  Maryland  Senate  41,  writes 


G33 


Hamilton  of  prospects  in  life  43, 
illness  36,  43,  45,  48,  117,  138,  144, 
his  father  dies  50,  tries  to  enter 
the  diplomatic  service  51,  123,  131, 
elected  to  Congress  55,  speech  on 
Pennsylvania  mutineers  57,  ser 
vices  in  Maryland  Senate  56,  58, 
59  62,  70,  89,  92,  services  in  Con 
gress  56,  57,  59,  62,  78,  82,  83,  87,  89, 
92,  member  constitutional  conven 
tion  of  1787  96  to  107,  absence 
through  brother's  illness  100, 
member  in  Maryland  ratifying 
convention  108  to  1.13,  loveletters 
59,  61  to  71,  marriage  62,  64,  71, 
73,  75  to  77,  children  75,  letters 
while  at  Annapolis  78  &  ff.,  letters 
to  wife  from  Philadelphia  98,  104, 
106,  from  Sweet  Springs,  Virginia 
117,  179,  arranges  for  Washing 
ton's  resignation  67,  member  1st 
Presbyterian  Church  75,  salary 
as  Congressman  89,  as  delegate  to 
Constitutional  Convention  98,  cor 
responds  with  Washington  on  fed 
eral  regulation  of  commerce  90, 
opposes  instruction  of  representa 
tives  95,  member  House  of  Dele 
gates  114,  123,  124,  145  to  153, 
invites  Washington  to  visit  him 
116,  117,  133,  135,  retires  from 
public  life  because  of  brother's 
death  126,  129,  130,  159,  writes 
Jefferson  on  mercantile  business 
In  Paris  128,  chosen  again  to 
State  Senate  130,  corresponds  with 
Washington  and  Hamilton  on  ap 
pointments  to  office  130,  132  to 
136,  138  to  142,  second  service  in 
Senate  131  to  133,  139,  144,  154, 

162,  pushes  project  to  buy  Lafay 
ette  a  house   133,  supports  Adams 
in  1792,  137,  atacks  Mercer  136  to 

138,  suggested    for    U.    S.    Senate 

139,  145,   solicits  subscriptions  for 
French   refugees    142,   asks   Wash 
ington  to  be  sent  to  secure  Lafay 
ette's    release    144,    suggested    by 
Hamilton    as    Secretary    of    State 
161,    appointed    Secretary   of    War 

163,  accepts    164,    enters   on   office 
168,  attends  to   Indian  affairs   169 
to    179,    naval    affairs    180    to    182, 
military    affairs    in     1796     182     to 
184,   186,  regrets  Washington's  re 
tirement  193,  continues  in  cabinet 
under    Adams    208,    writes    Wash 
ington  of  illness  in  1796  182,  com 
mends    Banneker    127,    Pinckney's 
rejection     209,     enjoys    work     211, 
consults  with  Hamilton  as  how  to 
advise    Adams    on    Pinckney's    re 
jection   210   to   223,   his   opinion   of 
the    triple    embassy    224    to     226, 
Murray   buys   him    military   books 
°29     24,2,   243,   246,   attends   to  na 
val  affairs  in  1797  251  to  256,  rec 
ommends     fortifications     256,     re 
ceives  wine  cooler  from  Washing 
ton    257,     leaves    Philadelphia    on 
account  of  yellow  fever  257,   is  ill 
258,    290,    311,    321,    324,    327,   con 


ducts  Western  and  Indian  affairs 
260,  268  to  274,  buys  books  from 
Pinckney  274,  directs  forts  at  N. 
Y.  288,  289,  asks  Hamilton  to  help 
as  to  policy  291,  dissatisfaction 
with  302,  naval  affairs  302,  con 
sults  Hamilton  May,  1798,  302, 
relinquishes  navy  May,  1798,  303, 
policy  towards  France  302,  writes 
Washington  of  Gerry  307,  hopes 
for  Washington's  repose  308,  calls 
Washington  to  lead  army  309,  vis 
its  Mt.  Vernon  311,  312,  prece 
dence  of  generals  312  to  348,  con 
sults  Hamilton  313,  writes  Wash 
ington  316,  317,  on  appointments 
319,  consults  with  Hamilton  344, 
360,  procures  colors  for  Miss  Cus- 
tis  3'55  to  359,  his  management  of 
war  affairs  in  1799  375  to  406,  409 
to  416,  Adams  asks  information 
for  message  418,  Wolcott's  opin 
ion  of  422,  ill  469,  556,  supposed 
to  write  Three  Patriots  572,  dis 
missed  by  Adams  453  to  458,  465, 
467,  469,  takes  part  in  Maryland 
politics  in  181.1  572,  in  presiden 
tial  campaign  of  1SOO  459  to  497, 
complained  of  by  Hamilton  and 
Washington  319,  320,  322  to  324, 
corresponds  with  Washington  336, 
339,  340,  cleared  of  intrigue  338, 
339,  takes  house  at  Georgetown 
453,  513,  515,  country  place  397, 
defends  administration  of  depart 
ment  4'67,  '511  to  519,  556,  604, 
compiles  Baltimore  Directory  in 
1807  535,  writes  book  which  was 
lost  558,  president  Baltimore  Bible 
Society  607,  owns  Kanawha  lands 
608,  is  paralyzed  587,  607,  610, 
611,  614,  spends  time  in  Allegany 
County  586  to  607,  dies  615,  arti 
cles  on  British  trade  in  1784  619, 
letters  from,  printed  elsewhere 
622,  autograph  letters  sold  624. 

McHenry,    James,    Jr.    76. 

McHenry,   Jas.   Howard  76.   558. 

McHenry,  John  (brother  of  James) 
settles  in  Baltimore  as  merchant 
1,  his  mercantile  career  2,  James 
McHenry  names  him  in  will  4,  5, 
James  McHenry  in  Jan.  1776  dis 
suades  him  from  enlistment  or  re 
turn  to  Europe  6,  writes  James 
McHenry  24,  partner  with  him  50, 
goes  to  his  wedding  64,  71,  illness 
97,  100,  117,  120,  121,  123,  dies 
125,  mentioned  132. 

McHenry,  John,  Jr.  on  uncle's  ac 
ceptance  of  secretaryship  163,  men 
tioned  229,  284,  285,  g-oes  to  Hol 
land  341  to  343,  371,  453.  495,  496. 
on  uncle's  character  29,  125,  497. 

McHenry,  John  (son  of  Jas.)  76, 
482  520,  '521,  goes  to  Europe  541, 
farming  &c.  554,  610,  611,  614,  6 

McHenry,  John  (son  of  Jas.  How 
ard)  76. 

McHenry,  Juliana  76 


G34 


Index 


McHenry,  MargaretC.  I,  53,  163,  164, 
166,  183,  185,  227,  229,  241,  258, 
2S4,  299,  301,  343,  357,  359,  438, 
460,  461,  482,  484,  489,  505,  508, 

511,  517  to  519,   521,  523,  '525,   528, 
529,    574,    587,    604,    609,    'birth    2, 
love    of    James    McHenry    27,    59, 
61  to  71,  marriage  72  to  75,  child 
ren    75,    76,    letters    from  husband 
78,    98,    104,    106,    117,    14«    to   153, 
writes    of    family    afflictions,    &c. 
610,    611,   614,    615. 

McHenry,  Margaretta,   76,  482,   553, 

556. 
McHenry,    Ramsay,    75,    opinion    of 

James   McHenry   29. 
McHenry,    Wilson   Gary    76. 
Mack,    Gen.    373. 
Mackay,    Mr.   104. 
McKean,    Thomas    420,    435. 
McKim,   Isaac   191. 
Mackinac,    Mich.    265,    443. 
McLaughlin,    Mr.    89. 
McLure,    Jas.   20. 
Macon's  bill,   554,   oo^. 
McMechen,  David,   108,   114,  202. 
McPherson,    Gen.    389,    435,    436. 
Madagascar  27;5. 
Madison,  Bishop  Jas.   149. 
Madison,    James    51,    104,    108,    112, 

161,    212,    213,    273,    335.    502,    511, 

512,  540,  542,   544,  president  of  the 
IT.   S.    5:55,    556,    559  to   562,    573   to 
579,  his  second  election  580  to  587, 
591  to  593,  595,  second  administra 
tion   601,    606,    609,    613. 

Magruder,    Mr.    534. 

Malcolm,    Mr.    25^9. 

Malbone,    death   of  '552. 

Mallet,  Dr..  British  surgeon  gener 
al  at  N.  T.  11  to  13. 

Malmesbury,   Lord,   238,    280. 

Malta,   94,   331. 

Malvern   Hill,   Va.,    38. 

Marbois,    M.    161,    275. 

Marcou,    Mrs.    301. 

Markworth.    Wm.    257. 

Marshall.  John  224,  274,  299,  300, 
454,  460,  488,  490,  511,  512,  '571, 
581,  582. 

Marshall,  Gen.   388. 

Martin,  Luther,  97,  100  to  102,  104, 
106  to  108,  113,  134,  160,  333. 

Martin,    Mr.    529. 

Maryland  General  Assembly  41,  44, 
95. 

Maryland  Delegates  to  Constitu 
tional  Convention  94.  100,  108. 

Maryland  House  of  Delegates  114, 
123,  124. 

Maryland  Patriotism  in  1781  39,  42. 

Maryland  finances   41,    42,    89. 

Maryland  will  not  pay  McHenry 
for  Revolutionary  services  49. 

Maryland  Senate  41,  44,  55,  56,  58, 
62,  70,  89,  92,  130  to  133,  13~9,  144, 
153,  162,  197,  202. 

Mary-land  accounts  with  U.   S.    521. 

Maryland  Provincial  history  of  525. 

Maryland  Stock  in  Bank  of  Eng 
land  89,  298. 


Maryland  appropriates  money  for 
D.  C.  305. 

Maryland,   Washington   on   324. 

Maryland  in  army  377,  387,  396,  399 

Maryland    Politics    1789    115. 

Maryland  Politics   1796   197   to  204. 

Maryland  Politics  1798  305,  333. 

Maryland  Politics  in  1800  458,  461 
to  464,  466,  469,  470,  47i2,  479, 
482,  489,  492,  493. 

Maryland  Politics  in  Jefferson's  ad 
ministration  519. 

Maryland   Politics  in   1809   554. 

Maryland  Politics  in  1811   572. 

Maryland  Politics  in  1812  581,  584, 
585,  587. 

Maryland  Politics  in  1813  <600. 

Maryland  trade  with  Great  Britain, 
619. 

Mason,   Dr.   558. 

Mason,  George  106. 

Massachusetts  398,  399,  409,  435, 
456,  472,  476,  477,  483,  518,  537, 
551,  5'56,  567,  575  to  578,  585,  600. 

Massena,    Marshal   494. 

Massie,    Major    122,    123. 

Matthews,    Mr.    198,    199. 

Mauberg,   M.   430. 

Mazzei,    490,    548. 

Meade,  Mr.   397. 

Mentzes,  Dr.  exchanged  for  Mc 
Henry  15. 

Mercer,  John  T.  97,  100  to  104,  107, 
108,  113,  McHenry's  opinion  of 
134,  candidate  for  Congress  136. 
137. 

Meredith.    Mr.    586. 

Miami    River    173. 

Middle  .States    377. 

Middlebrook,    N.    Y.    25. 

Milan,    Italy    494. 

Milan    Decree    574. 

Miles,  Col.   9,   12,   14. 

Miles   River    136. 

Military  academy  363,  392,  397, 
422,  423,  425,  427,  457. 

Militia  of  Maryland  144. 

Millerstown    118. 

Milnor,    Mr.    576. 

Miranda    533. 

Mississippi  River  and  Territory  89, 
263,  269,  (295,  418,  438  to  441,  443, 
449,  451,  516,  536,  551. 

Mitchell,    W.    272. 

Monmouth,    Battle   of    19. 

Monmouth,   Md.   7'5. 

Monroe,  Jas.,  recall  from  France 
188,  189,  153,  210.  298,  301,  389, 
named  517,  533,  538,  546,  574,  602. 

Montflorence,  M.   238,  371. 

Montgaillard,    Comte    279. 

Montgomery  County,  Pa.  432. 

Monticello,   Va.    317. 

Moore,    Alfred   450. 

Moreau,    Gen.    536. 

Morgan,  Dr.   8. 

Morgan,   Genl.   39,   318,   388. 

Morris,    121,    122,    16«. 

.Morris,  Gouverneur  105,  488,  532. 

Morris,   Col.   37,  40. 

Morris,    Robert    48,    87. 


635 


Mt.  Vernon  174,  ISO,  182,  185  to 
187,  209,  210,  224,  289,  290,  309, 
311,  314,  316,  317,  325,  338,  346, 
349,  356,  359,  364,  389,  396,  410, 
459,  461. 

Moylan,    Col.    39. 

Mulin,    M.    276. 

Murdock,    Mr.    204. 

Murray,  Wm.  Vans,  recommends  to 
office  140,  141,  writes  on  British 
prize  142,  on  politics  in  1794  155, 
158,  174,  on  the  Randolph  dis 
patches  159,  160,  on  visits  to  for 
eign  ministers  161,  congratulates 
McHenry  on  appointment  164,  166, 
167,  named  176,  opinion  as  to 
Wayne  183,  writes  on  French  cri 
sis  189,  will  retire  from  Congress 
195,  196,  199,  writes  of  home  af 
fairs  195,  writes  on  election  of 
1798,  197,  198,  200,  201,  on  Pinck- 
ney's  rejection  208,  minister  to 
Holland  226,  letters  on  European 
affairs  227  to  250,  274  to  288,  299 
to  301,  317,  331,  341  to  345,  558, 
commissioner  to  France  370,  407, 
416,  419,  429,  4.60,  465,  557,  568, 
606,  writes  McHenry  from  Paris 
493,  writes  on  return  511,  dies 
528,  529. 

Murray,  Mrs.  Wm.  Vans  157,  195, 
227,  229,  284,  299,  342,  343,  495, 
511. 

Muscle   Shoals   271,    272. 

Mutineers,   Pennsylvania  '56,   57. 

NANTES,   France   245. 

Nashville,    Tenn.    171. 

Natchez,    Miss.    261,    264,    269,    274, 

440,    443.   446,   533. 
Natchitoches,   La.    550. 
Naturalization   157. 
Navy,    180   to   182,    251   to   256,   302, 

303,    372,    427,    512,   589. 
Neapolitan  Territory  373,  375. 
Nevill,    334. 
Newark,   Del.    2,    3. 
Newark,    N.    J.    104. 
Newburgh,  N.  Y.  46,  51  to  53. 
New    Brunswick,    N.    J.     39S,     399, 

410,   432. 

Newburyport,   Mass.   236,    372. 
New   England    90.    377,    456,    460    to 

462,    466,    492,    546. 
New  Hampshire   111,  386,   469,   472. 

483,  546,    556,    573,   585. 
New   Haven,    Conn.    86. 

New  Jersey  261,  398,  435,  464,  466, 
471,  472,  483.  5,22,  585,  609. 

New  London,  Conn.  599. 

New  Madrid,   Mo.   260.   264.    271. 

New  Orleans.  La.  260,  263,  270, 
295,  315,  316,  439,  444,  516,  517. 
528,  536,  550,  594,  595. 

Newport.    R.    I.    415,    463. 

New  Windsor,  N.   Y.   35. 

New  York  38,  47,  49,  69,  90,  108, 
109,  111,  137,  236,  256,  263,  288, 
289,  302,  320,  326,  328,  347,  360, 
363,  374,  386,  387,  397  to  399,  402, 
407,  410,  426,  428,  432,  457,  480, 

484,  489,    504,    305,    518,    521,    529, 


531,    556,    573,    576,    581,    584,    587, 

600,  607,  British  hospitals  at  9,  10, 

election  in  1800  452,  454,  456,  458, 

459,    461,    463,    466. 
New    York    State    politics    in    1804 

530. 
New    York    State    politics    in    1812 

585. 

Newell,    Col.    533. 
Niagara  186,   444,   602. 
Nicholas,  John  388. 
Nicholas,  Wilson  Gary  567,  606. 
Nicholson   200,    513,    554. 
Nicholson,  Wm.   334. 
Noel,    French    Minister    to    Holland 

245,    248,    249,    281. 
Non   Intercourse  bill   563,   565. 
Non  Importation  bill  574,  577. 
Nootka   Sound   542. 
Norfolk,   Va,    39,    208,    256. 
North,    Gen.    345. 
Northampton   Co.,    Pa.    432,   437. 
Northampton,    Mass.    546. 
North   Carolina   111,    256,    268,    387, 

454,    456,    459,    464,    472,    553,    582, 

584,  585. 

North  Point,   Md.    610. 
North  River  23. 

OGDEN,   Col.   397,    466. 

O'Hara,    Mr.    '533. 

Ohio   Co.    109. 

Ohio  River  262,   264,   441. 

Ohio,    State   of   585,    601. 

Oliver,   Dr.    (refugee   from  Boston) 

11,    13. 
Oliver,    Robert    211,    498,    499,    544, 

580,    583. 

Olmutz,    331,    507. 
Oneida   Indians   176. 
Orange,    Prince  of  249. 
Orange  town  29. 
Orleans,    Duke   of   237. 
Orleans   Territory   560,    562.  - 
Osborne,    Dr.    433. 
Os-tend,    235. 
Oswego,    N.   Y.    186. 
Otis,   H.  G.   435,   463,   568. 
Ottawa   Indians   443. 
Otto,    M.    507. 
Oxford,    Md.    142. 

PACA,  William  55,  61,  65,  66,  108, 
110,  113,  124,  134,  142. 

Palmer,    Mr.    612. 

Papal   States   2,29,    297,    373. 

Paquiet,    Rev.    M.    613. 

Paramus,   N.   J.   21,   22,   486. 

Paris,  France  49,  52,  128,  193,  208, 
211,  235,  236,  238,  247,  248,  274, 
275,  277,  2T9,  ,285,  290,  297,  299, 
300,  344,  371,  373,  375,  494,  495, 
507,  510,  523,  541,  542,  546,  551, 
592. 

Parish,   Mr.    188. 

Parker,  John  290,  291. 

Passaic    Falls    described    21. 

Pastoret,   M.   275. 

Patterson,    Mr.    437,    491. 

Patterson,  Wm.  36. 

Patton,   M.  C.  from  Del.   195. 

Patton,    Col.    476. 


636 


Paulus   Hook   27. 

Pechin,    Mr.    333,    334. 

Pendleton,    Mr.    531. 

Pennsylvania  90,  112,  383,  418,  420, 
436  to  437,  463,  477,  576,  584,  586,  614. 

Pennsylvania  Mutineers  56,   57. 

Perdido  River  560. 

Perry,  Wm.,  suggested  for  office 
121,  132,  136,  139  to  141,  158. 

Perry,    Mrs.    120. 

Perry,    Commodore    O.    H.    609. 

Perth  Amboy,   N.  J.   432. 

Philadelphia  4,  5,  ,24,  25,  42,  48,  50, 
52,  53,  56,  58,  61,  65,  71,  72,  75, 
78,  82,  83,  96,  98  to  100,  108,  109, 
118,  128,  131,  133,  140,  143,  164  to 
168,  175,  183,  185  to  187,  191,  193, 
199,  200,  230,  241,  243,  246,  254, 
256  to  259,  287,  290,  299,  303,  313, 
317,  319  to  321,  323,  324,  328,  341, 
347,  349  to  351,  353,  357,  364,  365, 
372,  37'8,  380,  381,  383,  389  to  391, 
394,  395,  401,  402,  417,  426,  439, 

458,  460,    463,    464,    482,    494,    504, 
513,    515,    557,    571,    573,    586,    ex 
travagance    at    2ft. 

Pichegru,   M.   275,   279. 

Pichon,    M.   371,   430,   558. 

Pickering,   Octavius  '615. 

Pickering,  Timothy,  a  member  of 
Washington's  cabinet  158,  Sec.  of 
State  163,  165  to  167,  169  to .171,  175 
176,  180,  181,  188,  190,  192,  197, 
201,  205,  member  of  Adams's  cab 
inet  208,  209,  224,  227,  329,  230, 
239  to  241,  250,  255,  2'57,  260,  266, 
269  270,  272  to  274,  28.2,  283,  285, 
288,  289,  311  to  316,  320,  322,  325, 
338,  341,  345,  346,  348,  352,  370, 
374,  375,  394,  397,  400,  406,  413, 
417  to  421,  424,  dismissed  by 
Adams  456,  in  presidential  cam 
paign  Of  1800  452,  453,  456,  458, 

459,  461,    478,    479,    481,    488,    In 
Congress    504,    505,    59'5,    censured 
by    Senate    563,    sends    portrait    to 
McHenry     533,      defends    adminis 
tration  of  department  511,  512,  604 
to  607,  corresponds  with  McHenry 
on  federal  politics  533  to  541,  546, 
to  561,   566   to  571,   600,  friendship 
In    McHenry 's   last   days    614,    615, 
views   on   future   life   602,    on   Mc- 
Henry's  health  607. 

Pickering,    Mrs.   Timothy   505. 

Pierce,    Mr.    97. 

Piedmont,    Italy    373,    494. 

Pike,    Mr.   264,  .272. 

Pinckney,  C.  C.  declines  Sec.  of 
War  163,  sent  to  France  189.  re 
fused  acceptance  193,  205,  208  to 
213,  216,  217,  223,  on  new  embas 
sy  225,  230,  231,  234,  235,  238, 
241,  242,  274,  299,  300,  307,  371, 
precedence  as  'General  311  to  313, 
321,  326,  327,  341,  605,  606",  ser 
vice  as  General  332,  336,  named 
345,  348  to  352,  363,  377,  387,  389, 
415,  420,  421,  424,  428,  444,  517, 
candidate  for  vice  president  452, 
453,  455,  456,  458  to  465,  466,  468 
to  471,  476  to  478,  492,  582. 


Pinckney,  Mrs.  C.  C.   459  to  461. 

Pinckney,  T.,  Vice  Presidential  can 
didate  1796  202,  204,  206,  makes 
treaty  with  Spain  260. 

Pinckney,    Col.    5'60. 

Pinkney,   Ninian   153. 

Pinkney,  Wm.  132,  153,  162,  178, 
179,  296,  423,  543,  545,  554,  555. 

Piracy  on  the  Chesapeake   535. 

Pitcairn    208. 

Pitkin,   Mr.    (Congressman)    595. 

Pittsburg,  Pa.  129,  211,  259,  269, 
437,  44<0,  442,  533,  607. 

Plater  204. 

Plater,  Mrs.  67. 

Plunkett,  Mary  525,   526. 

Polanan,    V.    241,    249. 

Poland,    597. 

Polk,    Ezekiel    267. 

Polk,    Wm.   266. 

Portalis,    M.    275. 

Portsmouth,  N.  H.,  Navy  yard  180. 

Portsmouth,    Va.    39. 

Portugal  228,  237,  247,  285,  288, 
294,  298. 

Post  Office  185,  380,  517,  596. 

Potomac  River  207,  290,  352,  353, 
399,  512. 

Potowmack  Co.  162. 

Pottawatomie    Indians    443. 

Potts,  Richard  108,  133,  139,  145, 
resigns  from  U.  iS.  Senate  202. 

Powell,    Samuel    108. 

Presidential  election  of  1796  195  to 
204,  454. 

Presidential  election  of  1800  452  to 
496. 

Presidential  election  of  1812  580  to 
587. 

Price,   Dr.   603. 

Prince,   Mr.  274. 

Princeton    College    520. 

Princeton,   N.   J.    56,   57,   59,    60,    82. 

Principle,     Md.     181. 

Prize   vessels    142. 

Providence,   R.   I.   397. 

Provost,  Mrs.  22,  23. 

Prussia    238,    331,    598,    602. 

Public  Printer  431. 

"Publius"    41. 

Purslie,    Mr.    270. 

Purviance,  John,  suggested  for  of 
fice  138. 

Purviance,  Robert,  on  Committee 
to  raise  funds  for  Lafayette  36. 

QUAKER     missionaries     to     Indians 

176. 

Quebec   173. 
Queen  Anne's  County,  Md.  136,  197, 

199,    336. 
Quincy,    Mass.    341,    350,    407,    435, 

558,   566,    571,   604. 
Quincy,  Josiah  662,   576,  596. 

RADCLIFFE,  Mr.   584. 
Ramsay,  Nathaniel  55,  75,   76. 
Ramsay,   Sophia  Hall   75,   610. 
Ramsey.    Capt.    393,    394. 
Randolph,    Edmund    100,     155,     15S 
to    161,    166. 


Index 


637 


Randolph,  John,  of  Roanoke  514, 
533,  551,  565,  592,  59-5. 

Rawllins,    Col.    14. 

Reading,   Pa.   436,  437. 

Red   Spring,   Va.    150. 

Reed   &    Ford   210. 

Reed,   Major  50. 

Reeder,    Mr.    435. 

Regnier,    M.    540. 

Rensselaer,    Mr.     213. 

Repnin,   Prince  343,   344. 

Representatives,  Instruction  of  95. 

Revolutionary  Army  want  of  sup 
plies  20,  21,  35,  50. 

Revolutionary  War,  Events  of  27, 
34  to  40,  42,  508. 

Rhine  River   280,    494. 

Rhode  Island  56,  89,  235,  399,  431, 
463,  471,  479,  483,  532,  585. 

Richardson,  Mr.,  appointed  to  office 
140  to  142. 

Richmond,  Va,  314,  457,  547,  571. 

Ridley,    Matthew   36. 

Ridgely,    Mr.    137,    138. 

Ridgely,   Chas.,   of   Hampton   572. 

Rivardi,    265,   444. 

Rivet,  Rev.  Mr.,  Indian  mission 
ary  171,  172,  271. 

Robertson,    Mr.    161. 

Robinson,    Mr.    608,    614. 

Rochefontaine,   Col.   184. 

Rocky  Mount  401. 

Rocky    Hill,    N.    J.    57. 

Rodgers,    Mrs.    179. 

Rome,   Ancient   236,   279. 

Rose,  British  minister  to  U.  S.  542, 
544. 

Ross,  James  138,  211,  259,  269,  420, 
437,  463,  513,  533,  534,  607. 

Ross,    185,    243. 

Rotterdam,  Holland  236,  249,  274, 
281,  283,  286,  343. 

Ruessess    Creek,    Tenn.    271. 

Rumford,  Count  392. 

Rush,  Dr.  Benjamin,  preceptor  of 
James  McHenry  4,  transmits  vote 
of  Congress  8,  is  written  by  Mc 
Henry  while  a  prisoner  9,  writes 
McHenry  16,  27,  464,  465. 

Ruspoli,  Prince  Bailli  505. 

Russell,  J.   588,   590,   596,   599. 

Russia  243,  331,  343,  344,  408,  561, 
597  to  599,  601,  602,  613. 

Rutledge,  John  160. 

Rutledge  family   225. 

Rutledge,  Major  John,  Jr.  238,  242, 
345,  348,  463,  488. 

ST.   AUGUSTINE,  Fla.   594. 

St.  Clair,  Gen.  Arthur  362,  443,  483. 

St.  Genevieve  279. 

St.   Hilaire   272,   556,    557. 

St.   John's  College    155. 

St.    Louis,    Mo.    271. 

St.   Mary's   River   445. 

St.    Mary's  College,    Baltimore   520, 

613. 

St.   Petersburg,  Russia  344,   601. 
St.    Thomas    372. 
Salem,    Mass.    505. 
Salmon,    Geo.,    suggested    for  office 

138. 


Salomons,   M.   235. 

Sands,    Mr.    208. 

Sandy  Hook,  N.  J.  289. 

Santhonax,  Commissary  191,   192. 

Santo  Domingo,  refugees  from  142, 
143,  trade  with  191,  named  406, 
420. 

Sardinia   229. 

Sargent,    Gov.    440,    451. 

.Savannah,    Ga.    256. 

Schuyler,  Angelina.     See  Carter  44. 

Schuyler,  Gen.  Philip  29,  on  Mc- 
Henry's  application  for  a  commis 
sion  31,  ill  213,  named  484. 

Schuyler,    Peggy    44. 

Schuylkill  River   512. 

Scotch  Plains  458. 

Scott,   Mr.   206. 

Scott,  Gustavus  124. 

Scott,  Dr.  J.  G.   553. 

Scribner,    Charles    558. 

Seaman   Rutgers  &  Ogden  23*6. 

Sectionalism    522. 

Sedgwick,  Theodore  199,  200,  301, 
324,  326,  368,  393,  454,  455,  458, 
463,  488. 

Senator  Ross,   Galley  440  to  442. 

Seneca    Indians    129. 

Seney,    Mr.    335. 

Serrurier,   M.   568. 

Sevier,  John  261,  262,  267,  313, 
316,  448. 

Sewall,   Samuel   397. 

Sheldon's   horse    316. 

Shepherd,    Gen.   318. 

Shepherdstown,   W.  Va.   424,   459. 

Shield,    Mrs.    118. 

Shippen,  Dr.  27. 

Short,  Mr.,  U.  S.  representative  at 
Paris,  1791  128. 

Short,  Wm.   561. 

Sieyes,   Abbe  430. 

Simmons   383,    513,    545. 

Sitgreaves.  J.  234,  235,  33«,  584, 
586. 

.Skipwith,    Mr.    120. 

.Small,   Mr.  290. 

Smilie,    John   590. 

Smith,    President's  printer   549. 

Smith    &    Buchanan    554. 

Smith,  Mr.   67,   84. 

Smith,   Dr.   274. 

Smith,  John  59,   548. 

Smith,  Robert  124,  133  to  135,  137, 
206,  498,  499,  554  to  556. 

Smith,  Gen.  Samuel,  writes  McHen 
ry,  1778  20,  position  in  1792  137, 
elected  to  Congress  138,  writes 
Hamilton  as  to  offices  138,  as  to 
prizes  142,  supports  Washington 
as  to  Genet  143,  denies  expedi 
tion  against  Bahamas  is  planned 
143,  in  Congress  167,  198,  men 
tioned  192,  193,  opposed  Jay 
Treaty  194,  on  Pinckney's  rejec 
tion  211,  supports  French  235,  370, 
named  301,  306,  336,  406,  407,  483, 
498,  564,  567,  606,  in  Congress  in 
1807,  534,  539,  554. 

Smith,  Wm.  L.,  130,  202,  282,  288, 
372,  456,  458,  505,  552,  564. 


638 


Index 


Smith,  Wm.  S.  53,  89,  313,  314,  316, 
321,  328,  346,  350,  354,  3*55,  363, 
400,  430,  443,  450. 

Smyth,    Alexander    589. 

Snake   Run,    Va.    150. 

Somerset  County,    Md.    197. 

South    America    395. 

South   Carolina    111,    205,    256,    363, 

452,  456,    459,    464,    469,    472,    483, 
492,    583. 

Southern    States   90,    91. 

Spaight,    Col.    94. 

Spain    109,    235,    237,    243,    247,    250, 

260,    291,   294,    298,    301,    315,    396, 

533,    545,    549,    55<9. 
Spain,    western    intrigues    262,    265 

to  267,  269  to  271,  291,  438  to  440, 

445. 

Sprigg,    Richard    198,    205. 
Springfield,   Mass.   401. 
Stark,    Gen.    556. 
Staunton,    Va.    118,    119,    121,    147, 

152. 

Steel,    Mr.    447. 

Sterrett,    Samuel   108,    123,   572. 
Stevens,   Col.   327,   390,   391,   432. 
Stewart,  Charles  Morton,  Jr.  76. 
Stewart,    Priscilla   76. 
Stiles,    Capt.    287. 
Stirling,    Lord,    invites   McHenry   to 

Christmas  dinner  26. 
Stockbridge    Indians    176. 
Stockton,    Mr.    464. 
Stodder,   David  253,   2io6. 
Stoddert,    Benjamin    303,    304,    338, 

346,    370,    395,    401,    402,    417,    419, 

453,  458,    460,    465,    482,    492,    566 
to    568,    570,    letters  in   retirement 
511,  542  to  545,  557,  580,  583. 

Stoddert,  Mrs.  482. 

Stone,  Gov.   John   H.   139,    162,    202. 

Stone,    Thomas   59,    83,    108. 

Strieker,   Capt.   143. 

Stringer,    Dr.    8. 

Strong,  Col.   443. 

Strong,  Caleb,  Gov.  of  Mass.  578. 

Stuart,    Mrs.    318. 

Stull,    Col.    130. 

•Suffran,  Adml.  de  95. 

Sullivan,    Mr.    57,    546,    548. 

Susquehanna   Ferry    179,    363. 

Susquehanna   River    504. 

Suwarrow,  Marshal  566. 

Swan,    Mr.    192,    193,   306. 

Swan,    Major    5'6. 

Swanwick,  John   199.   200. 

Sweden,    2,28,    331,    598.    599. 

Sweet    Springs,    Va.    Ill,    118,    120, 

121,    145,    159,   497,    553. 
Switzerland    297. 
Swope,    Col.    9. 
Symmes,    Mr.    110. 

TALBOT  Co.,  Md.  136,   198,  199,  334 

Talbot,    Mrs.    526. 

Talleyrand  299,    307,    371,    407,   408, 

416,   429,    558,   563. 
Talmadge,    Benjamin    19,    316,    504, 

5*5,   546,   560,   56£  to  566,  570,   573 

to  579,  588  to  590,  595  to  607,  611, 

612. 
Talmadge,   Mrs.  Benjamin  574. 


Taxes   509,    574,   575,    599,    600,  601. 

Taylor,   John    411,    412. 

Tees    River    343. 

Tennessee  174,  177,  261,  262,  266 
to  269,  271,  272,  314,  363,  377, 
387,  438,  444  to  449,  472,  516.  573. 

Texel,  The  226,  229,  238,  241,  245, 
,284,  285. 

Thomas,   Mr.   586,   587. 

Thompson,  Mrs.  26. 

Thompson    521. 

Thomson,  Chas.,  Sec.  of  Congress, 
sends  extract  from  its  minutes  8, 
writes  1788  108,  escorts  Washing 
ton  to  inauguration  117. 

Thornton,    British   consul   143. 

"Three   Patriots"  572,    607. 

Tilghman    family    142. 

Tilghman,   Edward   336. 

Tilghman,  Richard  336. 

Tilghman,  Tench,  writes  McHenry 
25,  is  with  Washington  but  ill  35, 
mentioned  133,  134,  136,  140. 

Tousard,  Major  367,  391,  479,  480. 

Toussaint    1'Ouverture    420. 

Tracy,    Gen.    (French)    510. 

Tracy,    George    517. 

Tracy,  Uriah  301,  328,  350,  377,  392, 
416,  436,  483,  484,  488,  489,  492, 
493,  504,  508,  509,  513  to  517,  521, 
522,  death  523,  529,  monument  545. 

Trenton,  N.  J.  82,  260,  269,  270, 
3,23,  347  to  349,  378,  399,  411,  417 
to  419,  461,  471,  556,  566,  571. 

Trevor,  Mr.,  British  minister  to 
Holland  228. 

Tripoli    470. 

Truxton,    Thomas   251    to   256. 

Turin,  Italy  373. 

Turkey,   408. 

Turn  bull,  Gov.  Jonathan,  Jr.  350. 

Turnbull,    Secy.    46. 

Tuscany   373,    37'5. 

UPPER   Maryborough,   Md.    137. 
Uxbridge,   Mass.   399. 

VACHER,  Mme.  88. 

Valence   430. 

Valley  Forge,    Pa.    15,    16. 

Vance,   Capt.  382,    383. 

Van    Staphorst   239. 

Venice,  Italy  229,  232,  233,  242,  276. 

Vergennes,    Count   de    87. 

Vermont   472,   492,    493,    584,   585. 

Verplank'g  Point  49. 

Versailles,    France    51,    87,    542. 

Vienna,   Austria  331,   343,  344. 

Vincennes    261. 

Virginia    86.    110    to    112,    317,    323, 

332,    3'63,    377,    387,    388,    396,    399, 

508,   517,  581,  582,   583. 
Virginia   Resolutions    436. 
Virginia  Campaign  of  1781  37  to  39. 
Vose,  Col.  51. 
Voublanc  275,   331. 

WABASH  River  171,   273. 
Wadsworth,   Capt.  Decius  184. 
Wadsworth,    Col.    350. 
Wagner,    Jacob    546,    5'50,    557,    566, 
567,    571. 


Index 


639 


Wallace,   Mr.   266. 

Walton,    Mr.    448. 

War  Department,  administration,  of 
163  to  431,  480. 

War  Department,  burning  of  476, 
481. 

War  Department,  McHenry's  ad 
ministration  of,  defended  511  to 
519. 

Warm  Springs,  Va.   119. 

War  of  1812  589,  590,  599  to  601, 
609  to  613. 

Washington,  The  88. 

Washington,  Bushrod  369,  507,  508, 
511. 

Washington,  George  4,  97,  157, 
gives  McHenry  leave  of  absence 
8,  McHenry  writes  him  of  British 
hospitals  10,  of  parole  15,  sum 
mons  McHenry  as  military  secre 
tary  16,  at  Mon mouth  19,  march 
to  Haverstraw  described  21,  life 
in  his  military  family  described 
23,  arrangements  of  winter  quar 
ters  26,  his  plans  of  campaign  27, 
places  McHenry  on  Lafayette's 
staff  29,  at  West  Point,  Arnold's 
treason  31,  Hamilton  writes  Mc 
Henry  of  breach  with  him  35, 
hears  from  Lafayette  of  McHen 
ry's  activity  35,  letter  from  Mc 
Henry  about  Virginia  campaign 
37,  writes  McHenry  41  to  43,  46 
to  51,  at  Princeton  56,  resigns 
commission  at  Annapolis  59,  67  to 
€9,  miniajture  of  86,  Lafayette  rec 
ommends  statue  of  89,  corresponds 
with  McHenry  on  national  regula 
tion  of  commerce  90,  91,  on  ani 
mals  sent  by  Lafayette  92,  in 
Constitutional  Convention  100, 
105,  108,  watches  .Md.  ratifying 
convention  110,  writes  of  import 
ance  of  electing  Federalists  to 
Congress  113,  invited  to  visit  Bal 
timore  116,  117,  133,  McHenry  cor 
responds  with  him  on  appoint 
ments  123,  124,  133  to  136,  denies 
he  wishes  Mercer's  election  138, 
consents  to  reelection  139,  162,  de 
clines  to  send  McHenry  to  secure 
Lafayette's  release  145,  thanked 
by  Maryland  legislature  162,  ap 
points  McHenry  Sec.  of  War  and 
consults  him  as  to  Chase  in  Su 
preme  Court  163,  168,  cabinet  165, 
166,  167,  discusses  Indians  169, 
175,  177,  Western  forts  173,  174, 
consulted  as  to  frigate  180,  181, 
affairs  at  Mt.  Vernon  182,  210,  en 
tertains  McHenry  184,  mail  to  Mt. 
Vernon  185,  visitors  there  185, 
186,  false  rumor  of  inquiry  186, 
frames  message  187,  188,  recalls 
Monroe  188,  declines  3d  term  193, 
197,  address  to  Congress  206,  207, 
esteem  felt  for  him  210,  asks  for 
news  210,  McHenry  writes  him 
of  relation  with  Prance  223,  224, 
gives  McHenry  wine  coalers  257, 
writes  on  Blount  261,  named  284, 
287,  288,  writes  .McHenry  288, 


writes  as  to  Parker's  book  290, 
on  France  301,  writes  McHenry 
against  Democrats  307,  named 
308,  called  as  head  provisional 
army  309,  his  conditions  of  ac 
ceptance  310,  visited  by  McHenry 
311,  312,  precedence  of  generals 
311  to  314,  321  to  322,  325  to  341, 
345,  347,  348,  454,  606,  asks  Car- 
rington  to  be  gen'l  314,  named 
315,  317,  334,  335,  342,  writes  on 
army  316,  318  to  321,  323,  336, 
351,  353,  354,  367,  368,  censures 
McHenry  322  to  324,  378  to  380, 
Lafayette's  message  to  him  332,  ill 
337,  opinion  of  Democrats  340, 
McHenry  summons  to  Trenton 
347  to  351,  named  by  Miss  Custis 
356,  writes  of  her  manage  359, 
uniform  368,  communication  with 
McHenry  on  military  affairs  38'5 
to  389,  395,  396,  411,  415,  420,  430, 
440,  on  European  affairs  408,  419, 
420,  receives  game  from  McHenry 
395,  recommends  Taylor  412,  ap 
pointments  to  office  by  502,  named 
467,  468,  475,  547,  569,  572,  588, 
615,  dies  421,  429,  453,  biography 
of  509,  511,  his  character  522,  595. 

Washington,  Martha  116,  126,  182, 
31S,  461. 

Washington,   Gen.    460. 

Washington,  Wm.   363. 

Washington  City  133,  162,  206,  207, 
272,  305,  346,  460,  476,  483,  492, 
493,  504,  :508,  515  to  517,  521,  534, 
536,  540,  545,  549,  551,  555, 
559,  561  to  563,  568  to  571,  573, 
574,  576  to  578,  588  to  592,  595, 
597,  598,  600  to  604,  607,  611. 

Watkins,    Mrs.    22. 

Wayne,  Anthony,  at  Monmouth  19, 
in  Virginia  campaign  38,  39,  sug 
gested  as  Sec.  of  War  165,  in 
Western  service  171,  173,  enters 
Detroit  174,  charges  laid  against 
him  183,  named  264,  609. 

Wellesley,    Lord   555. 

Wenham,   Mass.   558. 

Westcot,  ,Miss.    372. 

Westcote,    John    548,    549. 

Westcote,   Major  551. 

West  Indies  42,  43,  49,  232,  277, 
283,  315,  619. 

West    Point,    N.   Y.    31,    432. 

Western  Intrigues  262  to  274,  438 
to  451. 

Western    Lands    110. 

Western  Posts  transferred  from 
Great  Britain  86,  170,  171,  173, 
.174,  515. 

Western  Posts  transferred  from 
Spain  260,  261,  269,  270,  274,  440, 

Wheeling,   W.   Va.    609. 

Whiskey   insurrection   155.   320. 

White  Sulphur  Springs,  W.  Va.  160. 

Wilkins,   Mr.    533. 

Wilkinson,  Gen.  James  174,  charges 
Wayne  183,  in  Western  army  2o9, 
269,  352,  363,  377,  396.  405,  417, 
438  to  441,  443,  450,  545,  550,  601. 


640 


Index 


Williams  &  Co.   137. 

Williams,   Gen.    601. 

Williams,  Otho  H.  29,  39,  asked  to 
accept  federal  office  129,  charac 
terized  130,  ill  138. 

Williams,    Major  14. 

Williamson,  Hugh,  congratulates 
McHenry  on  appointment  as  Sec. 
of  War  K4  16"..  u-»cs  office  17*, 
writes  on  French  Crisis  190,  elec 
tion  of  1796  200,  on  election  of 
1800  481,  on  Mctlmry's  health  61]. 

Willing,    Capt.    402. 

Willing  Morris   &   Swanwick  89. 

Wilmer,   Jonathan  R.   461. 

Wilmington,  Del.   54,    142. 

Wilson  413. 

Wilson,    James    107. 

Winchester,   Va.    118,    147,  .162. 

Winchester,  James  194,  20>1,  305, 
334,  336. 

Witmold  328. 

Winder,    Mr.    306. 

Winder,   Gen.    600. 

Wolcott,  Oliver,  in  Washington's 
cabinet  166,  167,  177,  180,  185, 
188,  196,  197,  199,  in  Adams's 


cabinet  208,  224,  241,  257,  258, 
268,  301,  307,  314,  320,  32,1,  325, 
338,  339,  341,  345,  346,  348,  349, 
351,  352,  370,  381,  386,  394,  397, 
406,  419,  420,  421,  445,  in  presi 
dential  campaign  of  1800  452, 
453,  455,  4'61  to  463,  465,  to 
470,  477,  479,  481  to  483,  490,  496, 
letters  from  '518,  519,  521,  529  to 
532,  556,  570. 

Wolcott,   Mrs.  Oliver  519. 

Wood   County   608. 

Woodward,  Mr.  373. 

Worcester  County  Md.    197. 

Wright,  Gov.  198,  199,  562,  577,  588. 

Wright,   Edward   199. 

Wright,  John   521. 

Wright,  Thomas  55. 

YELLOW  fever  in  Philadelphia  257, 
287,  321,  323,  324,  336,  357,  378, 
417. 

Yazoo   Bill   612. 

Yonge,    Mr.    241. 

York  .Springs,   Pa.   554,   614. 

Yorktown,    Va.    38,    39. 

Youghiogheny  Glades  497. 


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